ORDERS FROM FOREIGN GODS - Part 02

“The problem of the Western Macedonian Bulgarophones, who are briefly mentioned in paragraph 7 of the paper, also remains serious and formidable, in spite of its limited dimensions. This minority, which extends through the region from Florina and Kastoria through Siatista to the plain of Yannitsa, has proved exceedingly unreliable during the war. Satisfactory data are not available but it appears that, from events during the occupation, that the dissatisfied minority must be considerably larger than is suggested by Greek census figures; and it is certain that successive Greek Governments have shirked facing the problem and have preferred to persuade even themselves that it did not exist. On the assumptions (1) that the policy of His Majesty’s Government is to treat Greece as the most important Balkan country from the point of view of British interests, and to support those elements in Greece which are most stably pro-British and (2) that Greece does not wish to belong to a Balkan Federation in which there would be a large Slav majority, it would appear to follow that Greece had better not contain any Slav minorities at all. And since the amputation of the Slav areas in Western Macedonia and their annexation to a Slav Federation is a practical impossibility and would also be economically disastrous for Greece, it would follow that, difficult as it may be, a home must be found for perhaps 120,000 Slav Macedonians north of the Greek frontiers of 1941.” (FO 371/43649 XP 00201 R. 20431/1009/67)

3. History has also shown that in 1945 and after World War II had ended, that 35,000 ethnic Albanians – Muslim Chamuriots who were placed under Italian command, were driven out of Greece because they had allegedly collaborated with the occupying German authorities. Greece declared that this chapter of its history and in Albanian-Greek relations was closed with the excuse that: “They collaborated with the German and Italian occupiers during World War II and, as war criminals, were punished under Greek law.”

Hundreds of billions of dollars for Tito

After many years of vegetating in Yugoslavia, in the spring of 1954, after signing military agreements with two NATO members, Tito visited Turkey first and then Greece. With the pact signed in June 1954, the armies of the three countries received orders from the U.S. to defend the Mediterranean Sea from the Soviet Union.

Tito signs pact in festive white uniform while wearing Stalin’s decoration for victory on his chest.

While Tito, as President of Yugoslavia, was being welcomed at Piraeus Harbour, a number of young Greek communists circulated leaflets that read: “Down with Tito the traitor,” “Tito get out of Greece.”

Three years earlier, in July 1951, while Yugoslavia’s accession into the U.S. assistance program for the common defense was still being negotiated, General Dwight Eisenhower met Konstantin Popovich in Paris and asked him: “Will the Yugoslav army, which is based on the communist system, fight against the Soviet Union, alongside the capitalist system, in which General Eisenhower deeply believes?”

The answer he got was: “… The Yugoslav Army will have no problem fighting alongside Western European troops.”

Dollar figures of how much the U.S.A. and other leading Western countries had invested in maintaining the Tito regime started to filter out during the 1990’s. According to some sources it was almost one hundred billion dollars. Others were quoted as saying 102 billion dollars, in U.S. currency valued at 1988 U.S. dollars.

See: Pero Simich’s book “Tito - Secret of the Century”, Macedonian edition, TOPER Skopje, 2009, p. 274-275.

4.1 Great Britain’s Position (The British always controlled the Balkans)

In early 1945 it was clear that Germany’s capitulation was imminent. The end of the bloodiest clash of civilizations was nearing. World War II was coming to an end and humanity with its many sacrifices and great heroism wished to close the book on this conflict. The world impatiently stared out of the darkness that was imposed on it by the dark forces of Berlin, Tokyo and Rome. Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin met in Yalta (32) and agreed on who was going to influence whom in the new world. The Allied troops from the West and the Red Army from the East were on their way to Berlin, the heart of the Third Reich. Hitler could not take the humiliation and committed suicide on April 30, 1945. Berlin fell on May 2, 1945 and Germany finally surrendered on May 9, 1945.

Unfortunately, as it has always been in human history, the great powers remained the main actors in international life. They continued to increase their power and spread their influence beyond their borders in an attempt to model the world in accordance with their own interests. Thus, when the political and military alliance that defeated fascism fell apart in 1945, a “security dilemma” developed and began to erode relations between America and the Soviet Union.

Just at that moment in time, the Macedonian people found themselves divided four ways by four different countries with the iron curtain running through the middle of their state. At the same time those four different states were under the influence of opposing powers with various globalization policies and secular ideologies.

