IV. STATE OF AFFAIRS OF THE MACEDONIAN PARTY ORGANIZATION DURING 1940-1941 - Part 03

Our newsletters and announcements are proof of that. But most Macedonians didn't believe us until they experienced the enslavement for themselves. We couldn't eradicate this from the Macedonian masses for a third of a year, until the Germans attacked the USSR which every Macedonian felt in their soul. Until then nothing was able to convince them that the USSR and Germany weren't in some secret war alliance. The people of Yugoslavia, and especially those in Serbia and Montenegro, were convinced that they had lost their freedom, and that's why they immediately took up arms at the call of the party. That couldn't happen in Macedonia.

The friendship between the USSR and England had to be explained because the Macedonian masses, with English help, were enslaved under colonial slavery. In the beginning, the Macedonian people were worried about the broken friendship between the USSR and Germany, now the majority began to sympathize with the USSR and struggle against Hitler. These are political reasons which go back to organizational reasons, that is, we weren't fully connected with the villagers until the Germans attacked the USSR. It is true that we had connections in some places but they weren't of any great importance. And, despite the fact that we made many attempts to find connections that we could at least rely on, there weren't many, not even in the extreme parts of Macedonia (Resen... Ohrid Regions). In time however, with our oral and written proclamations to the rural population we managed to change that. Now the people are with us and are resisting the Bulgarian authorities by not supplying them with the products they need. We are also creating reasons and conditions for a partisan movement. We even started to act in districts which the fascists consider the safest. One of the reasons for being slow in this is because most of our Party members are relatively young and haven't served in the army; as a result about 90% of them needed to be trained to handle weapons." This is what Shatorov said specifically about the accusations leveled against him and against the Provincial Committee for not organizing sabotage actions and for waiting for the Red Army to free Macedonia: "It isn't true that anyone in the Provincial Committee would even think, never mind say, that the Red Army should liberate us and that we should stand aside and wait. Without political and organizational preconditions, we couldn't have organized partisan actions in such a short time without mastering and understanding certain conditions on the part of the party and the part of the Macedonian masses." From the available documents that the Provincial Committee had produced, which are available to this day, we can say that after fascist Germany attacked the USSR on June 22, 1941, the Provincial Committee immediately organized a War Commission led by Shatorov, which started making preparations for an armed uprising. The War Commission also organized subversive groups that took certain actions such as the attack on the Radusha mine and so on. Military training was also organized for the young communists in Skopje. The War Commission also made preparations to organize partisan detachments and, as a result, the Skopje partisan detachment was created.

However, Dragan Pavlovich's allegations in the report he submitted to the CPY Central Committee on August 31, contradicted the actual situation. This is what Dragan Pavlovich wrote in his report: "There is fighting taking place in all the occupied countries, as well as in all Yugoslav provinces. Only in Macedonia there is no activity. The fault lies with the Provincial Committee... What matters most is the Provincial Committee's inactivity, the mistakes it made and the saboteur and counter-revolutionary attitude it has adopted... The Provincial Committee isn't aware of the state and strength of its own organization... There is complete inactivity in all its sectors... Its decision to surrender and not collect weapons has caused enormous damage to the Party." Let the reader decide who is accurate and who is not regarding Dragan Pavlovich's report.

Shatorov was accused of refusing to report to Belgrade for clarification, that is, for not attending discussions on the Macedonian question. This is what Shatorov said about that: "It's true that I didn't go to Belgrade but this is why: I went to Sofia at the CPB's request... and to receive instructions. I did that by decision (he didn't say by whose decision), I left on May 24 and I returned on June 1, 1941. During my absence an invitation from the CPY Central Committee arrived summoning me to go to Belgrade.

My comrades decided that another member of the Provincial Committee should go. Another member did go, who at the same time visited the CPY Central Committee and reported on the situation in our organization... and informed the attendants that I couldn't be there because at that time I was Sofia. I later reminded my CPY comrades of the fact that we hadn't only asked the CPY Central Committee about our connection to the CPB Central Committee but that we had received consent from them to make the connection. They even recommended that we have a relationship and for that they also gave us the link between the two central committees. I went to Sofia based on that. Until my departure we were part of the CPY, organizationally. After that we connected with the CPB." From the same document it can be ascertained that immediately after the Balkans were occupied, the CPB sent a person to liaise with the Macedonian party organization. With the return of the first prisoners of war, returning to Macedonia, the liaisons acted through them to pressure the Macedonian party organization to connect with the CPB. As a result the party organizations in Strumitsa, Gevgelija, Veles, etc., several times had asked the question: "Why aren't we associated with the Bulgarian party?" On the other hand, the Provincial Committee didn't make the connection without CPY Central Committee consent. Shatorov left for Sofia after he received consent from the CPY Central Committee and after the Communist International decision was made to send him to Sofia. Unfortunately the part of the document that contained this information had been severely damaged and we couldn't corroborate this part of the story, that is, not until we found more documents that reference this.

