Part II - Part 01

Part II

PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT OF THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE FROM GREEK OCCUPIED MACEDONIA (1941-1949)

Participation of the Macedonian people, from Greek occupied Macedonia, in the defense of Greece against Fascist aggression (1940-1941)

On October 28, 1940 Italian armed forces in the territory of Albania began to invade Greece without the knowledge of Germany. On April 7, 1939 the Italian army invaded and occupied Albania. On April 12, 1939 Italy officially annexed Albania and stationed a strong armed force for a projected invasion and occupation of Greece. Bulgaria abstained from entering the war against Greece and officially declared its neutrality after being warned by Turkey, which threatened Bulgaria with military intervention. Until February 1941 Bulgaria’s position was to remain out of the conflict as a result of Bogdan Filov’s government reaching a non-aggression Agreement with the Turkish government.

The Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia, unexpectedly for the Bulgarian government and for the Supremacists, decided to massively participate in the defense of Greece despite the harsh measures such as the denationalization and assimilation policies carried out against them by the Greek state, especially during General Ioannis Metaxas’s dictatorial rule. Mandated by King George II, Metaxas established his government in April 1936 and declared Greece a dictatorship on August 4. Metaxas died in January 1941. After about a month of bitter fighting, with air support from the United Kingdon, the Italian army was pushed back to Albania from where it continued its military operations. The first British air force hostilities against the Italian fleet took place on November 11, 1940. About 20,000 Macedonians fought in the Greek army composition against the Italian and German military forces from October 28, 1940 to April 15, 1941. The German attack on Greece had been planned since December 13, 1940 when Adolf Hitler gave a directive to prepare for implementing the “Marita” operation. In December a strong German force was stationed in Bulgaria from where it was ordered to prepare for invading Greece. The stationing of a British military force of 58,000 troops and fighter planes in Greece, in February 1941, accelerated Hitler’s “Marita” plan, and after a quick occupation of Yugoslavia in April 1941 the German forces invaded Greece. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, 3.)

Greek capitulation and the triple occupation and the division of Greek occupied Macedonia by fascist Germany, Italy and Bulgaria

After Greece capitulated on April 20, 1941, Germany decided to allow Western Thrace and Eastern Greek occupied Macedonia and Kavala to be occupied by its ally Bulgaria. According to the Triple Pact agreement, Bulgaria was given access to the Aegean Sea. Bulgaria signed the Agreement on March 1, 1941 when it joined the Pact. After the Bulgarian army took control of the territory it established a Bulgarian government. Germany kept the central part for itself and Italy occupied the western part of Greek occupied Macedonia. Part of Epirus and western Greek occupied Macedonia, the Pind-Gramos Region where there was a large Vlach population, was declared a free principality. Italy, with agreement from the Romanian government, and with collaboration from the Romanian Embassy in Athens, declared the creation of the free Pind Principality. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, 12.)

There was a quisling Greek government organized in the German and Italian occupation zone.

Bulgarian aspirations and supremacist Bulgarian propaganda in Greek occupied Macedonia (1941-1944)

The government of fascist Bulgaria refused to give up on its pretenses towards the entire Greek occupied part of Macedonia. It began to strengthen its “Greater Bulgaria” propaganda by activating its “supremacist agents” in the German and Italian occupied zones to prepare the ground for consent to extend Bulgarian authority on the entire territory of Greek occupied Macedonia. Bulgaria wanted to annex all of Macedonia by creating a pro-Bulgarian movement through the activation of “mercenaries and supremacist agents” on

the ground and by recruiting Macedonian emigrants in Bulgaria, who were organized and managed by Bulgarian intelligence. (Ibid, p. 2.)

(Fotev: “The Bulgarian government, like it did during the 1903 Ilinden Uprising through its supremacists, wanted to do the same during the national liberation struggle, i.e. during the Second World War 1940-1945. By fascist means it wanted to organize an intensive Bulgarian propaganda, through threats, violence and cruel terror. In cooperation with the German and Italian occupation authorities it persistently tried and tried to organize a pro-Bulgarian counter-band movement in Greek occupied Macedonia.” (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, Skopje, 1969, 1.)

Bulgarian organized actions in Greek occupied Macedonia began before the Second World War reached the Balkans. They began in 1939, right after Italy occupied Albania. The actions of the powerful Bulgarian propaganda began in Tirana, Albania and were directed against Greece in Greek occupied Macedonia. Bulgarian propaganda and intelligence activities were operating through five central points; two in Tirana, one in Korcha, one in Bilishta and one in the border village Vrbnik, inhabited by a Macedonian population. Bulgarian agents operating from these points were engaged in covert activities through secret channels infiltrating the Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia and creating a network of Bulgarian agents.” (Ibid, p. 2-3.)

