-ΕΝΓΡΑΦΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΑΡΧΕΙΟ ΤΟΥ ΤΙΤΟ (ARHIV JOSIPA BROZA TITA KANCELARIJA PRETDSEDN

-ΕΝΓΡΑΦΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΑΡΧΕΙΟ ΤΟΥ ΤΙΤΟ (ARHIV JOSIPA BROZA TITA KANCELARIJA PRETDSEDNIKA REPUBLIKE (IZVORI: ΣΤΗ ΣΚΙΑ ΤΟΥ MAKEDONIKOU). And from the literature listed at the end of this book.

(28) Shatorov, Metodi - Sharlo (Prilep 1897 - Bulgaria, September 1944), immigrated to Bulgaria after World War I. Was a member of the BCP since 1920. In 1929 immigrated to the USSR. From spring 1940 to September 1941 was CPY PC Secretary for Macedonia. He advocated for the establishment of a Macedonian state and for the unification of all parts of Macedonia, with emphasis on Macedonian national individuality. As Secretary he was removed from office (by order from Tito and replaced with Kolishevski) after the resolution of the dispute between the CPY and the GRP - Comintern affiliation with PC.

(29) Riots at the Skopje Fortress and in Stip: Sunday morning, January 7, 1945 - Christmas Day. Macedonia’s Second National Youth Congress was being held at the officer’s home above Skopje Square. Hundreds of armed soldiers stormed out of the Fortress and crossed over the Stone Bridge and into the officer’s home. They were carrying banners and shouting the slogans: “We don’t want to go Srem, we want to go to Solun” and “Not Berlin but Solun”. OZNA began to arrest them. (See: Focus, page 24, May 2009).

(30) Pascal Mitrevski, as acting Secretary of the Political Commission of the Macedonians under Greece, after a CPM Central Committee decision in the beginning of February 1945, was sent to Belgrade to attend the quarterly party political school organized by the CPY Central Committee. (See: “The time of Pascal Mitrevski - 1912 to 1978”, 1992.)

(31) The great revolutionary Georgi Dimitrov led the Comintern and Bulgaria. Georgi Dimitrov, whose name can be found in every world encyclopedia, comes from a Macedonian family. He was the head of Communist International in Moscow and later became leader of the Bulgarian state.

(32) In December 1944, the British provoked an armed clash with ELAS units in Athens. On February 12, 1945 in a place called Varkiza, just outside of Athens, the Varkiza agreement was signed. On the strength of this agreement all ELAS units across Greece capitulated and with the exception of some units (mainly ELAS territorial reserves), which were defeated by the allied forces, all surrendered without a fight.

The Cold War: Many historians dealing with recent European and world history have concluded that the meeting of the “Big Three” held from July 17 to August 5, 1945 in the town of Potsdam near Berlin, in the “Selienkof” court was basically when the so-called Cold War began. Since then the allies of the anti-Hitler coalition, consisting of the UK (Winston Churchill), the USA (Harry Truman) and the Soviet Union (Joseph Stalin Visarionovich) by combining their effort, managed to defeat German fascism then and there; ceased to “love each other” thus creating a new historic climate that would later be called the “Cold War”.

The Iron Curtain: The term “Iron Curtain” was coined by Winston Churchill in Potsdam, marking the division of Europe into spheres of influence.

(33) The Soviet Union’s attitude towards the Macedonian question was a function of global policy and strategy in general and specifically towards Greece. Stalin used the Macedonian question as a cover for his policies, enforced in countries that fell under his influence after World War II and in his relationship with the British, the Americans and the Greeks. During the course of WW II the communist parties, in the countries among which Macedonia was divided, firmly respected the declarative principles of the Great Powers regarding the preservation of pre-war borders. It should also be known that: It was Stalin’s initiative to dissolve the communist-international, which formally recognized the right of independence of each communist party and supported the thesis: One state one Party. That same Stalin, together with the other Great Powers, in October, 1944 in Moscow, when they decided to divide the world into spheres of influence, left the Balkan boundaries “status quo”. This was his answer to all of us who looked up to him and to the USSR for our salvation. This was the first blow and shows how we lost our united spiritual system. Our nation was left without a strategy for the spiritual survival of our ethnic space in the Balkans.