According to what Shatorov wrote in his documents he had doubts that the CPY Central Committee had pure intentions towards him and towards the Provincial Committee. The CPY had made too many allegations that didn't exactly fit reality. And this wasn't new, it began when the war in the Balkans started and with the CPY Central Committee sending liaison representatives to monitor and report on the Provincial Committee. However, in this case no CPY Central Committee representative was sent for two and a half months. This is what Shatorov said about that: "The CPY Central Committee waited for two and a half months before sending a representative. Was it necessary for the representative to come just for my expulsion from the party? Or was the CPY Central Committee building a case to show that we had betrayed the organization? Of course! Had we not received the decision (thinking of the Communist International m.z.) and agreement from the CPB we wouldn't have handed the organization back to our Yugoslav comrades, we would have waged a new struggle and even more difficult than the one in August. If this happened all responsibility would have fallen on the CPY Central Committee and its representative. But we didn't because we followed orders and betrayed no one." Contrary to other claims, the CPM organizations and the Provincial Committee were basically surrendered by the decision of an external factor, that is, by the decision of the Communist International, and not because of the accuracy of the overall accusations made by the CPY Central Committee.

The part of the document where Shatorov was talking to the CPB was damaged and it isn't possible to see what the CPB requested from him in terms of the Provincial Committee's organizational structure, but from several unrelated sentences where "regional committees" were mentioned, it can be assumed that Shatorov was asked to organize several such committees in that part of Macedonia and thereby lose the party unity with the CPM. According to the words "no reorganization of the party", it can also be assumed that Shatorov didn't agree to lose the entirety of the CPM Provincial Committee in this part of Macedonia. 173 In addition to this, I can say that in a casual conversation I had with Pero Ivanovski-Tikvar, the then Provincial Committee organizational secretary, I learned that when Shatorov returned from Sofia he was nervous and dissatisfied with the conversation he'd had with the CPB Central Committee representatives, because they demanded that he reorganize the party organization by establishing a District Committee in this territory. Shatorov, however, was in favour of Macedonia having a separate party leadership for the whole of Macedonia.

Of course, the question arises as to why the Provincial Committee was suspended and why political secretary Metodija Shatorov was replaced in this way. Did they really make "mistakes" (all those attributed to them) or was the Macedonian party leadership independent and that it independently created the CPM with its own program to completely liberate Macedonia and establish a Macedonian state on its entire territory? The kind of program the Macedonian party leadership was proposing, however, wasn't acceptable to the CPY, CPB and CPG. Therefore, everything that was done was done to prevent the CPM Provincial Committee from achieving its program goals.

Based on this documentation, we can say:

1. A major turning point in the Macedonian communist movement took place with the creation of the Provincial Committee in early 1940, which has historical significance:

- The Communist Party of Macedonia was constituted (abbreviated CPM PC);

173 Metodija Shatorov, letter to the Communist International dated September 16,

1941, INI Skopje.

- Independent party documents of program importance for the CPM and for the Macedonian national individuality were adopted;

- Party organizations expanded and membership increased (from

140 to 720 members);

- The number of SKOJ organization increased;

- The number of sympathizers in the workers' revolutionary movement increased (they acted in an organized manner to exercise their economic and political rights, organize strikes, etc.);

- The masses of people also acted in an organized manner jointly with the CPM (expression through historical traditions, especially in the Republic of Krushevo, for which appearances and demonstrations were organized);

- The CPM connected class with national, past with future, for the Macedonian national individuality, thus gaining the Macedonian people's trust and improving its reputation among the broad masses;

- At the Second State Conference, held in September 1940, the Provincial Committee asked the CPY to take a clear position on recognizing the Macedonian individuality (there was hesitation among certain leaders).

- The Provincial Committee issued all its documents in the Macedonian language!

2. Criticism, accusations and slander made against the CPM Provincial Committee and against its political secretary Metodija Shatorov didn't come from the basic party organizations, or from certain party leaders in Macedonia. These accusations were made by the CPY Central Committee representatives sent to Macedonia by the CPY Central Committee leadership in 1941, namely Lazar Kolishevski and Dragan Pavlovich, as well as certain other CPY Central Committee party leaders. The CPY Central Committee party leadership made certain decisions without determining the actual situation. This includes the decisions to suspend the Provincial Committee and expel Shatorov.