Outside of intelligence and information gathering, the Bulgarian supremacist agents were also involved in other activities performed in the service of the Bulgarian fascist regime. Shortly before Greece was attacked by the Italian and German armed forces, the terrain was strengthened with anti-Greek propaganda to hinder the mobilization of Macedonians into the Greek army. By demonstrating that it was capable of obstructing Macedonians from participating in the defense of Greece, Bulgaria established its loyalty to fascist Italy and made its contribution to their common cause. But the real intent behind all this was to show that, through propaganda, Bulgaria was capable of controlling the “Macedono-Bulgarian” population in Greece. Because of this Bulgaria was

expecting to be recognized as the sole contender for the governance of Greek occupied Macedonia after the Greek state was liquidated.

Bulgaria wanted to exploit the tragic situation experienced by the Macedonian people who were going through economic hardships, denationalization, systematic persecution and brutal terror perpetrated by the Greek Monarchic regime. Under these conditions, by use of strong propaganda, Bulgaria wanted the Macedonian people to believe that the Bulgarian invasion and occupation and its establishment of a Bulgarian government was a liberating mission. Bulgaria’s plan should have worked because its supremacist agents were busy showing the Macedonian people that Greece was systematically planning their physical extermination and reminding them of the hardships they endured under Greek control. The Macedonian people were also, through propaganda, encouraged to boycott the mobilization of Macedonians into the Greek army and their participation in the war against the Italian and German invaders.” (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 3.) This task was assigned to those Bulgarian agents who arrived from Bulgaria and who were working in the field in Greek occupied Macedonia under the direct leadership of the Bulgarian state.

(Fotev: “The Bulgarian supremacist agents were using the difficult social, economic, political and national situation the Macedonian people were experiencing in order to convince them to boycott the Greeks. The Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia had experienced national oppression, prohibition in speaking their native language, cruel economic exploitation, political persecution, police repression and harassment…”.)

But, despite its large financial investment and use of specialized personnel, Bulgarian propaganda still failed to win much support. However, during the Greek-Italian war, Bulgaria and its supremacist agents, through their propaganda, succeeded in recruiting around 250 Macedonians who had deserted the Greek army. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 4.) The Italian authorities took all the deserters and, through Albania, shipped them to Bulgaria and surrendered them to the Bulgarian authorities. The Italian military authorities took the deserters first to Korcha and from there, via Elbasan and Ferrari, moved them to Italy to the city Parma. Then, at

the request of the Bulgarian Embassy in Rome, all Macedonians deserters were transferred to Bulgarian authorities, and, through Rieka, transported to Sofia where they were given Bulgarian uniforms and sent to join the Bulgarian army units in the field. (M. Fotev about the counter-bands, p. 4.)

Pro-Bulgarian political movement in Western and Central Greek occupied Macedonia

After Greece’s capitulation and Greek occupied Macedonia’s occupation in April 1941, Bulgaria received the eastern part of Macedonia where it established its government. In the meantime in central and western Greek occupied Macedonia, now occupied by allies Germany and Italy, the Bulgarians began to organize activities in order to create pro-Bulgarian committees and organizations for organizing a pro-Bulgarian political movement. In order to do that, the Bulgarian authorities engaged Macedonian immigrants living in Bulgaria. These Macedonians originated from Greek occupied Macedonia, immigrated to Bulgaria and declared themselves Bulgarians.

Included among the first Bulgarian propagandists to surface in western Greek occupied Macedonia under Italian occupation were Andon Kalchev born in the village Zhuzhultse, Kostur Region, Spiro Vasilev born in the village Zagorichani, Kostur Region, Lazar Kiselinchev born in the village Kosinets, Kostur Region, Vasil Stumbov born in the village Blatsa, Kostur Region, Kiriazo Shkurtov born in the village Staricheni, Kostur Region and Tome Bakrachev born in the village Visheni, Kostur Region. They came from Sofia in the beginning of May 1941 on a mission to establish pro-Bulgarian organizations in order to create a mass pro-Bulgarian movement. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 4.) In July 1941, in order to strengthen its propaganda position in Greek occupied Macedonia, the Bulgarian authorities sent a delegation from Sofia and while accompanied by representatives of the German supreme command in Greece visited Macedonian political prisoners in the various prison camps. Many of these Macedonian political prisoners were released at the request of the delegation. Just before the Greek-Italian war began the Greek authorities carried out massive arrests that included Macedonians, communists and anti-fascists. These

people were charged with being “anti-Greek elements struggling for the Bulgarian cause”. In this way the Greek authorities had jailed over 2,000 Macedonian patriots, communists and other anti-fascist fighters. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 6.) The Bulgarian delegation freed these people in order for them to spread Bulgarian propaganda among the Macedonian population. It was hoping to win the Macedonian people over to the Bulgarian cause. However, as it turned out, the vast majority of the people freed were Macedonian patriots, anti-fascists and communists who refused to play the Bulgarian card. Included among those released from the “Akronaphplion” concentration camp were Lazo Trpovski, Andrei Chipov, Anastas Karadzha, Ziso Delevski and Trpe Kalimanovski, all CPG members. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 6.)

