Front Matter - Part 05

Thanks to the CPY Central Committee's implementation of a proper political platform, the Provincial and Local committees as well as the CPM membership, have achieved good results in Macedonia.

This is what the evaluation said during the 5th national conference:

"Today we have about 250 Party members in Macedonia (in contrast to the end of 1939 when we only had 140 members). We also have a District Committee (now known as the Provincial Committee) and ' Ibid., pp. 340-341.

several local and area committees." Great results have been achieved in trade union organizations with the increased memberships and with their participation in various activities. "Earlier there were only 40 workers in the Skopje unions and now there are more than a thousand. The "Abrashevich" Primary Society for example, was recently involved in 9 strikes and 2 tariff actions. The metal workers have been out for 40 days and are still out. Good luck to them. A second metal worker strike has been ongoing for 30 days.

Experience has shown that trade unions can be successful in their action under Party leadership. We have unions in Veles, Bitola and Kumanovo. We have taken bigger actions in Prilep, where we have over 150 members..." This is what the evaluation said regarding the state of the Party:

"There was a Party in Macedonia. It was created by the Shmama Gora Council in June 1939. However, the appointed bureau worked very poorly. It almost never met to discuss issues. When the Central Committee saw that the work wasn't going well it sent help in March 1940. Until then there was zero movement in Macedonia.

The appointed bureau consisted of a number of opportunistic chatterbox intellectuals and cowards. The first actions appeared as slogans written on walls and broke the Macedonian people's fear of the gendarmes... " At this time there were 16 organizations established mainly in largely populated areas, with 247 members, of whom 23 were women. They achieved good results. They held two plenums and one conference during which a new leadership was elected. Tobacco and poppy producers were also organized in unions. The Communist Party organized the Ilinden celebration for that year as well as demonstrations against the unpopular regime.

On the issue of the People's Front, Metodija Shatorov didn't agree with the views expressed in the report on the national question, submitted by Milovan Gjilas. Shatorov criticized the presented position as follows: "The report is abstract. Gjilas could have included the material that shows that the Macedonians brought a Resolution to the Conference. They have printed documents which show the opposite. Dimitrov wrote that the People's Front still remains in the colonies. Gjilas, on the other hand, only calls for an alliance between workers and peasants and leaves out the liberal bourgeoisie, etc. So he rejects the People's Front. He sees it as a template, in the same way as, for example, in Croatia... In the Conference Resolution we established that both the middle strata and the liberal bourgeoisie enter the national front, all with the exception of spies and imperialist agents. A group of the liberal bourgeoisie themselves sought to make contact with us. But, even though the peasants are the basic mass on the national front, there is something else: language, culture, etc., which the whole nation (and the liberal bourgeoisie) is looking for..." 92 Recently a monthly newsletter was published in Macedonia. Four issued have already been released. The first two issues were printed in Serbian and Macedonian, and the other two exclusively in Macedonian. On top of the newsletters, there was also an issue of

"Iskra", printed exclusively in the Macedonian language. In addition to the newsletters there are leaflets, bulletins and slogans pasted on the walls, written in the Macedonian language. It is expected that all these will have great influence on the Macedonian people who will be uplifted in the struggle for national and social liberation, and thus the Provincial Committee will gain great reputation as a leader in the struggle for liberation.

This is what was said in the CPY evaluation documents from the Fifth Regional Conference about the CPM's achievements for the time since the Provincial Committee was elected in the beginning of 1940: "At the conference in Macedonia, it was shown that as soon as the CPY Central Committee began to seriously assist the Party Organizations in that province, they became organizationally stronger in a very short period of time. The CPY also helped them remove some of the old opportunistic and anti-party elements that hampered their progress. After the Regional Committee (Pokrainski Komitet) and the Party Organizations were created in various parts of Macedonia, the terribly exploited Macedonian workers and peasants were able to revive the struggle. Having the Provincial Conference in Macedonia, then the Macedonian Delegation participating at the CPY 5th Conference, undoubtedly was of great importance to further develop the Party Organization in this

92 Ibid., pp. 355-359.

province, where national oppression and cruelty knew no bounds." 93 In November 1940, the CPM Central Committee issued a leaflet to the Macedonian people (Brajkja) which explained what the two-year imperialist war (the war between Greece and Italy) brought to Macedonia, which also affected the entire Balkan Peninsula. This is what in part was said: "Macedonia under Greece has been turned to ashes by Italian bombs. Bitola was also bombed by Italian planes..