(34) The leading Macedonian activists convicted of treason by the CPG were accepted as innocent of any charges by the CPM/CPY. On October 1944, the Political Commission of Aegean Macedonia was constituted with public support from the CPM/CPY and so was the creation of the Macedonian Aegean Brigade in November 1944. And later, instead of creating widespread political organizations, the People’s Liberation Front – NOF, AFZH and NOMS were formed, whose military and political activities soon became the main characteristic of the time in that part of Macedonia.

(35) Pascal Mitrevski, as acting Secretary of the Political Commission of the Macedonians under Greece, after a CPM Central Committee decision in the beginning of February 1945, was sent to Belgrade to attend the quarterly political party school organized by the CPY Central Committee. (See: “The time of Pascal Mitrevski - 1912 to 1978”, By T. Mamurovski 1992.)

(36) On April 23, 1945, in Skopje, independent of the CPG, the organization NOF was formed which was a strategic national mistake because it was formed in Yugoslavia and not in Greek occupied Macedonia and was always suspected of working for foreign interests.

(37) Karaivanov was Tito’s special deputy and a spy, an agent of the Soviet NKVD and a Comintern instructor. Pero Simich, author of the book, “Tito - Secret of the Century” wrote an article for the TOPER Macedonian edition, Skopje 2009, p. 240, in which he said: “Elected during the CPY Central Committee Fifth Congress was Ivan Karaivanov Shpiner. Three years earlier, this Bulgarian extremist having not received the expected position in the Communist government in Sofia, was called on by Tito to achieve his ambitions in Yugoslavia. From the railway station in Belgrade he went directly into to Tito’s residence in Dedinie.

When asked by Walter if he had proven that our party was loyal to the revolution and to the Comintern, Karaivanov replied: “…more than is needed!”

Tito gave Karaivanov - Shpiner a villa in Dedinie, took him into his Central Committee and allowed him to become a member of the Yugoslav Federal Assembly. Tito declared him a “hero of socialist work”, to whom some CPY leaders often referred to as “a revolutionary whose home is the world”.

(38) Immediate associates and instructors for General Markos Vafiadis were Giuza Radovich, Obrad Trninich, Misho Vrbitsa, Velimir Dotsnich, Svetislav Stojanovich, and Petar Lutsich, all from Serbian KOS. (See KOS and UDBA – Acts and documents of the Secret Service).

(39) At the “Ilinden” Macedonian Organization for the Aegean Macedonians, Presidency meeting, an organization created under Zahariadis’s initiative, held on June 4, 1956, Colonel Pando Vaina, head of the organization, in his speech about the persecution of the Macedonian people by the CPG, among other things, said: “…During the Greek Civil War and even after DAG was defeated, Zahariadis had implemented policies to vilify and persecute a large number of Macedonian cadres and popular fighters. Labeling Macedonians fighters and political figures “enemy agents” and other derogatory terms, was very easy for Zahariadis to do but these charges were completely unfounded… Many Macedonians

were arrested and some were executed during 1948, 1949 and later, strictly based on such false accusations.” (Am F-21/1600).

(40) According to the CPG, the “Truman doctrine” was defined as the subordination of Greece to U.S. interests. The CPG believed that Greece, under the United States leadership, would serve as a bulwark against Soviet domination and against the Balkan People’s Republics. On June 20, 1947 a Greek-American Agreement was signed for the realization of this doctrine. The agreement was to strengthen terror tactics, mass arrests, etc. as it did on June 9 and 10, 1947.

(41) In the spring of 1947, NOF scored major political and organizational successes during which time 16,347 Macedonians joined the ranks of NOF, AFZH and NOMS. By then more than 6,000 Macedonians had also joined the ranks of DAG. A free territory was created in Aegean Macedonia where young and old Macedonians worked together to support DAG and the struggle.