The organizing of the Bulgarian propaganda campaign was carried out with the approval and support of the Italian military occupational authorities. Propaganda campaigns were organized in Kostur, Lerin and Voden Regions. The propaganda campaign in Lerin and Kostur Regions was organized and implemented by the supremacist organization “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” with cells in both urban and rural centres. In Voden Region the pro-Bulgarian organization “Ohrana” was created. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 4.) Local committees were formed with local Bulgarian agents and with Italian and German military occupational collaborators. Included among the local collaborators were Hristo Rukov from the village Kosinets, Vasil Maniolov from the village Starichani, Paskal and Vasil Ianakiev from the village Maniak, Pando Makriev from the village Chetirok, Paskal Kalimanovski from the village Dobrolishta, Kuze Gligorov from the village Zhelevo, File Bekiarov from the village Zhelevo, Minela Gelev a lawyer from the city Lerin, Mino Iani from the village Setomo, Risto Naskovski from the village Ezerets and Luka Damianov from the village Drenoveni. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 4.) All these people were known associates of the Greek police who collaborated with the Greek regime during the Metaxas dictatorship. They also collaborated with the German and Italian occupational military authorities and with the Bulgarian agents. (Ibid.) They worked as activists in the Bulgarization of Greek occupied Macedonia, and according to Fotev: “Spiro Vasilev openly admitted that the people mentioned above were Bulgarian agents, German-

Italian collaborators and bearers of the Bulgarian idea in Greek occupied Macedonia.” (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 4.) Their main interest was to win over the surviving participants of the Ilinden Uprising and the families of those who died during the Ilinden period. Their main aim was to organize a propaganda campaign to promote Macedonia as a Bulgarian country and the Macedonian people as Bulgarians. They, themselves posed as Bulgarian revolutionaries aiming to liberate Macedonia. They promoted the idea that with a German, Italian and Bulgarian victory, a historic moment would be reached that would include the creation of a strong Macedono-Bulgarian movement for a “free and unified Macedonia with Bulgaria.” (Ibid, p. 101, 4.) To strengthen its position for a more efficient operation in the implementation of its propaganda campaign, the Bulgarian government, in the summer of 1941, with German approval and consent from the quisling government in Greece, opened a representative Bulgarian club staffed with numerous employees. For the same purpose the Bulgarian government opened several other Bulgarian institutions including a Church for the Bulgarians to worship, a Bulgarian elementary school with Bulgarian teachers which, during the occupation from 1941 to 1944, accommodated about 250 students (ibid, p. 8), a boarding school and a hospital. (Ibid, p. 7.)

As its nominal president, the Bulgarian club in Solun was officially operated by Shanev, a Macedonian from Kukush. The aim here was, through convenience, to win over as many Macedonians as possible, primarily higher education and high school students. All affiliated students, as Bulgarians, would then be allowed to study in Bulgaria and their education would be paid for by the Bulgarian state. Secondary school students could study in the Bulgarian schools in Macedonia. During the 1941 to 1944 occupational period, about 150 high school students from Kostur, Lerin and Voden Regions enrolled in the Bitola high school with assets from the Bulgarian charities, run by committees of Macedonians loyal to the Bulgarian occupying power. Included among those who assisted this Bulgarian program were Petre Asprovski from the village Oshchima and Lambro Bogoiev from the village Kolomnati. Later, after the establishment of the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade”, Asprovski and Bogoiev joined its ranks. (Ibid, p. 8.)

The Bulgarian club in Solun was a major data gathering, intelligence and propaganda centre for the Bulgarian state. The overall intelligence aspect of it was managed by General Zhilkov, liaison officer at German command in the city. The day to day intelligence and propaganda operations were directly managed by Major Mitkov, a Bulgarian Army officer. (Ibid, p. 7.) To actively monitor the internal situation, especially for the management of Bulgarian propaganda, in accordance with German High Command in Solun, the club sent Bulgarian officers to the German military commands in Lerin and Voden. The officers selected to perform those duties were Andon Kalchev and Georgi Mladenov Dimchev. (Ibid, p. 8.)