The leaflet continued: "In these critical moments the Great Serbians and Great Bulgarians are arguing about to whom Macedonia belongs and who should govern it. This dispute started because of what P.

Dumanov said during the National Assembly (Bulgarian assembly held on November 21, 1940). There he said that Macedonia should shine like a jewel in the crown of Tsar Boris. The Serbian chauvinists and enslavers answered him that Macedonia will shine like a diamond in the crown of the Yugoslav king... The entire Great Serbian press, together with the Skopje newspaper "Glas Yuga" whose editors are all Macedonian traitors and spies, shouted: "We are not giving Macedonia to Bulgaria, Macedonia will remain Serbian..." etc.

The first thing that stood out in this dispute between the Bulgarian and Serbian chauvinists is the Serbian admission that Macedonia exists. Until now, they have always yelling and screaming that there is no Macedonia, only "Southern Serbia", and now they have admitted that Macedonia does exists not only in Greece and Bulgaria, but also in Yugoslavia. But the crux of their dispute was not Macedonia's existence but who should rule it and who should reap the benefits from its occupation." Further down the leaflet addressing the Macedonian people, the CPM Provincial Committee said: "The gentlemen from Belgrade and Sofia are arguing about Macedonia without asking what the Macedonian people want. The same people who enslaved 93 Tito 's collected works book 6, p. 124. Note: The clash between Metodija Shatorov and Milovan Gjilas appeared and expressed itself only in relation to the Macedonian national question. (How to set and treat the paths to be followed in regards to settling the Macedonian national question.)

Macedonia have the nerve to say that the Macedonian people were always Serbian... or Bulgarian... and that Macedonians have no history, language, etc. Those who enslaved you are lying to you! In fact Macedonians are not Serbians or Bulgarians, but only Macedonians... You have your own language, your own culture, your own traditions, songs, etc. You have a glorious past and history. Kiril and Metodi were neither Serbs nor Bulgarians, but Macedonians... Slavic speaking Macedonians, who brought Macedonian literacy and culture to all the Slav speakers... In the more modem sense, Macedonia is rich with struggles for national freedom with Ilinden being the most famous point in the Macedonian struggle for freedom and equality." Further down the leaflet the Provincial Committee clear said.

"Macedonia's enslavers will do everything they can to prove that (in the occupied parts) the Macedonians are free. But the truth is there is no freedom in Macedonia, only torment and suffering. People are arrested beaten by the gendarmes and exploited like colonists...

There is only political slavery and injustice... If there was a war between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria the Macedonian people in both countries will suffer the most... In such a war, Macedonia will only change one master for another... Macedonia's salvation is in its struggle for freedom together with all the other oppressed nations in Yugoslavia." The leaflet ended with the slogan: "Long live the people's government in Yugoslavia, which will bring equality and freedom to all in Macedonia! Long live the free Macedonian Republic" 94 Note that the words "... free Macedonian Republic" were mentioned for the first time. In previous calls and addresses the Provincial Committee always used the slogan "Long live free Macedonia."

2. Balkan war provocateurs (Bulgarian, Serbian and Croatian reactions regarding Macedonia)

In November 1940, the Provincial Committee was once again obliged to draft another leaflet under the title "Balkan War Provocateurs" to again address the Macedonian people about which 94 Documents and Materials, pp. 361-363.

Tito wrote in early December 1940. The subject covered the appetites of the Serbian and Bulgarian monarchies towards Macedonia. In part the leaflet said: "Like the dictators of Versailles and other European nations who never asked the people if they were willing to accept the yoke of their masters and oppressors (the people in Versailles never accepted the yoke. It was imposed on them by force), the Macedonian people too were never asked and instead were handed over to the mercy of the cruelest national oppression.

And as the war between Italy and Greece continued, appetites for fascism grow and so did the fascist desire to enslave people. And as the fascists wanted to divide the world, Bulgarian and Serbian monarchy appetites also grow. They wanted Macedonia to be their ornament." Further down the same leaflet it was said: "Then we will have to yell even louder at those war instigators to tell them that Macedonia is neither Serbian nor Bulgarian. The freedom loving oppressed Macedonian people, under years of Serbian national hegemony, have been exposed to the cruelest terror, hunger, denationalization and exploitation. Our blood-soaked country Macedonia is not here to serve as an ornament to someone's royal crown, nor to be the dowry of the Serbian or Bulgarian bourgeoisie, but to be freed from all national oppression. The Macedonian people are fighting for their national liberation and in that struggle so far they have made many bloody sacrifices. No reaction can stifle the Macedonian people's will to fight for freedom... nor the will of any other oppressed peoples... They cannot destroy their right to self-determination, the right to manage their own destiny." 95