The fact that Macedonia was divided four ways opened a lot of questions which Macedonian historians should have asked when it came to the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia. Questions like why was there such a large foreign investment made and so much attention paid to the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia during the Greek Civil War? Was this some sort of test or tentative model to get rid of the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia, which in retrospect turned out to be the eventual outcome?

Why ask these questions? Macedonian leaders should have known about this. It was mentioned in a document circulated by the British State Secretary for Foreign Affairs entitled “Macedonia – Memorandum” dated August 16, 1944 in which it said: “We [Great Britain] are ready to give consent to the formation of a Macedonian state within the federal Yugoslav state. The applicant however has to insist that this country should not annex, or seek any other territories, regardless of whether those territories belong to Bulgaria or Greece.”

After that Great Britain emphasized the Agreement on divisions of interest and that Greece was 100% under British influence, with the right for Britain, if necessary, at any time to be able to intervene with all possible means;

Tito, during the summer of 1944, ordered NOV Macedonian units to secure the southern Yugoslav border with Greece. Securing the borders meant guaranteeing the sovereignty of these two states;

Let us not forget that the United States at that time insisted on the necessity to preserve the territorial integrity or “status quo” of the prewar Yugoslavian, Bulgarian and Greek borders and that the United States was firmly opposed to any territorial revisions even though it recognizes the Macedonian territory inside Greece. (See: Vlado Ivanovski: “Nova Makedonija” from October 11 and 12, 1997 number 3, “Why not Solun” (taken from Macedonia Times), which provides an overview of events, especially under the subheadings: “Desires stronger than circumstances” and “Attitudes of the Great Powers,” that deserve special attention.) This issue was also chosen and tackled by other authors under the heading: “We want to go to Solun and not the Srem front...” and all did a great job with their analysis. Historian Kiriazovski also tackled this key issue but not as well as historian Vlado Ivanovski who revealed many actions taken by the CPM/CPY. Although Kiriazovski reveals the truth by leaving us clues, he also pushes the thesis that the Greek Civil War was a revolution and not a scam perpetrated by our enemies: Kiriazovski Risto (1966/181) especially about the creation of NOF and AFZH and their leadership in the time period 1945 to 1946. Anyone who is interested in learning our history will discover the mistakes made by the Macedonians when they decided to enter the Greek Civil War.

The problem looks complicated when the truth is muddied. The problem is simple when the truth is clear, honest and impartial. So the question is: Were we Macedonians strategically, intellectually, militarily and politically capable of uniting and preserving Macedonia’s territorial integrity and maintaining a compact Macedonian population after World War II ended, after the Great Powers had decided on the border between Greece and Yugoslavia and after the two opposing camps had drawn the “iron curtain” inside Macedonia? If not, then what exactly was the point of Macedonian participation in the Greek Civil War? What was the point of fighting in a war we knew we could not win? Was there no one with

wisdom to have predicted what would happen to us had we raised arms against Greece in a war we could not win?

After being kept in the dark for over half a century, don’t you think it is time for some of these questions to be answered? Don’t you think it is time for the CPM to confess why it allowed the Macedonian people to be put in the hands of the CPY and the CPG and sacrifice them in a war that could have not been won? Isn’t it time to demand from the CPM answers as to why it allowed NOF to be formed and directed first by the CPY and then by the CPG and to drag our people in a catastrophic war? Was there no one able to perceive what the “ideological activism” promoted by strangers and spread like a malignancy of the soul was doing to the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia in the years 1944 to 1950? And finally, what effort did we make in our struggle against the Monarcho-Fascists in order to safeguard our people and preserve our lands and our homes? And if we didn’t then why not?

4.2 Attitude of the USSR

What was the attitude of the Soviet Union on the question of the creation of the Macedonian state on March 1949?

On March 8, 1949, Chernishov, the Soviet plenipotentiary in Greece, telephoned Moscow to let the Soviets know that the Greek reactionaries had been using very aggressive and active propaganda against the Communist Party of Greece, against DAG and the Partisan Movement and against the “Macedonian Question” about which there were talks in regards to decisions made during the 5th Plenum of the CPG Central Committee and during the 2nd NOF (Macedonian National Liberation Front) Congress. The brunt of the propaganda was aimed at the work of the CPG and at DAG, which according to the propaganda had apparent aims at breaking down the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Greece. “At issue this time is the unification of Macedonia,” continues Chernishov “… This kind of propaganda gives the Athens government reason to recruit more troops and put its military on high alert at those places where DAG is in control. The Greek people are especially sensitive towards the issue of Greek sovereignty including those who live in the cities and who are communist and DAG sympathizers. In particular is the expected NOF Congress which is set to take place on March 10, 1949 in the free territories that are under DAG’s control. On this occasion, the Greek state publication has declared to the Anglo-American League that this is a provocative intent of the Congress which is aiming to opt for the annexation of Greek Macedonia and to add it to a common Macedonian state together with the Bulgarian and Yugoslavian part of Macedonia and that the Communist Party of Greece “is treasonous to Greek Macedonia”.