(42) Memorial service for 150 young people was held in Shtip. The 150 were forcibly taken from sovereign Yugoslavia and sent to Greece to fight in the Greek Civil War where they were all killed. The reason they were taken to Greece was because they were born in Greek occupied Macedonia. In the pages of “Н. М.” of May 29, 1994 the person who took these young people and made them pay their “national debt”, showed them the way to their “freedom” and left their bones in Gramos was openly identified. That person was “sindrofos Michos” (who presented himself as a politician, revolutionary and mobilization officer). He said: “…I came to Skopje and in four months I recruited hundreds of fighters into the ranks of DAG!”

(43) There is a bust in the city Kostur of General James A. Van Fleet who then was head of the U.S. military mission. He did a lot for the Greek government army to end the Greek Civil War.

(44) The UNSCOB figure was more concrete and more acceptable. According to the August 1949 UNSCOB report (A/935, p. 16): “During that period of time in 1948, around 25,000 “Ελληνοπουλα” (Greek children) emigrated from Greece and were situated in the territories of Greece’s northern neighbour and other countries”. In January 1950, a representative of the Greek Red Cross submitted a report in which he said: “The aggregate number of Greek children who received asylum in the countries north of Greece had reached 28,296 in January 1950”. At the same time, he gave a clear analysis of the aggregate number of children and to which countries they were sent to: “Albania 2,000, Bulgaria 2,600, Hungary 3,000, Poland 3,000, Romania 3801, Czechoslovakia 2,235 and Yugoslavia 11,600.” (See UNSCOB report A/1307, 1950, p. 23) In his book about the children’s education, Thanassis Mitsopulos said: “There were more than 25,000 children…” Vassilis Bardzhiotas said that they moved 25,000 children, but the government in Athens increased that number to 28,000.

(45) (My note: The CPG and the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece truly retained their objectivity before the world as they scrambled to allow the return of the children; but only those children who were deemed to be “Greeks by genus”. Since then and to this day, half a century later, while still alive, Macedonian parents continued to lament wondering “When will their children be allowed to return?” Why hasn’t the CPG shown the same concern for the Macedonian children’s return? Why has the CPG forgotten the thousands of Macedonian children whose parents left their bones in Vicho and Gramos, fighting for CPG interests??!!)

(46) The DAG Partisan newspaper “Eksormisi” was a bi-monthly newspaper published once every fifteen days. The newspaper was edited and printed in Gramos Mountain.

(47) On June 16, 1949 the AFZH Macedonian women’s Executive Board from Greek occupied Macedonia adopted a resolution to induct Macedonian women into the defense of the Vicho front line.

(48) Slavo-Macedonians?! Did we Macedonians willfully name ourselves “Slavo-Macedonians” or was this done by the will of the CPG? How and why did we agree to have such a tribal identification attribute and whose interests did it serve? Was this intentionally done by the Greek communists and, for the most part, made part of the overall historical Greek Civil War (1945-1949) documentation? Why did we accept this without voicing concerns? And worse than that, why are we calling ourselves “Slavs” when we write our own Macedonian history?

Putting these questions another way: Was this first man of NOF, whose historiography says that NOF was “a military and political factor in the Greek Civil War”, making this comment out of ignorance? How can that be? Is he not the same man who was head of the SNOF formation in Kostur on October 20, 1943? Was he not also the head of NOF in Skopje on April 23, 1945, when the “S”, meaning “Slavo”, was dropped out?

The Greek state, after Macedonia’s (1913-1919) partition, made many ethnic changes in its occupied part of Macedonia from 1920 to 1940. It also created explicit rules and modalities for political intervention in order to deal with the cultural diversity and plurality of the two identities that emerged from these ethnic changes. The two major groups that emerged were:

1. “The real Macedonian nation” with real Macedonians roots and

2. “The fake Macedonian nation” consisting of colonists and settlers from Asia Minor commonly referred to as “Madzhiri” or “Pondi”.

The Greek government’s position has always been and remains to this day: “To erase historic Macedonia and the Macedonian people”. When Greece first occupied and acquired Macedonian territories it changed Macedonia’s name to “occupied territories” and then to “Northern Greece”. This confirms that Macedonia was and still is occupied by Greece and that Greece wanted the name Macedonia to be forgotten and its territory to become part of Greece permanently!