3. Call to the "Tobacco Producers in Macedonia", made at the end of 1940, when tobacco trading began Knowing the tobacco producer's situation and their exploitation by the Great Serbian Monarchy through the tobacco monopoly, the Provincial Committee called on the tobacco producers to organize and fight for higher prices, and thus against the great exploitation. In the beginning, the call described the round-the-clock work to produce the tobacco. This is in part what it said: "The suffering of 95 Tito's collected works, book 6, pp. 108-111.

the tobacco workers is great. Nine months of intensive day after day under the hot sun, wind, rain and cold the children of the Macedonian people work to plant, dig, peel, string and fold the yellow leaf into tobacco. A large part of the Macedonian population goes to sleep and wakes up with the word "tobacco" coming out of their mouths. They expect to make a living from tobacco... The expect joy from it... But that does not happen!" Here is what the call said about the tobacco producer's situation:

"Isn't it a shame to cultivate tobacco for 20-30 dinars and to sell it for 300-400 dinars? Isn't it robbery to cultivate the tobacco for practically nothing, for less than an old dinar, and sell it abroad for a high price?" Tobacco farmers were urged to fight to appoint their own representatives at the commissions for the purchase of tobacco, and not to allow self-appointed representatives to set prices. This is what the call said about that: "Self-appointed representatives are a joke for the tobacco producers." This is what the call said about the Macedonian villagers who produce tobacco: "The Macedonian villagers who cultivate and produce tobacco are being tormented and abused by their Belgrade masters. The Great Serbian nobles in Belgrade on the other hand, who profit from the pain and sweat of the Macedonian villagers, build palaces and receive large salaries and pensions..." The Provincial Committee, therefore, called on the tobacco producers to organize resistance as follows: "It is time to resist this plundering and exploitation organized by Belgrade. It is time to resist and start a decisive fight against these plunderers who are condemning you, your wives and children to starve to death. The means the fight is in your hands. Raise your heads up and demand that good money be paid for good tobacco.... Unite and create tobacco associations, boards, committees and delegations. Organize meetings and demonstrations against the low tobacco prices. Ask for an average of 50 dinars per kilo of tobacco..." These are the slogans used in this call: "Down with the Belgrade imperialists and plunderers! Down with the Monopoly! Take over the tobacco promotion boards and committees! Demand 60 dinars average price for tobacco! Organize meetings and demonstrations!

Choose your own representatives to set prices and monitor the weighing scales! LONG LIVE THE FREE MACEDONIAN REPUBLIC!" 96 The Provincial Committee calls had a great response with visible results from the tobacco producers who immediately began to organize strikes as can be seen from the call made to the Skopje workers and tobacco producers, in which in part it was said:

"Friends, workers and tobacco producers, the Prilep tobacco producers could no longer endure the Great Serbian tyranny and exploitation so they went on strike. They will not take their tobacco to the monopoly until the price of tobacco is raised, and until their wishes are met. The tobacco producers in Prilep are united in their actions. Only three Serbian chauvinist scoundrels took their tobacco to the monopoly.

The action taken by the Prilep tobacco producers was fair! They are now fighting for their rights, for a higher tobacco price, for bread to take to their wives and children, who struggled all year long to collect and process the tobacco leaves.

The people of Prilep have thrown off the yoke you don't need to carry it. Their struggle is your struggle. This is a fight for your survival and theirs. Resist! Express solidarity with the Prilep tobacco producers, they are your brothers... " 97 The Provincial Committee managed to mobilize a large part of the Macedonian population with these calls because growing tobacco was one of the main economic activities for people who made their living from tobacco. But, because of the ongoing exploitation, through low prices, the population was brought into great poverty and deprivation.

At the beginning of January 1941, the Provincial Committee issued a call to the working class in Macedonia on the occasion of the banning of class-based trade unions. On January 2, the government passed a law to ban all these organizations. Among other things, this is what was said in the call: "In these difficult times, instead of

96 Documents and materials, pp. 369-370.

Ibid., pp. 366-367.

giving workers the freedom to organize, instead of giving them food and fuel, to ensure the people have peace, those bloodthirsty murderers in the government from the 14 December and 8 September generation, stood in the defense of capitalist interests...

They banned the trade unions under conditions when there is huge corruption and low wages, when there are no basic food items in the market place such as bread, fat, fuel, etc.