According to information Chernishov (the USSR position (33)) received back from Moscow, the Congress organizers were suggesting that to mention such intent would be irresponsible of the Congress, even for the future of the Macedonian people within a Balkan Federation. However, it was recommended that the delegates focus on orienting the population of Greek Macedonia in the direction to combat the Monarcho-Fascists in Greek society and to fight for the creation of a free and democratic Greece.”

Stalin’s position:

A special meeting was held between Stalin and Zahariadis to discuss the development of the Greek Civil War and what methods to employ. According to Zahariadis, Stalin ordered the following warfare tactics: “You start gradually from the villages and work your way towards the cities to avoid unnecessary British military intervention and with a view at finding a compromise.” Also let us look at the other facts that show Stalin’s views towards Greece and towards the CPG, from Stalin and the USSR’s political interests. (See: “MELETES GIA TON EMFILIO POLEMO 1945-1949,” p. 288/289.) Also of great interest is historian Roy Medvedev’s position as stated in his book: “Let History Judge” by R. Medvedev, Spokesman Books, 1976/473.”

Stalin’s position towards Greece and the CPG during the war period was unclear and even suspicious. Available documentation shows that Stalin’s attitude towards Greece was negative at best. Stalin viewed Greece as a small country with a micro-strategic position and uninteresting for the Soviet Union’s political interests. (...).

From April to October 1944 not once did Stalin complain about the Greek government’s behaviour during his meetings with the Anglo-Americans. When Churchill and Eden visited Moscow in October, Molotov sat with Eden and negotiated the percentages of influence in Greece. This was the basic agreement which Churchill and Stalin reached on October 19, 1944. But when it came to interests in Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Hungary it was quite different. As for Greece, neither Stalin nor Molotov thought that changing their 10% influence would have any major impact on Greece.

(...) Roy Medvedev, in his book: “Let history Judge” about the first round of the Greek Civil War in 1944, wrote: “In the clash that continued, the Greek communists did not get any real help from the Soviet Union. (...). The Soviet Union even gave up on providing moral support to the Greek antifascists. EAM-ELAS forces were struggling without any military help or hope of gaining power. After this a government was formed without the participation of EAM. This government’s policies, after a while, contributed to the creation of the conditions that started the Greek Civil War. Here is more proof that once again the Greek communists did not receive any material or moral support which they demanded from Stalin and from the USSR...” (...)

Here is another interesting fact provided by Spyridon Blagoev (see: “NM – felton from May 17, 1997 under the heading: “Third and final meeting Tito-Stalin, May 1946,” (...)

Stalin: “Has Greece raised demands on Yugoslavia?” Tito: “In relation to us we have had provocation, but not lately.” Stalin: “The British have an army there with aims at boosting reactions and for other purposes.”

Tito: “(smiling): Because we want something from them; Aegean Macedonia and Solun.” Molotov: “Yes, Solun, an Old Slavic city. Important for entry into the Aegean Sea.” (...)

Tassos Vurnas, a prominent Greek historian, in his book “History of modern Greece - Civil War”, on p. 176, wrote what Stalin said to the Yugoslav delegation in Moscow on February 10, 1948. According to Vurnas, Stalin said: “I do not agree with our Yugoslav comrades that the revolution in Greece needs to continue. That struggle has no hope of success. What do you think, the UK and the USA, the strongest countries in the world, will allow you to tear up a line of communication to the Mediterranean Sea? Nonsense! And what about the fact that we have almost nothing in terms of marine forces! No! You need to stop the revolution in Greece as soon as possible. This was also confirmed by Vladimir Dedier in his book ‘Tito’ (1953). The same was also said by Milovan Djilas in his book ‘Conversations with Stalin’ (1962). This is what Stalin recommended to the Yugoslavs, which most likely was based on what was agreed between Stalin and Churchill in Yalta and in Moscow from October 5 to 20, 1944 after victory was achieved in the Balkans by the major powers. Another one of Stalin’s recommendations, which is clear and irrefutable proof that the USSR was against Zahariadis’s slogan adopted during the CPG Central Committee 5th Plenum which called for an ‘Independent and united Macedonian state within a Balkan federation’, can be found in the communications between Athens and Moscow. Evidence of this can be found in the correspondence between Chernishov, Soviet ambassador in Athens and the USSR/CPG leadership confirming that Stalin was against such a decision.”