3. The CPM Provincial Committee and political secretary Metodija Shatorov weren't counter-revolutionaries and saboteurs, and Shatorov was neither a Bulgarian nor a Bulgarian exponent, nor a traitor, nor a Bulgarian at heart, nor an old Bulgarian as they called him. He was a Macedonian, communist and revolutionary who had a clear vision of the Macedonian national individuality and its struggle for liberation, which is why he created the Communist Party of Macedonia.

4. The reason why the CPY Central Committee suspended the Provincial Committee and expelled Metodija Shatorov was because of the Provincial Committee's program goals announced in the proclamations issued in 1940 and 1941. The goal for liberating Macedonia was clearly spelled out in these proclamations, and its strength was seen in the words expressed in the proclamations: "The Macedonian people are fighting and should fight together with the Serbian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Greek and Montenegrin people for freedom and equality, but not for splitting Macedonia and the Macedonian people, for a free Macedonian republic as an equal member among all the Balkan states." This, however, was contrary to the CPY Central Committee's position regarding the liberation of only part of the Macedonian territory, which was conditioned by the existing borders of Yugoslavia.

5. Clearly there were opposing views on the Party organizational setup between the CPM and the CPY. The CPM Provincial Committee was consistent in its position that the communists in Macedonia should be organized in an independent Macedonian Communist Party, as part of the CPY, the way the Communist Parties of Slovenia and Croatia were organized according to the decision made at the CPY Fourth Party Conference held in 1934, when it was decided to reorganize the CPY into separate parties for Slovenia and Croatia, and in the future also for Macedonia.

However, the CPY Central Committee didn't implement this decision for Macedonia until the Provincial Committee was created.

But even after the CPM Provincial Committee was created in 1940, the CPY Central Committee leadership hesitated on this issue and didnt agree with the uniqueness of the Macedonian organization.

After the Provincial Committee was suspended (on September 10-

11, 1941), and with the newly formed Provincial Committee, there was no longer a CPM but only the abbreviation CPY PC for Macedonia (CPY Provincial Committee for Macedonia.)

VI. CPM PROVINCIAL COMMITTEE PROGRAM PRINCIPLES IN 1940-1941 The Provincial Committee was created in the spring of 1940 and Metodija Shatorov was appointed Political Secretary. With its many years of revolutionary experience and knowledge of the historical situation in Macedonia, in a short time the Provincial Committee and Shatorov built a platform of program goals in support of the Macedonian national revolutionary movement, which included the Macedonian Scientific and Literary Society's program principles.

The program contained the following basic goals: preserve the Macedonian national consciousness; struggle against the assimilation of the Macedonian nation; unify the entire Macedonian space; struggle against the enslavers of Macedonia; establish a Macedonian state equal to the other Balkan states; connect the Macedonian struggle with the workers' communist movement in other Balkan nations and in the USSR; organize a general Macedonian liberation front; oppose the colonization of Macedonian ethnic space by other countries; oppose religious and national hatred; take over the land held by the chifliks and divide it among the peasants who cultivate it; advocate for the formation of a Macedonian communist party equal to other communist parties in order to successfully conduct the struggle; connect class and national issues; adopt the Macedonian language as the official language of the people; condemn the Balkan Wars and label them as the wars of Macedonia's occupation; condemn the national and economic exploitation by the occupiers.

1. The following position was taken in regards to the Macedonian national question: the Macedonian nation was created historically; it wasn't the fruit of someone's imagination. The Macedonian nation developed under historically acquired circumstances and represents a geographical, historical and spiritual-cultural entity with the same language, culture, tradition, songs, etc., that is, it is geographically determined within its borders and to this day is fighting together with the Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek people for its liberation. ' 74

174 Documents and materials, volume 1, book 2, pp. 321 and 322.

The CPM Provincial Committee held a Conference on October 8, 1940 during which the following conclusion was reached:

"Everything that is Macedonian is being furiously attacked through policies of national suppression, assimilation and wild tenor. This includes the Macedonian culture, language, songs, etc. The Macedonian population is being tortured, robbed of its rights, and nationally enslaved. It is now facing new and great struggles." 175 The Provincial Committee in its November 1940 Proclamation to the Macedonian people took the following position: "The gentlemen from Belgrade and Sofia are arguing about Macedonia but they aren't asking the Macedonian people. Those enslavers of the Macedonian people... say that the Macedonian people are Serbian or Bulgarian and that they don't have a history, language, etc., but those enslavers are lying! In essence, Macedonians aren't at all Serbians or Bulgarians, but Macedonians. With the war between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, Macedonia and the Macedonian people will just change masters. Therefore, long live the free Macedonian Republic.". 176