The banning of the class based unions is a big blow to our working class in Macedonia. The Macedonian worker is paid the lowest wage, is the most exploited, and the most disadvantaged. The workers know that life will get worst and more miserable without their unions... " The Provincial Committee assessed the situation and encouraged the workers to organize a struggle for their class rights.

Among other things, this is what was said: "Workers, tighten your ranks firmly and in solidarity and as before stand as one in defense of your class trade unions. Gather together in assemblies and protest... Demand your rights!" 98 In January 1941, the Provincial Committee published a call under the title "Macedonian Workers, Peasants and Citizens". This call was directed against the Ivanitsa-Megjurechje concentration camp, to which more than 600 Macedonian citizens were sent, accused of not being 'good Serbians'. Two other camps were also opened in Serbia to house communists. In its call to the general population, among other things, the Provincial Committee said: "A new wave of reaction, of injustice and violence has engulfed Macedonia. New arrests and torture is being carried out and new concentration camps are being built to jail the good sons of Macedonia.

The Serbian authorities in Macedonia have been exploiting, robbing, pillaging and plundering the Macedonian people for more than 20 years, but since this Second Imperialist War (WWII) has taken hold, the exploitation of labour and goods, especially of tobacco, is visible to everyone. The blind can see, the deaf can hear and the children understand that the Macedonian tobacco producers, the Macedonian peasants, are being robbed in broad daylight. The outlaws, Ottomans and Albanians of the past were better behaved than the outlaws who

98 Ibid., pp. 370-376.

came from Serbia and settled in Macedonia. This year the tobacco was taken from the producers who were paid the same price as nettles in spring time. The whole of Macedonia is wailing and crying, because the effort, because the bread has been taken from the children's mouths. After that, fathers, sons and children of Macedonian families were arrested and taken to concentration camps in Serbia and forced to work on the roads and tunnels... At the opening of the Skopje radio station Tsrvetkovich said: 'Justice for everyone and everything.' But instead NOT JUSTICE, BUT BARE VIOLENCE, ARRESTS, TERROR AND CONCENTRATION CAMPS ARE GIVEN TO THE MACEDONIANS...!

Dear Macedonians!

The government of Serbian magnates, reactionaries and exploiters is hanging around your neck. It will not allow you to work freely, to breathe freely, to speak freely in your native language... It sends you to concentration camps... beats you and persecutes you. You can save yourself from all this but only if you unite and together lead a general, popular struggle for freedom and democracy in alliance with the democratic parties and elements in Serbia, as well as with the other oppressed peoples in Yugoslavia, for a decisive struggle for a democratic government, that will join the foreign policy of the great Soviet Socialist Union.

Workers and Macedonian communists!

You, who are the most fiercely exploited and persecuted, you who are at the forefront of the fight against terror and violence - for national freedom, equality and socialism - tighten your ranks and fight even more decisively for a truly united Macedonian democratic front, for peace, freedom, for people's justice and for a people's democratic government in Yugoslavia". 99 With these slogans and pledges made to the people, the CPM Provincial Committee greatly contributed to the mobilization of the Macedonian population in their fight against the Serbian monarchy, 99 Ibid., pp. 377-379.

and for their national liberation. The Provincial Committee also closely followed the political and economic conditions, as well as the ongoing war. It reacted in times of need to inform the population of what was going on and to organize events, direct actions and mobilize people in the struggle to achieve their goals.

4. Communist Party of Macedonia Provincial Committee Expanded Plenum Resolution After reading the reports given by the delegates at the CPY 5th Regional Conference, the CPM Provincial Committee Extended Plenum decided to unanimously accept all recommendations made during the 5th conference. This included political tactics, as well as measures taken in terms of forcing mass work, and influence and expansion among the broad masses in Macedonia. It was underlined that the successes the Party experienced in the last year or so created an opportunity to hold the 5th National Conference, which would be of colossal significance for the development of the Party. Held in January 1941, the Plenum set out to create a Macedonian democratic front which would include all anti-imperialist groups and elements.

The Macedonian democratic front would then join the Yugoslav general democratic front on the basis of mutually supporting each other and develop friendly relations with the USSR. In addition the Plenum set out a special task for the CPM to look for organizational solutions to consolidate the Party, as well as clean out any opportunistic or other elements that might exist within its Party ranks.

The Plenum also underlined that "the Communist Party of Macedonia has not, even for a moment, given up on its ultimate goal: full liberation and equality of Macedonia, even to the point of secession into an independent Macedonian state." 100 The Plenum had a concrete and clear view of what it wanted to do and was determined to solve the Macedonian national question.