What was the USSR’s attitude towards the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia? See: the book:-Νικος ΖΑΞΑΡΙΑ∆ΗΣ - ΘΥΤΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΥΜΑ page 462.

The Soviet Union’s position on the issue of creating a Macedonian state in March 1949: “On March 8, 1949 Chernishov, the Soviet plenipotentiary in Greece, telephoned Moscow to let the Soviets know that the Greek reactionaries had been using very aggressive and active propaganda against the Communist Party of Greece, against DAG and the Partisan Movement and against the “Macedonian Question” about which there were talks in regards to decisions made during the 5th Plenum of the CPG Central Committee and during the 2nd NOF (Macedonian National Liberation Front) Congress. The brunt of the propaganda was aimed at the work of the CPG and at DAG, which according to the propaganda, had apparent aims at breaking down the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Greece. “At issue this time is the unification of Macedonia,” continues Chernishov “… This kind of propaganda gives the Athens government reason to recruit more troops and put its military on high alert at those places where DAG is in control. The Greek people are especially sensitive towards the issue of Greek sovereignty, including those who live in the cities and who are communist and DAG sympathizers. In particular is the expected NOF Congress which is set to take place on March 10, 1949 in the free territories that are under DAG’s control. On this occasion, the Greek state publication has declared to the Anglo-American League that this is a provocative intent of the Congress which is aiming to opt for the annexation of Greek Macedonia and to add it to a common Macedonian state together with the Bulgarian and Yugoslavian part of Macedonia and that the Communist Party of Greece “is treasonous to Greek Macedonia”.

According to information Chernishov received back from Moscow, the Congress organizers were suggesting that to mention such intent would be irresponsible of the Congress, even for the future of the Macedonian people within a Balkan Federation. However, it was recommended that the delegates focus on orienting the population of Greek Macedonia in the direction to combat the Monarcho-Fascists in Greek society and to fight for the creation of a free and democratic Greece.”

So, what does this mean? It means that, after World War II, when people believed that the worst was over and tragedies would no longer be allowed to take place, the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia experienced further bloodshed and genocide.

4.3 CPG reactions regarding the establishment of Macedonian organizations

As mentioned many times before, the Organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS were created in Yugoslavia, in Skopje and were welcomed by the Left forces in Greece; especially since NOF was very successful at recruiting Macedonian fighters into the conflict.

During the 12th CPG Central Committee Plenum, which took place two months after the founding of NOF, AFZH and NOMS, it was proclaimed that: “Any territorial claims against Greece by any party are firmly opposed! Preserving the territorial integrity of the Greek State is the first task of every Greek patriot!” (KKE DO AP TO1931-1952, p. 110).

5.0 First fateful year 1945 under the leadership of the CPY/CPM

Noteworthy events in 1945

February 12, 1945 - The Varkiza Agreement was signed in a resort called Varkiza near Athens. The Agreement was signed by the Resistance Movement leadership (CPG and EAM) on one side and by the Plastiras Greek government and British General Scobey on the other. This Agreement placed Greece under British command in the Middle East. By this Agreement EAM and ELAS practically handed power over to the right.

After ELAS was demobilized on February 26, 1945 and until May of the same year, Greek occupied Macedonia was left unprotected during which time lawlessness existed everywhere. Acts perpetrated against the Macedonian people included mass terror, property looting, theft of livestock, murder, mass rape, destruction of Macedonian homes and expulsion of Macedonian people across the border.

April 23, 1945 – The Organization NOF (National Liberation Front for the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia) was formed in Skopje on the premises of the CPM Central Committee. Together with NOF, AFZH and NOMS were also formed. From April 23, 1945 until the formation of the so-called “Brotherhood and Unity” between NOF and the CPG, NOF acted on CPM/CPY directives. After “Brotherhood and Unity” was announced, NOF was put under CPG command until its dissolution.

April 26, 1945 – While visiting Moscow, Marshal Tito gave an interview to the “New York Times” during which he said: “If the Macedonians from Greek areas express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes.”