Greeks know very well that real and fake Macedonians live in Greek occupied Macedonia because, after all, Greece is the architect of this mix. But in order to “tip the scale” in the eyes of the world it would like to present the “fake” Macedonians as real Macedonians and the real Macedonians as “newcomer Slavs who came to Macedonia during the 6th century AD”. Now, if the world were to accept the premise that the “Slavo-Macedonians” are newcomers to the region and have nothing to do with the Ancient Macedonians then it would “imply” that “the other” Macedonians (the fake ones) “must” be the descendents of the ancient Macedonians. Counting on ignorance and nonchalance, and backing it by powerful Greek propaganda, Greece hopes that the world will see things its way.

Until now the world did see things Greece’s way because Greece, through its powerful lobbies and propaganda campaigns, was the voice for both Macedonians and Greeks. Up until now Greece was the architect of both Macedonian and Greek history and fabricated a fake history to suit its own interests. In other words, it changed the past to fit the present claiming Macedonians do not exist and that Macedonia is exclusively Greek, even though in 1913 Macedonia was illegally and arbitrarily portioned three ways between Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria.

(49) Official protocols. Report of the United Nations Special Committee on the Balkans. General Assembly, Official Records: Third Sitting contribution no. 8 (A/574) Dated June 30, 1948), p. 18 and 29.

(50) Κουφουδικης, Οι Ηνωµενες Πολιτιες, τα Ενωµενα Εθνηκαι το ελληνικο ζιτηµα, 1946-1952.

(51) Report given by the Investigation Commission to the Security Council regarding the Greek border incidents:

Before we give our suggestions, the Commission feels that it would be useful to briefly sum up the situation along the northern Greek border. Our proposals are aimed at mitigating and rectifying this situation. First, accusations by the Greek government have been leveled against its three northern neighbours accused of helping the guerrilla war in Greece. Second, today there is a disturbing situation in Greece, a legacy from its past, whose causes stem from the tragic Greek war experience, its occupation by the Italians, Germans and Bulgarians, by the guerrilla war fought during the occupation and by the political and economic difficulties caused by the war.

The next thing we want to mention is the refusal of most of the above mentioned countries to accept their borders as final, the way they are defined today. Some of these demands seem legitimate and a way has to be found to bring them up before a United Nations forum or another competent international body, before they deteriorate to a dangerous situation.

Furthermore, in the case of the Macedonian question, such demands are not outlined before the United Nations, but are present only in the talks between individual governments and in their press organs controlled by their governments. The use of the Macedonian question in this way, in the opinion of the Commission, is a positive threat to peace in the Balkans that can only further contribute to the existing tensions and suspicions and raise old national passions and military escalations.

Also, something that should be mentioned is the presence of a large number of political refugees from various territories in Greece, on the one hand, and in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania on the other hand, who have participated in the political struggles that took place in their regions during and after the war. Some of these refugees are located near the border regions from which they fled. Others, during their exile, were engaged in political and military activities and too many of them live with the hope that someone will force a change in the situation that will allow them to return to their homes, under the conditions of their choosing. Other refugees were victims of panic and if they are given a free choice they would gladly return to their homes. However, their continued presence

under the conditions in which they currently live, quite clearly, is a serious contributing factor to their permanent situation.

Finally, the violence and level of propaganda used by some of the protagonists in their mutual relations could not and was not documented by the commission during its stay in the four countries. Such propaganda has always served to fuel passions, which are now fueled... The Commission suggests that the Security Council make it clear to the Greek government that it is ready, if the government demands it, to make its services available to find, by all possible means, solutions to its problems.

Suggestions made by the Commission:

A. The Commission proposes to the Security Council so that it can propose to the Greek government on the one hand and to the Albanian, Bulgarian and Yugoslavian governments on the other hand, that they do everything in their power to establish normal neighbourly relations and refrain from all direct and indirect actions... The Commission believes that in the sphere of its investigation, further cases of support for armed bands formed in the territory of one State, crossing the territory of another State or the government’s refusal, despite the request of the State concerned, to take all possible measures in their own territories to deprive the bands of all kinds of aid and protection. The Security Council should be treated as a broker of peace working under the United Nations Charter.