With their actions, the Provincial Committee and the Plenum demonstrated their commitment to supporting the Macedonian people's Macedonian national identity and interests, which were °° Ibid., pp. 381-382.

consistent with the historical ideals of organizing the Macedonians to struggle for an independent Macedonian nation, and a united and independent Macedonian state as it existed for centuries until 1912.

A call "TO THE WORKING PEOPLE AND TO THE ENTIRE OPEN COMMUNITY" made in February 1941, was directed against the Tsvetkovich-Machek government and its measures, which wanted to break the working class struggle and suffocate the people who were fighting for a better life. This is what, in part, the call said: "By not choosing a means in this fight and in order to ensure the unimpeded enrichment of the war speculators as well as to please their masters in Berlin and London, the fifth column government has abandoned its own people in hunger and corruption, and is treading more and more in blood." Further down, the call said: "Today the people's fighters are being ambushed and killed in the streets and are being beaten while serving in judicial prisons. And in police prisons, the killings are a regular occurrence... But neither being arrested, beaten, chased, nor having trade unions banned, will stifle the people's struggle. The tenacity and faith of those who are fighting for a better life for their people can not be killed... And the generals-the fifth columnists who carry out the orders of their capitalist masters have now decided to open more military concentration camps.

Working people, young working people!

Don't let your best fighters be imprisoned by the barbed wire of the concentration camps. Organize and fight against the labour camps, raise a strong force and fight against terror and the reactionaries. By fighting against them you are fighting for a better life. Respond, in a worthy manner, to the working class fighting tradition by organizing protests against this unheard-of attack on your lives, and on the lives of your families..." This is what, in part, the call said addressing the working peasants and peasant women: "Don't let them take the lives of your best people... your most conscientious comrades and sons".

This is what the call said to the soldiers, non-commissioned officers and officers: "You must not accept the role of being bloody servants to even bloodier masters. You must not become gendarmes and policemen..." This is what, in part, the call said addressing the general public: "We call on all of you to join the struggle against the use of war concentration camps. Concentration camps are used when a country prepares for war or for its capitulation. Raise your voices clearly and openly in protest against this atrocity..." 101 Activities carried out by the CPM Central Committee greatly contributed to the affirmation of the Macedonian national individuality, within the ranks of the Communist Party, that is, among the leadership that for many years didn't take a clear position on the Macedonian national question, and this can be seen from the September 1939 report, written by Tito to the Communist International which, in part, said: "It is especially important to raise the Macedonian and Montenegrin Question now, where Italian fascism has firmly established itself and where, with the help of its agents, propaganda is being carried out." The urgency of solving the Macedonian and Montenegrin national question was so important that Yugoslavia was being immediately threatened by the danger of Italian fascism, especially after Albania was occupied (in April

1939)." 102 In an the article entitled "Against the expansion of the war in the Balkans - for the freedom and equality of the Macedonian people", published at the beginning of January 1941, Tito made a clear statement in which, in part, he said: "Macedonians are neither Serbians, nor Bulgarians, nor Greeks: they are Macedonians. And as a separate nation, they have the right to self-determination up to the point of secession; they have the right to their freedom and independence like the other peoples of the Balkans... for their liberation and unification... " 103 Tito's views completely coincided with the views of the CPM Central Committee expressed in its documents published in 1940.

The Macedonian revolutionary movement in 1940 caused great concern for the Serbian monarchy, which can be seen from reports written by certain state authorities. This, in part, is what was said in a summary report written by the III District Army Headquarters on Ibid., pp. 382-384. 102 Tito's collected works, book 5, pp. 10 and 269. 103 Ibid., book 6, p. 167.

June 28, 1940, about the situation in the Vardar and Bregalnitsa territory divisional areas: "With the support of other factions in Macedonia, the Macedonian national consciousness is being thoughtfully awakened and spread. The ultimate goal is clear... The lists that I am attaching to this report are of those who appeared as state opponents, either as separatists or as communists... I am obliged to say here that it would also be necessary to move the majority of the natives (term for Macedonians) in these parts from the ranks of the army (officers, non-commissioned officers)..." Proposals and measures: "Don't get angry with the measures against communism. It is wrong to believe that we don't have communism, as it is often heard by serious people, and the most important thing is that they (communists) are the biggest enemies of the state". 104 LETTER From "Colonel and former Member of Parliament" to Dragisha Tsvekovich, President of the Yugoslav Council of Ministers, dated June 8, 1940. Personal. Strictly confidential.