June 20, 1945 – A NOF Voden District Conference was held near Voden in Greek occupied Macedonia. The Conference was attended by 125 city and village delegates. Pavle Rakovski, member of the top NOF leadership, reported on the ideological content of the struggle and the forms it was expected to take. Vangel Aianovski – Oche, NOF Secretary of the District Trustee Committee, reported on NOF’s financial situation. Among other things, the delegates called for the liquidation of the village rural guards (Poljaks). (N.M/94).

First condemnation of NOF, AFZH and NOMS from the Left

1. According to the left, it had been a mistake to form the Organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS by “external factors”, i.e. the CPY and to impose on them the goals to struggle for a “United Macedonia” within Federal Yugoslavia.

2. On June 20, 1949 the KOEM (Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia) leadership, under Zahariadis’s direction, accepted and signed a resolution which confirmed allegations leveled against Yugoslavia and the NOF and AFZH Organizations. Included among the allegations leveled were the following:

“NOF and AFZH are organizations harbouring agents who in Aegean Macedonia acted together with and had connections to ‘OZNA’, ‘the JNA Intelligence Service in the Yugoslav General Headquarters’ and ‘Kolishevski’. They were all working towards the same goals: ‘to undermine and break up the CPG’, especially NOF which worked from the inside to subordinate CPG policies to the CPY, whose main goal was the acquisition of Aegean Macedonia to Yugoslavia.”

There were many accusations leveled against almost all NOF and AFZH members including personal attacks and personal insults of moral nature. These were attacks made against their identity and allegiance. However, every single member of NOF and AFZH who was a successful enforcer of our collective allegiance and awareness stood for three important things:

1.) Ideologically stood behind the CPY or the CPG, 2.) Was guaranteed a leadership position and 3.) Enjoyed State Party privileges.

Unfortunately, we cannot say the same about the thousands of fighters in the ranks of DAG who gave their lives during the Greek Civil War and in the end lost their families and their homes. The CPY, CPG and Greece made them wanderers of the world. All those fighters lost their true history and have never been able to find happiness.

June 28, 1945 – The 12th CPG Central Committee Plenum was held, during which the following conclusion was reached: “NOF with its rapid popularization and military formations was dangerously threatening the Greek character of Macedonia, the Greek position and interests, and Greece’s territorial integrity”.

June 29, 1945 – The CPG Voden District Committee and members of the Pella Prefecture initiated a Decree to denounce NOF.

By the most severe condemnations of NOF, AFZH and NOMS, the Athens government, through parliament, passed the following laws in 1945 which initiated the most terrible and ruthless terror against the Macedonian population:

LAW 543/45: “Against NOF and against persons acting on seceding territories from the Greek state.”

July 7, 1945 – The Greek government enacted law number 453 and law TOD: / 45 “order, peace and justice” to ensure public safety and to stop “autonomist activities” of which the Macedonian political organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS were accused. NOF, AFZH and NOMS were found to be autonomist, separatist and anti-Greek and were placed outside of the law and their members were to be judged for possessing and using weapons.

July 18, 1945 - Special law CC 43: “Against autonomist activities” was enacted by the Greek government. A law with which the Macedonian organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS were declared to be autonomist and with which these organizations were placed outside of the law and their members were declared to be bandits and tried for high treason.

July 20, 1945 – Law (KZ) 4124/45 was enacted to be applied only against the Macedonians.

“Prosecution of suspected persons”

July 20, 1945 – Decree “G” and laws: PZ 433/45 “Around the illegal possession of weapons” and PZ 753/45 “Around the illegal possession and use of weapons.”

“Extraordinary Measures and Public Security”

December 16, 1945 – Trials began in Kostur against 106 Macedonians from the town Rupishcha, Kostur Region. These people were accused of collaboration with the occupiers, even though they were ELAS fighters. Some were sentenced to life imprisonment and others were given lengthy sentences.

In mid April 1945, after the Political Commission (34) in Bitola was disbanded, the CPM Central Committee in Skopje, on April 23, 1945 constituted or formed the National Liberation Front - NOF (simultaneously with AFZH and NOMS) for the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia and the first message given to our people was: “Brother Macedonians! Stand firm and watch the salvation NOF and AFZH will bring!”

When NOF was created and organized by the CPY/CPM it should have been clear to us that the stage was being set for a future war; a war that would prove to be disastrous for the Macedonian people, a war that was organized by foreigners and that would serve foreign interests.

Now let us examine Tito’s (CPY/CPM) diplomatic game on the future of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, just after the Second World War, at the beginning of 1945.

During the war (WW II) Tito held the position that the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia would realize their aspirations within the Greek State. But after the Varkiza agreement of February 12, 1945 there was a radical change in Tito’s attitude.