B. To ensure effective machinery for the regulation and control of their common borders, the Commission proposes to the Security Council that it proposes to the governments concerned that they conclude new conventions following the example of the Greek-Bulgarian Convention of 1931, taking into account the needs of the current situation. (So-called Greek-Bulgarian population exchange convention) In other words the Commission proposes a TRANSFER OF MINORITIES between states.

C. To restore normal conditions along the borders between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia on the other hand, and to assist in the establishment of good neighbourly relations the Commission recommends the establishment of a separate body…

(52) Complaints and proposals initiated by the Delegation of the Soviet Union regarding the Greek complaints:

“1. The above mentioned suggestions have in no way risen from facts and documents collected by the Commission during its investigation of the situation in Northern Greece and its northern borders, but are grounded on the assumptions of the Greek government regarding the provision of assistance to guerrillas by Greece’s northern neighbours.

2. The proposals offered admit to the possibility of border incidents, conflicts and even acts of aggression in future relations between Greece on the one hand, and Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania on the other hand, despite the fact that the Commission does not have any basis for making such claims.

3. The proposals made by the Commission provide for measures concerning not only Greece but also Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania, even though the documents made available to the Commission quite clearly show that the tense situation exists inside Greece and that disturbances do not only occur north of its borders, but exist inside the whole country. There is rioting and a tense situation inside Greece which is due to internal reasons.

4. Establishing a permanent border commission or body that would constitute the Security Council, in a way that provides suggestions as well as the conclusion of conventions and agreements between Greece, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania, in great measure constitutes an infringement on the sovereign rights of those countries in resolving their mutual problems and establishing mutual relations.”

(53) Complaints and proposals initiated by the Polish Delegation regarding the Greek complaints:

“1. The proposed measures as a whole are ineffective because they take into account only the symptoms and not the reasons for the troubles which exist in Northern Greece and along its northern border. The fact that the proposed measures are ineffective can easily jeopardize the prestige of the United Nations.

2. Some of the proposed measures do not seem to take into account the fact that there are no diplomatic relations between Bulgaria and Greece on the one hand and Albania on the other hand.

3. In connection to the proposal made under B, which suggests the formation of a permanent overseeing body, this measure seems inadequate for the following reasons:

(A) Such a controlling body will jeopardize the sovereign rights of Greece, Albania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. (B) This is a measure of coercion against Albania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. This measure cannot be justified in any way by the results obtained by the Commission’s investigation. And for exactly those reasons, in place of improving the situation it may very well lead to quite opposite results.

(54) “Repatriation of Greek Children”. (First Joint Report by the International Red Cross and the Red Cross Society), Geneva, October 5. 1949, p. 2.

(55) On January 30-31, 1949 the CPG Central Committee held its 5th Plenum during which the slogan “A United Macedonian State within a Balkan Federation” was coined. Then on March 7, 1949 the CPG Central Committee denied coining such a slogan. The CPG also denied accepting NOF’s new program principles drafted during NOF’s 2nd Congress on February 3, 1949. After DAG lost Mount Vicho on August 14, 1949, Vassilis Bardzhiotas, top political commissar, coined the slogan “Gramos will become the government army’s grave”, even though the government army numbered ten times more than DAG. On August 29, 1949, during the last battles at Gramos Mountain, DAG General Headquarters announced that “DAG units were pulling out to Albania as they heroically completed performing their duty…” when in fact DAG was defeated in Gramos. Then, on October 7, 1949 in the “Burrelli locality in Albania, the CPG ordered the arrest of eleven NOF, AFZH and NOMS leaders suspected of being spies and traitors. After judgment was passed, they were all sent to the Siberian camps. The DAG fighters were sent to the Soviet Union under the CPG slogan “Με το οπλο παραποδα”.

(56) On March 23, 1949 the CPG formed KOEM (Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia) and proclaimed it to be a historic “bright” moment for the Macedonians. KOEM declared that the CPY had abandoned the popular-democratic bloc and that the people of Yugoslavia, including the Macedonian people among them, were surrendered into the hands of imperialism… Our history on the other hand acknowledged this event as follows: “The resolution adopted by the KOEM leadership and by the leaderships of NOF, AFZH and DAG served as a means to implement a campaign of hysteria against Yugoslavia and its leadership”. On June 16, 1949 the AFZH Executive Board called on all Macedonian women to enlist in the front battle lines and defend Vicho.