It begins: "As a long-standing People's Deputy of our South, as an officer who participated in all the military conflicts, through which we dearly paid with blood, we came to the precious benefit of Southern Serbia, and finally as a descendant of the forefathers of our Grandfather... I will clarify the situation there today, so that as an individual I can help save the Serbian South.

The spirit of separatism with the idea of creating a free Macedonia has penetrated to such an extent that it can be said without exaggeration that it is at its peak, and that only one spark would be enough for that spirit to come to the fore. This is especially true for the youth, who we can freely say - they are for us completely lost..." 105 This letter mentions specific activities carried out by Macedonians who publicly came out in favour of creating a free Macedonian

104 Documents on the Macedonian people's struggle for independence and for a national state, volume II, pp. 31-33. (Hereinafter referred to as Documents.) 105 Ibid., pp. 167-168.

state. In fact the letter cites Metodija Andonov-Chento's speech which he gave at the plenary session of the Chamber of Commerce, which was attended by about 60 advisors. And about Professor Epaminonda Jovanovich, it was said openly and without obstacles that he was spreading propaganda in favour of a free Macedonia.

This was done on May 19 of this year at a meeting held in Topana on the outskirts of Skopje.

These documents, which are voicing Greater Serbian concerns, in fact highlight the activities carried out by the Macedonian revolutionary movement in 1940 (through strikes, demonstrations, celebrating the Krushevo Republic, as well as public appearances by certain persons) in favour of creating a free Macedonia.

Serbian monarchy concerns (about the situation in Macedonia) were spelled out in a letter written by the Great Serbian youth and sent to Novakovich, governor of the National Bank in Belgrade, in July 1940, while he was on vacation in Ohrid. Among other things the letter said: "A heavy duty has fallen upon you! The Serbian youth, inspired by the heroism of their great leaders, decided to respond to the secret solution of our country by the revolutionary Macedonian youth with revenge. We all know that the Macedonians hate us with all their hearts and want to unite with the Bulgarians. They are all wrong. Southern Serbia is our homeland, our---. That is the greatness of our glory... We will fight to the last drop of our blood.

At our last secret meeting, we decided to proceed with... The most visible must disappear from the main towns of South Serbia." 106 Certain specific persons were ordered in this letter to assassinate prominent Macedonians by poisoning them. These prominent Macedonians were considered dangerous by the Serbian monarchy.

Similarly certain persons from Ohrid were also named to be liquidated the same way.

This is what the CPM Central Committee wrote in its Bulletin on July 20, 1949, under the title "MACEDONIANS ON STRIKE", responding to the letter: "The Macedonian people have also fought against the Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek rulers in Macedonia. Let's

106 Communist Party of Macedonia Central Committee Bulletin, June 20, 1940.

put aside what happened centuries ago. The Great Serbian youth themselves now admit that the Macedonians don't want to be under Serbian slavery and are waiting for their moment to free themselves.

This is the strongest evidence that Macedonians are not Serbians and will remain only Macedonians. They will remain free Macedonians, not oppressed and not exploited by anyone... that's what the Macedonian struggle is about.

The Macedonians are not to blame for the blood shed by the Great Serbians. No one forced them. No one invited the Greater Serbians to come to Macedonia. For that reason they should leave so that Macedonia can be clean of Serbian chauvinists.

Macedonians! Expose the Great Serbian hellish plans! Put prominent Macedonians on alert! Fight back!" 107 By what was said in this Bulletin it was clear what position the Provincial Committee had taken on the Macedonian Question, as can also be seen from the following statement: "The joint struggle offered by Albanians, Turks and Macedonians against all kinds of oppression (by any oppressor) was strengthened, regardless of who perpetrated it, whether it was perpetrated by Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece or Italy. - This was no small credit to our Party." 108 In September 1940, the Provincial Committee published an article entitled "THE SITUATION AND THE NEW DANGER IN MACEDONIA". Considering its importance I will quote a large part of it here without commenting. This is what was said: "There is great danger, especially for the Macedonians, as there is for the other peoples in Yugoslavia, of becoming German and Italian slaves but under a Bulgarian cover. Bulgaria is Hitler and Mussolini's indulgent child which has aspirations for Macedonia and is preparing to annex it with German and Italian help. The question is what will the Macedonians gain from the change of masters, from one imperialist to another, who are already suffocating it and will suffocate it tomorrow. With the Macedonians being passed to Tsar Boris will the situation in Macedonia change significantly? It will not!