The position held by the top leadership in Federal Yugoslavia was made clear by Marshal Tito when he gave an interview for the “New York Times” in Moscow on April 26, 1945 when he said: “If the Macedonians from Greek areas express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes.”

Several days earlier, on April 23, 1945, on the initiative of the CPY/CPM leadership in Skopje, NOF (National Liberation Front) for Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia was formed. See: Rakovski Pavle’s autobiography “My suffering”, AEA Publishers, 2000 / p. 341: Chapter 4.0 “Yugoslav Balkan strategy”.

According to Rakovski, on April 23, 1945 in Skopje, the CPM Central Committee constituted or formed the National Liberation Front-NOF for the Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia (without a conference and without elections). Pascal Mitretvski (35), after spending four months in Belgrade, received carte blanche to choose four other people and re-assemble the central governing body and come up with the NOF five-member Bureau.

At that meeting, Pavle Rakovski was assigned to coordinate field activities in Aegean Macedonia with the people from P. R. Macedonia who led NOF. Among them were instructors from the CPM Central Committee. The first instructor was the Slovenian Miha Marinko, followed by Nikola Minchev and Dimitar Dimitrievski - Peko.

During the meeting, attended by the NOF leadership, which included Mitrevski, Rakovski and Urdov, Tsvetko Uzunovski said: Today Yugoslavia became the Centre of the revolution in the Balkans. The Macedonian question became a Yugoslav question because the CPY formed the Party and the political organizations NOF, (36) AFZH and NOMS, which you will lead. The task of these organizations is to turn the Macedonian people in Aegean Macedonia towards a Yugoslav orientation. Now the Macedonian people and the Macedonian movement are under the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The Macedonian people from Aegean Macedonia will now find their full establishment only within Federal Yugoslavia, which is for Aegean Macedonia to join Yugoslavia. (AM. Archive of Macedonia. F -20/276 F-20/196)

After the first sitting, the five went to the field to lay NOF’s foundations. This was in Kostur, Lerin, Voden, Enidzhe-Vardar and Seres Regions…”

We also have historian Lazar Lazarov (1998/62) making reference to reports sent to the French government on September 26, 1945 by Gérard Raoul Duval, French Consulate General in Solun, who said: “… NOF headquarters is located in Skopje, Yugoslavian territory… it seems like NOF and the Slavo-phone propaganda for the realization of an autonomous Macedonia is controlled by the Yugoslav government which also controls this organization and sees Greek Macedonia as part of Yugoslav territory...” (p. 62).

The primary research question is:

If the (CPY/CPM) program goals and tasks given to the NOF leadership by Tsvetko Uzunovski – Abas, CPM Central Committee organizational secretary and Interior Minister of P. R. Macedonia of the NOF Aegean Macedonian leadership, allowed for a Macedonian national strategy to secure the spiritual and physical survival of the people and for them to remain in their homeland, was this not in favour of Yugoslav politics? In other words, what safeguards, if any, did Abas allow to be put in place in order to safeguard the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia to be protected from harm and from losing their lives and homes?

And what did historian R. Kiriazovski confirm?: “This was a period when these organizations acted outside of and independently from the CPG and were exclusively led by the CPM/CPY”. (See: Kiriazovski 1995/10)

There is no doubt that the optimal aim of the CPM/CPY through NOF was to completely enlist all Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia and send them to the front for a successful implementation of their program goals. But the question is: If this strategic objective was the brainchild of the CPM/CPY, why then, only three months earlier, were the highest political bodies in Yugoslavia against the slogan: “Let us turn our weapons towards Solun”, i.e. “To Solun and not to the Srem front?!”

Because of the strategic objective set out by the CPM/CPY in early 1946, NOF, in addition to having its main leadership, also had 5 county, 10 district, 3 city and 32 regional leaderships with 120 professional staff belonging to NOF, NOMS and AFZH. In the territory of Aegean Macedonia, 220 villages were organized (half of these villages were destroyed during the Greek Civil War - m.z.), working under the leadership of more than 170 village and town organizations. At that time military formations were created as large as battalions. (See Kiriazovski 1985/143)

From a historical point of view, it seems that the need for NOF and AFZH was outdated because their slogans and what they stood for, i.e. fighting to defeat “Fascism” were also outdated. Fascism had already been defeated but it seems for the Macedonians that did not matter. But it did matter for the Greek government because it sanctioned and passed special laws that applied and were valid only for us Macedonians. These laws opened the door for violence against NOF, AFZH and the Macedonian people in general. Violence and unprecedented terror were sanctioned by the Greek government. This was done even before the Greek Civil War was active. The Greek Civil War did not officially begin until March 31, 1946 by a decision of the CPG Second Plenum held on February 12, 1946.