2. For many years now the neighbouring monarchies have implemented policies to assimilate the Macedonian people and turn them into Bulgarians, Serbians and Greeks. In connection with this Shatorov wrote the following around 1926: "VMRO (United)

couldn't help but shout loudly to the Bulgarian and Balkan imperialists: 'get your bloody hands off Macedonia!'... " He led a fight to save Macedonia from assimilation and raise the Macedonian national consciousness. He said: "Macedonians aren't Serbians, Greeks, or Bulgarians, but represent a separate Macedonian nation..." 177 Further down the same document Shatorov wrote: "With their Bulgarian occupational policies, supremacists Todor Aleksandrov and A. Protugjerov caused a great deal of damage to the Macedonian cause by planting Bulgarian-ness in Macedonia and temporarily overshadowing the Macedonian national feeling for independence... The struggle to save the Macedonians from 175 Ibid., pp. 334-338. 176 Ibid., pp. 362-363. 177 Shatorov's report, p. 6.

assimilation is by raising awareness that as Macedonians they are independent Macedonian national beings and that they aren't Serbians, Bulgarians, or Greeks, but a separate Macedonian nation". 178 The CPM Provincial Committee in its August 1941, Proclamation wrote the following: "Everything about Macedonia that is beautiful, including Macedonia's history and struggles, the Bulgarian fascists have taken from us and call them Bulgarian. This includes St. Kiril and Metodi, Gotse Delchev, our Macedonian revolutionary struggles, our Macedonian language (calling it "broken and Bulgarian sounding"), our Macedonian culture and traditions, etc.

On the other hand they force us to learn the nice Bulgarian language." 179 Shatorov and the Provincial Committee understood all the Macedonian nation's elements and actively worked to expand, deepen and strengthen them, raising them to a high level of national consciousness, for the nation to be able to defend itself from attacks, suffocation, encroachment and liquidation perpetrated by its occupiers and assimilators the Serbians, Bulgarians and Greeks who were determined, by any means possible, to assimilate and liquidate the Macedonian national being.

This was confirmed by the statement the Provincial Committee made in 1940, when it concluded that: "But neither terror, nor violence, nor the artificially created, invented Yugoslav nationality, can stifle the national liberation movements of the peoples of Yugoslavia oppressed by the Serbian monarchy." 180

3. Regarding Macedonia's unification, Shatorov made his decision as early as 1926 and noted that: "Given the VMRO (United)

perspective in Macedonia under Bulgarian rule, Petrich Region will fight for self-determination until it secedes from imperialist Bulgaria, so that it can achieve unification with the other two parts of Macedonia and create an independent Macedonian state." 181

178 Ibid., pp. 5, 6. 179 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 31. 180 Illegal Press, volume II, book 2, p. 120. 181 Shatorov's report. p. 9.

In his May 1941 letter to "Stojan" regarding this question, Shatorov concluded as follows: "One wonders what to do, there is only one answer: I am for uniting all Macedonians and other nationalities in Macedonia for their general right to freedom and equality. I am against splitting the Macedonian land and the Macedonian people.

Macedonians should fight for their freedom and equality together with the Bulgarians, Serbians, Greeks and Montenegrins in the Balkan Peninsula because today their fate is the same." 182 In the documents they have issued, Shatorov and the Provincial Committee are categorical in their request to fight for Macedonia's unification, and not to resolve the Macedonian question within the existing borders established after the First World War, as was advocated by the neighbouring communist parties.

4. The Provincial Committee attached equal importance to the fight against the enslavers, regardless of whether they were Serbians, Bulgarians, or Greeks. For example, this is what was said in the article entitled "Our Way" published in 1940: "The unity between Macedonians, Albanians and Turks for a joint struggle against any oppression from any side, whether it comes from Serbia, Bulgaria, or Greece, is getting stronger." 183 This equal treatment of the enslavers was expressed in the July 1941 Provincial Committee Proclamation, where it was pointed out that:

"The Bulgarian and German police resorted to the same methods used by the Serbian oppressors and, on the other hand, as if joking, they say 'we have freed you, enslaved brothers...' an unachieved freedom for which you fought for 50 years. Now you have a new slavery, new violence and new terror." 184 In his 1926 report, Shatorov pointed out that: "It is impossible for a revolutionary movement to leave its people under the slavery of Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece..." 185 182 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 17. 183 Illegal Press, volume II, book 2, p. 103. 184 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 27. 185 Shatorov's report, pp. 1-9.