107 Ibid., No. 1, pp. 21-23. 108 Ibid., p. 3.

Instead of Serbian gendarmes, there will be Bulgarian ones, instead of Serbian tax collectors, there will be Bulgarian ones, etc. The Macedonians will be persecuted by the Bulgarian authorities, just as they are being persecuted today by the Serbian imperialists. The Bulgarian gendarmes know no less how to curse "your f u**ing Macedonian mother!" If you don't believe Bulgarian rule represents a new slavery then have a good look at the part of Macedonia that is under Bulgarian rule - Petrichko. Let that serve as an example... For the last 28 years Petrichko has been in Bulgarian hands. That part of Macedonia has not progressed in any direction. The Macedonians in Petrichko are treated the same as the Macedonians under the Serbian colony. The violence is much greater there and let us not speak about rights and freedoms.... Since the war started about 3 thousand of the best and most faithful sons of the Macedonian people have been killed, just because they didn't want to be enslaved, they didn't want to be exploited colonially, and because they wanted freedom and equality.

Let it be clearly understood that only that nation which frees itself can be the bearer of freedom..." 109 As was shown above, the Provincial Committee called on the Macedonian people to stand up and fight for their own freedom and not wait for someone else to fight for them. It called on them to fight against the Serbian and Bulgarian monarchy, that is, to fight against Bulgarian and Serbian colonial slavery, and from that it was understood that they were also expected to fight against Greek colonial slavery.

5. Peoples of Yugoslavia! CPY Central Committee Proclamation on the occasion of the 1941 April War Most of the attention in this document was devoted to the Croatian people, even though it was aimed at all the people in Yugoslavia. In part, this is what it said: "Know, Croatian people, that history will 109 CPM Central Committee Bulletin, September 1940, No. 3, pp. 1-3.

condemn with contempt those who built your divine independence with Jewish coins and enslaved their blood brothers - Serbian, Slovenian and other nations". The Macedonian people were not mentioned. Further down, after a long explanation regarding the Croatian people's situation, it said: "Peoples of Yugoslavia - of Serbia, Slovenia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Vojvodina! You, who fight and die in the struggle for your independence, know that that fight will be crowned with success, even if you succumb to fighting against a superior enemy." 110 This is what Georgi Dimitrov said to Josip Broz Tito in a telegram dated March 22, 1941: "We recommend that a decisive stand be taken against capitulating to Germany. Support the movement for international resistance against a military invasion. Seek friendship with the Soviet Union.

There is no need now for a general Balkan declaration and there is no need to highlight the Macedonian question in particular. There is no need to highlight the slogan to fight against national oppression and for the liberation of nationally oppressed peoples." 111 This is what was said in a telegram sent by Dimitrov to Tito on March 22, 1941, only five days later: "We expressly advise you to limit yourself to an intensive and skillful explanation to the masses of the position you have taken at this stage about giving up on street demonstrations and in every way avoiding armed clashes between the masses and the authorities... Attention was directed to the explanation of our principles and slogans, of our communist policy;

of strengthening the Party, of gathering and organizing the forces of the working class. Don't rush to go out. Do not expose the people to attacks and do not prematurely throw the vanguard of the people into the fire... The moment for a decisive clash with the enemy has not yet arrived." 112 The opinions expressed here caused misunderstanding between the CPM Provincial Committee and the CPY Central Committee regarding the defense of the existing Yugoslav borders.

110 Tito's collected works, book 6, pp. 243-245.

Ibid., p. 277. 112 Ibid., p. 278.

In the first half of March 1941, the CPY Central Committee issued a leaflet under the title "AGAINST CAPITULATION - A PACT FOR MUTUAL AID WITH THE SOVIET UNION", in which, among other things, it said: "Workers, villagers, citizens, soldiers, non-commissioned officers and officers of Yugoslavia! Stand against the imperialist bandits from the two warring camps, both the English and the German-Italian, who transferred their bloody war dance to the Balkans." Explaining the situation and the position of the peoples, the leaflet said: "Today, all the people should raise their voices louder than ever in protest against every attempt to capitulate to the demands of the German-Italian imperialists, as well as against every attempt by British imperialism to harness the willingness of the Yugoslav peoples to defend their freedom and independence.