(57) As a consequence of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest, signed on August 10, 1913, the Neuilly Peace Agreement (November 14/27, 1919) and the Sevres Peace Agreement (August 10, 1920) were sanctioned. Macedonia was divided by the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest between Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and later Albania. Greece received 34,356 km2 or 51% of ethnic Macedonian territory; Serbia received 25,713 km2 or 39%; Bulgaria received 6,798 km2 or 9.5% and Albania received 0. 5% of Macedonia, which included Mala Prespa and Golo Brdo.

(58) The CPG Central Committee Politburo adopted the Informburo resolution on June 30, 1948. The CPG Central Committee held its own Fourth Plenary Session on July 28 and 29, 1948.

(59) I remember this incident as if it was yesterday. I am still reminded of it even though 64 years have passed and it still brings me bitterness. Our unit, assigned to mine certain sectors in Vicho and Bela Voda, was temporarily stationed in the village Bukoik. One day my attention was caught by a column of half-naked and hungry old people. These people, now in jail, accused of being traitors in the services of the Greek government and Yugoslavia, were the parents of the children who were forcibly mobilized into the DAG units. Some of their children by then had been killed and the rest were still fighting in the DAG units. Yet their parents were in jail and for what? The detention camp was located between the villages Besvina and Bukoik.

(60) According to Vladimir Dedijer, Tito’s diplomat and intelligence agent, Brigadier General Fitzroy McLean was one of the top intelligence officials in Britain and in Europe at that time! McLean was a personal friend of Churchill and a great achiever. He was first to find out about the secret pact between Hitler and Stalin. He also discovered German General Pommel’s plans and movements in North Africa.

McLean was determined to organize contacts and Allied support for Tito’s partisans. He came to Yugoslavia in 1943. He landed by parachute together with radio telegraph operator Bill Dickinson in order to liaise with the partisans. McLean was also a diplomatic official in Moscow and had experience and knowledge of communist ideology and achievement. Tito especially appreciated McLean. After the war he considered him a friend and gave him a house as a gift at Korchula Island. Fitzroy MacLean frequently visited the house in Korchula almost until his death in March 1996.

(61) In February 1953, tripartite talks on forming a Balkan Pact of Friendship between Greece, Yugoslavia and Turkey were led in Ankara. In August 1954 the Pact was amended and put into effect after it was signed in Bled (Yugoslavia). The Pact was a military alliance between the three signatories. Unfortunately the 1953 Balkan Pact was a spur of the moment thing in support of Yugoslavia against threats directed against it by the communist countries and that is why it did not last long. In 1961 the three countries agreed that the Balkan Pact was dead in the water.

But the Pact did have undesirable and lasting consequences for the Macedonian people. When Yugoslavia signed the Balkan Pact it made the following concessions to Greece: It dissolved the “Association of Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia” and shut down the newspaper “Voice of the Aegeans”.

(62) On April 23, 1945 the CPM Central Committee established NOF in Skopje. Soon afterwards it established AFZH and NOMS. Then, after the so-called “Brotherhood and Unity” deal was formed, NOF fell under CPG control. Before that NOF had acted under CPM/CPY directives. After DAG was defeated and dissolved, the entire NOF leadership was sent to the internment camps in Siberia.

(63) Holocaust (Ολοκαλτωµα in Greek): The burning of victims in ritual flames or victims who suffer in a fire - (a term used to describe the suffering of Jews in the Fascist crematoriums.)

(64) Evangelos Kofos studied at Georgetown University in the United States and majored in the “Macedonian Question”. Kofos was one of the architects of Greek policy in relation to the Republic of Macedonia and one of the inventors of the so-called “name dispute”. During the key years when the Republic of Macedonia’s fate was being decided in relation to its admission to the UN, at the end of 1995 or sometime later, Kofos was chief at the Headquarters of the Greek Foreign Ministry responsible for opening and managing the “name dispute”. Included in the 50 years he worked on the Macedonian Question, was the period after 1991 when he attempted to close it once and for all.