Why did Yugoslavia have a double-sided policy - a public policy which called for respecting the integrity of Greece and a secret policy - that encouraged Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia to join the armed struggle?!

6.0 The second fateful year 1946 – “Brotherhood and Unity” under CPG leadership

Notable events in 1946

January 13, 1946 – The newspaper “Rizospastis”, in defense of the Macedonians who were terribly persecuted, harassed and mistreated, said: “…this is the greatest and most dreadful persecution ever heard of in modern Greek history...”

February 12, 1946 – The 2nd CPG Central Committee Plenum was held in Athens and a decision was made to not participate in parliamentary elections and to opt for initiating an armed struggle (Greek Civil War) against the Greek government.

March 31, 1946 – The armed struggle against the Greek government began with a Partisan attack on Lithohori during which 23 government soldiers were killed. Because of the ferocity and size of the attack, Greek historians consider this to be the start of the Greek Civil War.

April 2, 1946 - Zahariadis, CPG General Secretary, returned from Moscow to Belgrade and met with Marshal Tito and informed him of his decision to initiate the armed struggle against the right in Greece. Zahariadis received full support from Tito which included promises of moral and material assistance. The following items were agreed to at this meeting:

1. The Macedonian National Liberation Movement in Greek occupied Macedonia, led by NOF, which since April 1945 was under the direction of the CPY/CPM, was placed under CPG leadership.

2. Part of the CPG Central Committee Politburo composition, headed by Yannis Ioannidis, was transferred to Belgrade and charged with leading the armed struggle, representing the struggle abroad and supplying the Partisans with weapons, clothes, food and other materials.

3. The Greek communists would be allowed to freely recruit fighters from the Macedonian and Greek political immigrant pool in Yugoslavia. The Greek communists would be allowed to organize hospitals for wounded and sick DAG combatants and Yugoslavia would be given the role to organize and coordinate aid for DAG from other countries.

April 4, 1946 – The Solun right wing newspaper “Nea Alithia” (New Truth) published an article entitled “Our Sudetenland, speaking about the Macedonians who qualify as Sudetenland-ers and as such” writes the newspaper “in the interest of peace and security in Greece, they should be liquidated…”

April 12-14, 1946 - The newspaper “Laiki Foni”, organ of the CPG Regional Committee for the Aegean part of Macedonia, wrote a long series of articles entitled “Mass persecution of Macedonians”.

May 4, 1946 – The First Macedonian Detachment was formed at the “Trsie-Turie” mountains in Lerin Region. The detachment was led by Petre Markov from the village Neret, Lerin Region.

May 18, 1945 - Based on an agreement between the CPY and the CPG, around 5 to 6 thousand ELAS fighters, officers and political activists were sent to Bulkesh, Vojvodina where a Greek community was established and where they were gradually recruited into the ranks of DAG.

May 21, 1946 – The newspaper “Ethnikos Kirikas” wrote: “Greece should soon expel 80,000 Slavo-Macedonians”. The same was said in the weekly Republican newspaper “Eleftheros Typos” on January 28, 1946 in an article entitled: “Let the Slavo-Macedonians leave our Macedonia - let them go wherever they want to go”.

July 27, 1946 - A military court sentenced to death and executed Mirka (Irina) Ginova, a school teacher from the village Rosilovo, Voden Region. She was secretary of AFZH for Voden District.

August 24, 1946 - Based on prior agreements between Tito and Zahariadis, one part of the CPG Central Committee Politburo composition, headed by Ioannidis, was moved from Athens to Belgrade. General Markos Vafiadis, who was appointed organizer and leader of the partisan groups, in June 1946 by Zahariadis, left Greece and moved to Belgrade. Here he received specific directives and promises of support from the CPG Politburo. In September 1946 Vafiadis returned to Greek occupied Macedonia where, on October 28, 1946, he established DAG Partisan Headquarters. On November 10, 1946 Zahariadis received a directive from Stalin to NOT expand the armed movement during the winter of 1946-1947 because it was allegedly causing an international situation and that the CPG should focus more or less on its political struggle.

Dictate again, obedience and a bent spine.

November 21, 1946 - Based on decisions made by Tito and Zahariadis on October 14, 1946, the CPY, represented by Karaivanov, and the CPG, represented by Ioannidis, soon after announced the following joint agreement: “The Macedonian organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS and their leaderships will now fall under CPG leadership and the Macedonian armed units will join DAG and fall under the leadership of General Markos.”