There are only two possibilities before us all today: either the Yugoslav people and working masses succeed in the twelfth hour in winning a mutual aid pact with the Soviet Union and thereby saving their independence and peace; or the Tsvetkovich-Machek regime will lead the Yugoslav peoples on the path of war" 11 3 The leaflet called on the organizations to organize protest meetings and rallies in order to explain to the people that everything in Yugoslavia, the land, the people, is being torn apart and that our separation will only benefit the imperialist military exploiters and conquerors. The people should remain united and continue to fight for their full freedom and equality and for the rights of the oppressed peoples and national minorities in Yugoslavia.

The people should fight against the accession of Yugoslavia to the Triple Pact or to the British imperialist bloc and for an immediate conclusion of a mutual aid pact between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. It was understood that this leaflet was said to have been written at the beginning of March, and to have been published and distributed in the middle of the same month. But considering Dimitrov's telegram to Tito, sent on March 22, 1941, it seems that the leaflet was written after the telegram was received.

On March 30, 1941, the CPY Central Committee issued a leaflet entitled "PEOPLE OF YUGOSLAVIA" in which it said: "These

113 Ibid., p. 233.

days we witnessed unheard of betrayals against the Yugoslav people by the previous Tsvetkovich-Machek government.., which approached the Triple Axis Pact. But, because of the people's strong revolt led by the CPY, that treacherous government together with Pavle Karagjorgjevich was overthrown and replaced by the new Dushan Simich government from which the people expect their demands to be fulfilled, that is, to gain their freedom, independence and survival.., and to be saved from the horrors of war. The people want peace, bread and freedom." The leaflet went on to say: "There has been a change in the government, but there is still no clear change in its current internal and external policies. The new government has not yet made a statement about how it will behave towards the Soviet Union, and whether it will terminate the treacherous and capitulating agreement on accession to the Triple Pact which shamed and humiliated our peoples." In the end, the leaflet concluded that: "We do not want an imperialist war. We do not want to be a weapon in the hands of the English imperialists, just as we do not want to be slaves to the German imperialist conquerors and bloodsuckers who have enslaved numerous peoples! We want a peaceful, free and dignified life which we can ensure at this moment only if we rely on the Soviet Union. We want the Yugoslav people to have democratic and national rights and freedoms." 114 A larger space in this leaflet was devoted to the problems the Croatian workers, villagers and citizens were facing in general.

There was nothing special mentioned about the other nations in Yugoslavia. The Macedonian nation was not mentioned at all. There was talk in the leaflet about the overthrow of the previous government and Pavle Karagjorgjevich, but nothing was said about the new government that came to power and placed Petar Karagjorgjevich on the throne, who at that time was an Anglophile who declared himself ruler. Could such a government, headed by a monarch, be expected to satisfy the interests of the people? In this regard, a question that comes to mind is who will defend the country in the absence of a people's government? Will the country be defended by a monarchial government that stands on the side of English imperialism? In the telegram that Dimitrov sent to Tito on March 29, 1941, it said: "We expressly advise you to limit yourself

114 Ibid., p. 239.

to an intensive and skillful explanation to the masses of the position you have taken at this stage about giving up on street demonstrations and in every way avoiding armed clashes between the masses and the authorities. Don't rush to go out. Don't expose the people to attacks and do not prematurely throw the vanguard of the people into the fire... The moment for a decisive clash with the enemy has not yet arrived..." 115

6. Letter from Metodija Shatorov to "Stojan" dated May 1941 In this letter, Shatorov, then CPM Central Committee Secretary, expressed his evaluation and views on the situation after Yugoslavia was occupied by fascist Germany and Italy. The letter in part read:

"In the last weeks, two big imperialist countries: Germany and Italy attacked two Balkan countries (Yugoslavia and Greece) and with millions of blows they defeated their armies and occupied them." Expressing his views on the reasons for the rapid disintegration of the Yugoslav army and on the situation in Macedonia, he said: "As a result of the war, the German, Italian and Bulgarian armies have occupied our Macedonia. This fact, however, doesn't interest us because as Macedonians we have fought for national and political liberation for half a century. We have fought as Macedonians, following our leaders and founders of the Macedonian internal organization headed by Gotse Delchev, Jane Sandanski, Gjorche Petrov, Pere Toshev and Dimo Hadzhi Dimov." He continued: "It is clear as day that the Macedonians aren't fighting only to have their own priests and teachers... Macedonians are fighting for their national and political freedom. Some Macedonian-supremacists like to say that the Macedonian people's struggle was over when Macedonia was occupied by the German, Italian and Bulgarian armies. Is this true? It cannot be, because Macedonia was not free...