Kofos has published several books through the Institute for Balkan Studies in Solun (Salonika). Included among these books is also the book “Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia (Solun: Institute For Balkan Studies, 1964). I believe this was his first book.

(65) The Neuilly Convention: Having been defeated in World War I, Bulgaria signed a peace deal during which it lost some of its territory. Dobrudia was given to Romania, Thrace was given to Greece and Strumitsa, Dimitrovgrad (then Tsaribrod) and Bosilegrad were given to Serbia. Bulgarian Army casualties numbered 8,750 dead soldiers and

officers, 152,000 wounded soldiers. Civilian casualties numbered 275,000 dead.

(66) OZNA and UDBA (Department for the Protection of People -Directorate for State Security), KOS (Counter-intelligence Sector of JAN), and SID (Information and Documentation Services of the Yugoslav Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

(67) Ivan Karaivanov was Tito’s Special Intelligence Agent and Comintern instructor working for the Soviet NKVD. Other immediate associates and instructors working for General Markos Vafijadis were: Giuza Radovich, Obrad Trninich, Milo Vrbitsa, Velimir Dotsich, Svetislav Stoianovich and Petar Lutsich, all of the Serbian KOS. Slobodan Markovich was tasked with illegally safeguarding Vafiadis’s travel to and from Belgrade. (See: KOS and UDBA – Actions and documents of the secret services).

(68) Alexander Rankovich, also known as Marko by the Partisans, was born on November 28, 1909 in Obrenovats Region, Serbia. He was creator of KOS and UDBA.

(69) “… The Second ASNOM Session, held in Skopje late in December 1944, was not attended by Tito. The Slovenian Edvard Kardeli – Bevets was sent to attend in his place. Enchanted by the enormity of his guest, the submissive Kolishevski paid careful attention to him and he, in turn, without being intimidated, outright told him some unpleasant things. The war is nearing its end, said Kardeli to Kolishevski, and with it the day when accounts need to be settled of who did what. On Macedonia’s account there are five major minuses: it was last to begin the uprising, it casually strode through the occupation, it suffered the least destruction, it suffered the least casualties and, finally, it did not participate in the liberation of Yugoslavia.

A bit confused Lazo asked Kardeli what to do. To this Kardeli coolly responded: “The first three things you cannot correct. That is why OZNA must immediately begin arresting and executing people and you should send a large unit to the Srem Front”. (To learn more about this see: Darko Ianevski “Focus”: “Do we know everything about the January 1949 rebellion in Kale?”

(70) Germanos Karavangelis was born in 1866 in the village Stapsi, located on Lesbos Island. He successfully completed his education at Munich University, graduating as Professor of Theology. Then in 1900, at the request of the Greek government, he was appointed Metropolitan of the Kostur Diocese. Soon after that Karavangelis created a network of priests, teachers and others who he could bribe with gold, all through the Kostur Region villages. Much of what he did along with Pavlos Malas, including the harshest methods he applied; he recorded in his own memoirs. Pavlos Melas was the chief organizer of the Greek armed terror bands that appeared in Macedonia in 1901.

(71) The PAO (Pan-Hellenic Liberation Organization) membership consisted mainly of former police chiefs, police officers and Greek nationalist and anti-communist elements who belonged to the Greek Army before the occupation. During the occupation the PAO collaborated with the occupying military authorities and sought to join the ranks of ELAS in order to infiltrate its officers and agents and liquidate the communists among them. Included among those who infiltrated ELAS were Kirtsidakis, Zisis and Mandaropulos who were convicted and liquidated at the end of April 1943.

(72) At the Presidency Session of the “Ilinden” Organization, belonging to the Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia, created at Zahariadis’s initiative, held on June 4, 1956, Pando Vaina, head of the organization, in a report about CPG persecutions of Macedonians, among other things, said: “… While fighting was going on and after the war had ended, Zahariadis had implemented a policy to vilify and persecute the Slavo-Macedonian cadres and fighters. Charges leveled against them were completely unfounded and it was very easy for him to find fault in them and stick them with the label “enemy agents of the people” and “Tito’s agents”.