The Bulgarian organizations “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” and “Ohrana” used an intense propaganda campaign to condemn Greek government anti-Macedonian policies regarding the cruel treatment of the Macedonian people who were persecuted and terrorized by the Greek police and gendarmerie. The Bulgarians promised to protect the Macedonian people against such acts in order to win over their support and to form local pro-Bulgarian committees in the cities Kostur, Lerin, Voden and in most of the Macedonian villages including Dobrinishte, Chetirok, Tikveni, Maniak, Izglebi, Kosinets, Zhupanishta, Staricheni, Gabresh, Pozdivishta, Konomladi, Zagorichani, Prokopana, Gorentsi, Zhelino, German, Banitsa, Eksisu, Zhelinich, Mocreni, Shishteno, Chereshnitsa, Bomboki, Setoma and others, about 40 villages in total. (Ibid, p. 9.) These committees were responsible for the Bulgarization of the Macedonian population. They acted according to the following established program:

1. To create local organizations in order to organize a mass pro-Bulgarian movement;

2. To require the occupying German and Italian authorities to open Bulgarian language schools;

3. To require the churches to introduce Bulgarian language worship;

4. To break and shatter the communist and other anti-fascist organizations. (Ibid, p. 9.);

5. To recruit supporters from the Macedonian villages who suffered the most under Greek terror and violence.

In 1941 the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” organized and carried out the murder of the notorious Nikola Dailaki, known as Captain Laki. (Ibid, p. 9-11.)

The strongest propaganda that these “Bulgarian” organizations waged was aimed against the Macedonian national liberation movement led by the Macedonian communists and by the Greek EAM and ELAS resistance movement. With the development and massive Macedonian participation in the People’s Liberation Movement, Bulgarian propaganda became even fiercer. It took an anti-communist and, above all, an anti-Macedonian character. The Bulgarians closely cooperated with the Gestapo, the Italian Carabinieri and the quisling Greek government. They closely cooperated with the Greek police, the gendarmerie and their agents, led by officers of the Italian and German military occupation forces. Members of the pro-Bulgarian committees actively participated in criminal acts against the Macedonian population and violently persecuted Macedonian communists and activists of the Macedonian National Liberation Movement. According to Fotev: “Members of these committees were paid to commit crimes by the Bulgarian Government and by the German and Italian occupiers. They were rewarded for their criminal acts…” (Ibid, p. 11.) However, not everything was done just for Bulgarian loyalty... At issue here was the realization of Bulgaria’s maxima-list aspirations. These deeds were done to show and prove to Germany and Italy that a Bulgarian movement cooperated in their armed forces and fought for the unification of Greek occupied Macedonia with Bulgaria. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 11.)

The Macedonian communists fought back against the Bulgarian propaganda by unmasking it and showing it for what it really was; purely “Bulgarian propaganda”. Many thanks to the Macedonian communists for making these Bulgarian intentions clear. The communists were well aware of the Bulgarian intentions and had no illusions about the fate that awaited them after the German, Italian and Bulgarian fascists occupied their country. They were well aware

that one slavery was replacing another slavery; a harder and darker slavery. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 3.)

Collaborationist movements in Greek occupied Macedonia

With the development of the Greek anti-fascist movement and with the People’s Liberation Movement of the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia, the Italian and German military occupation authorities assessed the quisling Greek government and found it unable to withstand the pressures created by the resistance. They decided to activate the various Greek monarchic and anti-Macedonian organizations such as PAO and EKA, as well as the Vlach collaborators and the Bulgarian agents and with them created armed formations to fight back against the communist led resistance movement.

The aim of these collaborationist movements, with their appearance and actions, was to create internal divisions between the Macedonians, Greeks and Vlachs, sharpen their ideological differences and create conflict between them. (Ibid, p. 14.)

Greek anti-Macedonian legal and secret armed terrorist formations and organizations

The Greek organizations IVE (Northern Greece Protector), later taken over by the PAO (Pan-Hellenic Liberation Organization), EKA (National Social Defense) and other Greek associations consented to the creation of secret armed terrorist bands. Greek armed gangs were formed and led by Greek officers who collaborated with the occupiers. Such armed terror gangs were formed in most cities in the central and western part of Greek occupied Macedonia; in Kostur, Lerin, Voden, Kozhani, Kaliari and other places. In the spring of 1943 secret Greek terrorist gangs, created by the PAO, appeared in Anaselichka Region. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 38.) Armed gangs were formed in Kaliari Region by the Turkish Christian settlers and colonists who were deposited in Greek occupied Macedonia from Asia Minor during the 1920s. The German occupiers formed a Greek detachment of about 500 fighters in Enidzhe-Vardar Region, consisting mainly of criminals, thugs and assassins, and placed them