A short time after this CPY and CPG agreement, members of the NOF Board, headed by Paskal Mitrevski, were received by Lazar Kolishevski, CPM Central Committee Secretary, who told them: “You now go down (to Aegean Macedonia) there. Your leader of the struggle will be the CPG. The CPG Line is clear. Have confidence in the CPG. Struggle with all your might against chauvinism, separatism and local tendencies…”

Terrible betrayal

Kolishevski and the CPM who, not too long ago, had told the Macedonian people to rise up and fight for their independence and to unite Macedonia were now telling them to surrender to the Greeks and fight alongside them under their leadership. To fight for what? How “clear” was the “CPG Line” when the CPG was against a united Macedonia and against relinquishing Greek occupied Macedonia? Nothing was clear regarding this struggle, especially the Macedonian people’s involvement in it! Surrendering the Macedonian people to the Greeks was a terrible betrayal on the part of Kolishevski!

For those who find this hard to believe, then ask yourselves this question: “Did Kolishevski and the CPM Central Committee not know about Tito and Zahariadis’s agreement to involve the entire Macedonian population in the armed struggle through the mass recruitment activities carried out by NOF, AFZH and NOMS? Were they not aware of the Greek reactions to such a struggle? Did they not know how the Greek government was going to respond to such a move and what ‘a Macedonian uprising’ might motivate it to do against the Macedonian people?” All one had to do was read the newspapers which spared no words to describe the Greek sentiment. It was made abundantly clear that neither the Great Powers nor Greece was in support of such action, especially the dismemberment of Greece! So, tell me, where was this struggle going? And if it was not the responsibility of Kolishevski to guide the struggle, then why advise the Macedonian people to get involved in it in the first place?

We can’t help ourselves but to ask “What has happened to us?” “Why were we kept in the dark for 60 years as to what truly happened to us?” “What was the real reason for involving the entire Macedonian population, men, women and children, in such a massive retaliation and who was the architect of this strategy?” We the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia have our own homeland. Our roots are in Greek occupied Macedonia and no one had the right to uproot us. But it seems that the architects who got us involved in this struggle had no respect for our rights to live in our own homeland because they made absolutely no plans and expended no effort to keep us there. In fact, according to their plans, they were more interested in turning us into “permanent refugees” than in safeguarding our homes and lands. So, even our most basic rights, the right to live in our own homes, it seems, were violated by this struggle. So again, what did we fight for?

In conclusion: Lasting revolutionary values are always current. But did we, the Macedonians, by leaving our country create historical precedence!?

December 27, 1946 – An order, order number EP 13, from General Markos read: “As of today, all NOF Partisan Units are to be placed in the composition of DAG.”

Sixty years later historian Kiriazovski announced that: “Tito handed the Aegean Macedonians to Zahariadis!” A fact that had been hidden from us for more than half a century has now been confirmed by historian Kiriazovski in his book: “The five vital years 1945-1949”, page 40.

How and why were we handed from the arms of the CPY/CPM into the arms of the CPG?

Based on decisions made by Tito (CPY) and Zahariadis (CPG) on October 14, 1946, Karaivanov (37) of the CPY and Ioannidis of the CPG announced the following: The Macedonian organizations NOF, AFZH, NOMS and their leaders will now fall under CPG leadership while NOF armed forces, a number of small Macedonian units, will be placed under the command of DAG and under the leadership of General Markos (38).

Macedonian road to slavery after “brotherhood and unity”

Like NOF, AFZH and NOMS too became smugglers of Macedonian lives!

The program goals of NOF and AFZH under the leadership of the CPY/CPM from October 1944 to October 14, 1946 were “to give the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia Yugoslav orientation and to propagate the idea that they will find their full establishment only within the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. This meant that Greek occupied Macedonia had to join Yugoslavia”. See: F-20/276, F-20/196. But after the “Brotherhood and unity” deal imposed on them by Tito and Zahariadis, the Macedonian people had no choice but to become slaves to an alien cause with motives unclear to this day.

Worst of all, this transition from being led by the CPY to being led by the CPG brought an end to the struggle and to hopes for a “United Macedonia”. So what were the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia fighting for now? According to CPG slogans: “We Macedonians must participate en masse in this war, because in victory and in the liberation of Greece, we Macedonians will earn the right to receive all our National rights...” YEAH RIGHT!!!