under the command of the Greek and German collaborator Lieutenant Colonel Poulios. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 26.) These terror gangs were granted freedom of action and to act together with the quisling Greek police and gendarmerie. They were allowed to carry out blockades in the Macedonian villages and other populated areas to terrorize the people, especially those people who were associated with and supported the people’s liberation movement. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 30.) The gangs were allowed to place curfews, especially in the places where they were stationed, strictly controlling the people’s movements. Movement in and out of the settlements was not possible without their special approval. Only those who worked outside the settlement or those who were very sick and needed to see a doctor were allowed to travel. (Ibid, p. 30-31.) In the spring of 1944, the PAO, EDES, the Vlach Legion armed gangs and the quisling Greek police systematically and brutally terrorized the population in western Greek occupied Macedonia. They undertook coordinated armed actions to terrorize the population and the partisan movement.

The Vlach Legion

Italian military command created an armed formation of Vlachs called the “Vlach Legion” in the Vlach populated area in the Italian occupied territory. The main aim for creating the Vlach Legion was to fight against the anti-fascist Greek and Macedonian armed people’s liberation movement. (Ibid, p. 12.)

Appearance and activities of the armed pro-Bulgarian counter-bands and movement

According to Mincho Fotev, the pro-Bulgarian armed collaborators were called “Komitadzhi” by the Macedonian people.

The rise of the Macedonian liberation movement hastened the development of pro-Bulgarian organizational activities, the forming of pro-Bulgarian armed detachments and the establishment of a wide pro-Bulgarian political movement in Greek occupied Macedonia under the German and Italian occupational zones. In mid-February 1943 a Bulgarian three-member military delegation, led by the Bitola Commander, arrived in Kostur. Among the three-member

delegation was Lieutenant Ivan Kalchev. Italian military command in Kostur, led by Major-General de Luigi, received the Bulgarian delegation which requested that the Italians form pro-Bulgarian armed units to fight against the People’s Liberation movement. According to Fotev: “Around 11 pm on February 16, 1943 a Bulgarian military delegation composed of three Bulgarian officers, a colonel, a captain surnamed Dimitrov and that criminal Lieutenant Andon Kalchev, arrived in Kostur. And as I was later informed at Partisan Headquarters in Kostur, the Bulgarian colonel was commander of the Bulgarian division in occupied Bitola. A meeting was held in the office of Italian commander Major General de Luigi which lasted about three hours. The subject discussed was the situation in western Greek occupied Macedonia after the ejection of the partisan units and the possibilities of forming counter-bands from the local population in order break up the partisan movement.” (Ibid, p. 26.) It was agreed that the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” was going to form the counter-bands. (Ibid, p. 26.) Immediately afterwards they proceeded with implementing the agreement.

A meeting was held on February 18, 1943 and was attended by the Bulgarian delegation and Commander Luigi and his staff officers Geovani Ravaneli, head of counter-intelligence services, Lieutenant Marietti and Dzhona, Chief of the Kabinieri in Kostur, on one side, and by the leading figures from the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” on the other, which included Risto Rukov, Pando Makriev, Vasil Manoilov, brothers Vasil and Paskal Ianakiev, Luka Damianov, Risto Naskovski, Iani Mino, Paskal Kalimanovski, Boris Shekrov, Apostol Gambrola, Kolio Shistevarov (Bai-Kolio), his brother Kuze Shistevarov and others. The decision reached during the meeting required the formation of armed counter-bands with instructions to fight against the people’s liberation movement. The information about the decisions made during the meeting was immediately passed on to Partisan Headquarters in Kostur by the informants Iani Kalapupov from the village Nestram, Vasil Vlahov from the village Maniak and Giorgi Todorovski from the town Rupishsta. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 27.) During the meeting Andon Kalchev called for creating a mass armed movement to defend against “the Greek andartes” (fighters of the anti-fascist movement) and the annexation of the entire Greek occupied part of

Macedonia to the Bulgarian state. The chief of the Bulgarian delegation used this meeting to seek approval for the entry of Bulgarian troops to restore order and peace and to protect the population from bloodshed and chaos created by the Greek “andartes of ELAS” to which General Luigi reacted strongly with the following words: “Who are you, Mr. Colonel, who can establish order, which we cannot do ourselves?” (Ibid, p. 28, 126.)

The leader of the Bulgarian delegation spoke to the representatives of the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” emphasizing the importance of the local armed counter-bands that they were about to form and their “great historical significance”. Among other things he said: “To you belongs the great honour to be in the vanguard of the great Bulgarian patriotic formation to achieve the great ideals of our dear mother Bulgaria. Your mission is sacred. The Bulgarian population from this part of Macedonia, with its willingness and determination to fight together with the famous and invincible allied German and Italian armies against ‘Greek bandits’ and ‘communist anarchists’ is a continuation of the combat liberation traditions of the Bulgarian population in this part of Macedonia. Be assured that after smashing these Greek bandits you will pave the way to our victory for the liberation and integration of this Bulgarian end to the Bulgarian state. We are all familiar with the Greek andartes, our old and potentially dangerous enemies. Their goal was and remains the same; to exterminate the Bulgarian population from this end of Macedonia, but we will not allow it…” (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 27.)

Kalchev said: “We will not be limited only to the formation of several armed militias should all the Bulgarian population of this part of Macedonia massively organize, arm itself and actively engage in the holy battle against the Greek ELAS bandits. If this happens then we will be able to protect the Bulgarian population from the dangerous ELAS andartes criminals… There is no alternative for saving the Bulgarian population from being cleansed from attacks from the Greek andartes, or to free this part of Macedonia and to create an overall unified Macedonia with mother Bulgaria.” Kalchev finished talking with his arms raised up in the air yelling: “We are approaching the historic hour when the bells and

cannon will greet the day of our great victory and the final liberation of all slaves in our dear Macedonia…” (Ibid, p. 27-28.)

Immediately after it was decided to form the pro-Bulgarian counter-bands, Italian military command notified the quisling Greek authorities. Included among those notified were Greek Police Chief Konstadinos Androniou, public prosecutor Ioannis Costopoulos, Stavros Petrovas Chief of the quisling Greek authority in Kostur Region (Ibid, p. 28.), Kostur Bishop Nikiforos, the leadership of the Greek organization PAO, retired general Filolaos Piheon and Doctor Saranti Tsemani (Ibid, p. 28.). They were told that the counter-bands were exclusively created to fight against the communist partisan movement and against the “Slavs” who were exclusively joining the ELAS partisans. They were also told that the counter-bands were under the tight control of Giovanni Rabali, head of the Italian counter-intelligence service. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 28-29.) The Greek officials accepted their establishment and accepted Italian staff officer Marietta to liaise with the PAO in order to prevent conflicts between the various armed Greek detachments with those of the “Macedonian-Bulgarian Committee” and to coordinate their actions against the people’s liberation movement and against ELAS. (Ibid, p. 29.)

In September 1941, after organizing and strengthening the collaborationist movements, the commander of Italian command in Kostur formed a special battalion to act against partisan actions, persecute and liquidate the communists and seek and dismantle the anti-fascist groups and organizations in the region. The new battalion was composed of 800 members; Italian officers, investigators, military and police operatives, a group of Macedonian collaborators; translators and informers (spies). The group of collaborationists and translators, according to Fotev, were Boris Stoianov, Luka Damianov, Risto Lapas, Mihail Lichkos, Risto Naskovski, Kuze Kiriazovski and others. The informants and spies were Stavro Temo, Zisi Karatasho, Todi Mitruli-Karakapna, Kuze Ivanovski, Giorgi Tambura, Stavro Gurgushev and others. (Ibid, p, 18.) The newly created battalion operated in conjunction with the Greek collaborating police and gendarmerie. Joint actions were undertaken during nightly raids, systematic searches of homes in towns and villages, and arresting and brutally terrorizing members

of the population. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 18.) The new battalion also cooperated with the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” led by Kalchev, Mladenov, Dimchev and others. (Ibid, p. 18.) Blockades of suspect settlements sometimes lasted up to two months. The emergency measures regime in western Greek occupied Macedonia was blockaded for nine months, from September 1941 to May 1942. The organizations mostly affected by this were the communist youth organization OKNE in Rupishsta and in the villages Nestram, D’mbeni, Dobrolishta and Sliveni. In that period, according to Mincho Fotev, in Kostur alone, arrested and convicted were 395 communists and other members of the people’s liberation movement (Ibid, p. 19), of whom 9 were sentenced to death and executed. About 3,000 men and women were detained and brutally tortured. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 20.) From the village D’mbeni, Naum Sgurkov, Zhivko Kenkov, Naum Moskov, Nikola Shekrov, Anastas Skivinov and Risto A. Andriovski were shot. From the village Drenoveni, Done Bitovski, Leonida Dinev and Naso Liumankin were shot.

After the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” took on the task of forming the armed counter-bands as per the February 18, 1943 Agreement, the first counter-band unit was created in Kostur and consisted of about 150 armed members. According to Fotev these people were “criminals”, speculators and collaborators of the occupiers who fled their villages and went to Kostur after the first ELAS partisans appeared on the scene…” (Ibid, p. 29.) The newly formed counter-bands were led by Luka Damianov from the village Drenoveni, Kostur Region and his deputy Risto Naskovski from the village Ezerets, Kostur Region. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 29.) After the successful formation of the first armed counter-band unit, action was taken to form more armed bands in order to stem the growth of ELAS. Activists from the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee”, the likes of Lazar Kiselinchev, Spiro Vasilev, Vasil Stumbov, Kiriazi Shkurtov and others (Ibid, p. 29.), escorted by the Italian carabinieri, surrounded the Macedonian villages and coerced the villagers into accepting Italian weapons under threats of arrest for being Hellenophiles and members of ELAS. By the end of March, under these conditions and fierce pressures, the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” managed to infiltrate 38 villages. According to Fotev, included among those villages were Chetirok, Dobrolishta,

Starichani, Maniak, Izglebi, Tikveni, Zhelegozhe, Kosinets, Lobanitsa, V’mbel, Breznitsa, Gabresh, Drenoveni, Cherenovishta, Konomlati, Statitsa, Blatse, Nereshnitsa, Olishta, Bomboki, Zagoricheni, Bobishta, Mokreni, Komunichevo, Gorentsi, Linishta, Kondorop, Tiolishta, Sheshtevo, Setomo, Aposkep, Prekopana, Oshchima, Zhelevo and German. (Ibid, p. 29-30.) The pro-Bulgarian armed counter-band movement in the towns Kostur and Rupishsta had one volunteer unit each. There were armed units present in the villages Chetirok, Staricheni, Gorentsi, Zhelevo and Dobrolishta. These bands were reinforced with volunteers from other villages. There were central band units stationed in the two cities commanded by Luka Damianov, Risto Naskov, Kolio Sheshtevarot and Vasil Ianakiev. (Ibid, p. 30.)

By directly engaging the Italian military occupational authorities, the pro-Bulgarian armed movement recruited approximately 3,000 members in western Greek occupied Macedonia, of whom about 350 were volunteers. (Ibid, p. 30.)

In March 1943 the armed counter-band unit from the village Starichani attacked the villages Zhuzheltsi, Ludovo, Gosnovo and Breshtani. It terrorized the local villagers and forced them to take weapons and fight against the partisans. Those who refused were severely beaten and many were beaten to death. The priest Risto, a priest serving in the village Gosnovo, was arrested, taken to Kostur and executed without a trial. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p 31.) Armed detachments from the villages Chetirok and Dobrilishte, led by Pando Makriev and Kuze Kiriazovski, attacked the villages Dranichevo, Tsakoni, Grache and Dolno Papresko and a detachment led by Luka Damianov attacked the village D’mbeni. The counter-bandits forced arms on the villagers and forcefully recruited them into their movement against the partisans. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 31.)

The collaborationist armed movement was required to provide security support for the bases and movement of the occupying forces as well as to inform the occupiers of imminent partisan attacks. The collaborationists were deployed on the entire road network from the Yugoslav-Greek to the Greek-Albanian border in order to protect the bridges, telephone and telegraph lines, and to participate in arrest

operations in clearing the ground of Partisans. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 31.) They were also required to join the occupying forces in combat operations against the partisan units in the liberated settlements. On March 13, 1943 200 members of the pro-Bulgarian movement were involved in the Italian offensive against re-occupying the town Rupishta. The Italian force consisted of a battalion of 600 soldiers with 12 guns and air support. (Ibid, p. 32.) Over 70 houses and other buildings were destroyed and heavily damaged during the attack on Rupishta from the bombing alone. (Ibid, p. 32.) After Rupishta was taken another 26 Macedonian houses and shops were burned down. Included among the houses and shops burned down were the homes belonging to Lazo Fotev, Tomo Changov, Kosta Filio, Kiro Ivanovski, Vasil Kotsanov, Stepio Kotsanov, Giorgi Kotopulovski, Gligor Mitrevski and Kosma Kolichevski. (Ibid, p. 32.) About 300 houses were also robbed the same day. Included among the items taken were 300 cattle, 1,200 sheep and about 20,000 pieces of blankets, carpets, clothing and dowries. (Ibid, p. 33.) About 50 commercial stores and craft workshops were also robbed. (Ibid, p. 33.) After the town was re-occupied the pro-Bulgarian faction established its own command with Vasil Ianakiev in charge, right beside the Italian Carabinieri, the Greek police and the gendarmerie. Also stationed in Rupishta was Luka Damianov’s “elite” detachment of about 300 armed counter-bandits. And as Fotev said: “All living side by side in a peaceful brotherly co-existence...” (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 32.) They maintained friendly relations and followed the same goal: “Destroy the partisan movement…” In a joint operation, carried out during the end of March 1943, the collaborationists arrested about 350 people who belonged to partisan families and who supported the people’s liberation movement. Included among those arrested were Tome and Tsana Belotsrkvenov, Evtimia and Sofia Changov, Lazo and Aleksandra Fotev, Vasiliki Mavranza, Konstandin and Fota Polihroni, Gligor Mitrevski and Petro Mirchev. (Ibid, P. 32-33.) They executed 68 Macedonian patriots without a trial. More than 10 Macedonians from Rupishsta alone were executed. Included among those executed were Mihail Mangiliatov, Vangel Ianovski-Angi, Dimitar Ziguri, Stati Evstatiadi, Lazo Atanasiadi-Zangochi, Giorgi Bakali and Ilia Apostolou. (Ibid, p. 32.)

Members of the collaborationist movement broke into houses during the night and robbed them and raped the girls and young women. Over 30 girls and young women were abducted and raped in Rupishta alone but that number was much larger because many women did not report the rapes. Most of these abductions and rapes were carried out with the knowledge of Commander Luka Damianov. Sometimes abducted women were brought to him so that he personally could rape them. (Ibid, p. 33.) The greatest cruelties were demonstrated during the blockades of the Macedonian settlements that strongly supported the PLM and assisted the partisans. Many partisans who actually left the mountains and came home to their families, just to avoid being tormented by the collaborationist, were themselves forced to be armed and fight against the partisans. Members of the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee”, the likes of Vasil Manoilov, Petro Padzhov and Kiriazo Shkurtov (who came from Bulgaria, Plovdiv, born in that village), accompanied by Italian regiment soldiers, terrorized and coerced the villagers of the village Staricheni to re-arm. As a result a pro-Bulgarian unit was formed and reinforced with volunteers from neighbouring villages. The unit consisted of about sixty members armed with rifles, five heavy machine guns (shmaizer), three light machine guns and a large supply of hand grenades. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 51.)

After Fascist Italy capitulated on September 9, 1943, the pro-Bulgarian movement found itself in a difficult situation. Partisan units of ELAS XXVIII Battalion took intrusive measures to crush it. The movement’s position became very critical. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 48.) Its members individually and in groups began to leave the counter-band units to join the partisans. (Ibid, p. 48.)

To maintain its integrity the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” turned to the Bulgarian government for help. In the second half of September 1943, the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” sent a four member delegation that included Paskal Kalimanovski, Risto Rukov, Dinko pop-Andonov, led by Andon Kalchev, to Sofia. The delegation traveled from Kostur via Lerin and Bitola to Sofia which, according to Mincho Fotev, was received by the Bulgarian interior minister. The delegation, according to confirmed confidential information submitted to Mincho Fotev by Giorgi Todorovski,

informed the interior minister of the critical situation the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” movement was in and that it was in need of support from the Bulgarian state after Italy’s capitulation. (Ibid, p. 49.)

The Bulgarian government decided that an active Bulgarian army officer should be leading the “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee” movement in Greek occupied Macedonia. Major Matkarov was selected for the job and sent to Kostur together with the delegation.

During the months of September and October 1943, the partisans were making headway in disarming the village counter-bands and managed to disarm the bands in the villages Kosinets, Lobanitsa, Aposkep and other villages. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 51.) In time more and more counter-bands were disarmed. The “Macedono-Bulgarian Committee”, however, took rigorous measures to prevent its counter-band members from leaving their movement. Many of those who returned to their villages were threatened and intimidated into taking up arms again.

Matkarov, the Bulgarian officer, assumed command of the counter-bandits and appointed Pando Makriev and Iani Mino as his assistants. Gestapo officer Lieutenant Reish of German command was appointed liaison officer. (Ibid, p. 49.) To boost morale and to consolidate the ranks of the counter-bands, Matkarov and Riesch organized a joint rapid combat action against the partisan units in Kostur and Lerin Regions. On October 3, 1943 250 counter-bandits joined up with a German unit of about 300 soldiers and attacked the partisan positions in the areas near the villages Nestram, Radigozha and Chuka, all populated by Macedonians. During the three days of fighting many houses were destroyed by fire and a large number of crimes were committed. Kosta Kirovski and his wife Kostandina, in the village Nestram, were burned alive inside their house. (Ibid, p. 49.)

In early 1944 the counter-bandits strengthened their defensive positions against attacks from the partisans in the villages Dobrolishta, Chetirok, Tikveni, Izglebi and Gorentsi by arming the villagers in those villages. (Ibid, p. 53.) In April and early May, 1944 the counter-bandits, together with German forces, participated