5. The ideal for creating a Macedonian state appeared a long time ago, during the Kreshna and Ilinden uprisings. This is what was said about that in a 1940 document: "If the Macedonians don't have their own state they are not to blame. The ones to blame are the Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek imperialists who allied themselves, occupied it and partitioned it between themselves and enslaved the Macedonian people. Instead of doing that they should have left it alone to develop independently." 186 In its August 2, 1941 Proclamation, the Provincial Committee took the following position: "The Macedonian people are not fighting for a monarchy; not for a Turkish sultan and not for a German king.

They are fighting for a free Macedonian Republic, an equal member among all the neighbouring Balkans states." 187 Creating an independent Macedonian state was one of the fundamental issues the CPM Central Committee wholeheartedly supported.

6. The Provincial Committee, in its struggle to liberate Macedonia, accepted the workers' communist movements in the other Balkan nations and the USSR, as allies in a common goal to liberate themselves from fascist slavery.

This is what Shatorov wrote about in his 1941 letter to "Stojan".

"For that freedom and equality, the Macedonian people should be fighting together with the Bulgarians, Serbians, Croatians, Greeks, Montenegrins... all the people in the Balkan Peninsula, because today their fate is the same. The entire Balkan peninsula is occupied by Germany and Italy, two great imperialist states.. 188 Contrary to the attitude taken by the Provincial Committee and Shatorov, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia's position was that the Macedonian people should fight in a joint struggle with the other Yugoslav peoples for the liberation of a democratic Yugoslavia.

186 Documents and materials, volume I, book 2, p. 319. 187 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 30.

'88 Ibid., p. 17.

7. In order to mobilize the broad Macedonian masses, the General Macedonian Liberation Front was organized so that all citizens could participate in Macedonia's liberation regardless of religion, nationality or social status. Anyone who worked for the interests of the neighbouring monarchies wasn't welcome.

The following Resolution was adopted during the September 8, 1940 Provincial Committee Conference: "One of the basic and most important tasks of the Party organizations in Macedonia is the initiative for creating a general Macedonian national-revolutionary front, which should be part of the general struggle... The need for this initiative is to unite all Macedonian groups and elements who are ready to fight against Great Serbian imperialism to gain their freedom. All strangers and enemies of the various imperialist and fascist propaganda, be it Bulgarian, Greek, German, Italian or other, are also welcome." 189 This position was contrary to the position taken by the CPY during its Fifth Regional Conference, when it was suggested that only workers and peasants should enter the People's Front, and no other social strata. Shatorov objected to that and said: "In the (September

8) Conference Resolution we stated that both the middle strata and the liberal bourgeoisie may enter the national front, all with the exception of spies and imperialist agents. A group from the liberal bourgeoisie is seeking to make contact with us..." 190

8. A categorical stance was taken against the population's ethnic composition change implemented by the monarchies to colonize Macedonia with a non-Macedonian population. The CPM Provincial Committee, during its Provincial Conference, adopted a position that called for taking Macedonian land from the national Greater Serbian chauvinists, bigots, "Serbian heroes" and Serbian colonists and giving it to the Macedonian peasants. The poor colonists should be given land in Serbia.

During its Fifth Land Conference, the CPY didn't adopt the position taken that the poor colonists should be given land in Serbia. Instead,

189 Documents and materials, volume I, book 2, p. 337. 190 Ibid., p. 349.

the CPY adopted the position that the colonists should stay where they are and not have their land taken away. 191

9. The composition of the ethnic population in Macedonia, on one hand, was used by the neighbouring monarchies to create religious and national hatred in order to divide the people so that they could assimilate them easier. On the other hand, the Macedonian national liberation movement was struggling to achieve unity.

The Provincial Committee in its 1940 Bulletin, entitled "Our Way", took the following position: "The Macedonian, Albanian and Turkish people's unity in their joint struggle against any oppression from any side, be it from Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, or Italy, is getting stronger, which is no small feat for our Party." 192 In its June 1940, Call to the working people in Macedonia, the Provincial Committee said: "Macedonia is the first in line where the bloody war dance will take place. The Macedonians, Albanians and Turks in Macedonia will be the first victims of the military slaughter...

With its policy of national suppression, the regime has robbed the people of their rights, suffocated their national consciousness and feeling, and deprived them of their freedom. The regime has caused strife and sowed hatred between nations and has divided them..." 193 In its July 1940, Call for celebrating the Ilinden Uprising, the Provincial Committee said: "Also today, Macedonians, Albanians and Turks, and all the oppressed and exploited people in the whole of Macedonia under Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek imperialism, are obliged to group together for a general struggle, for freedom and equality." 194

10. Most of the land in Macedonia wasn't in the possession of the peasants who worked it, but it was the property of the Chifliks and others. The villagers were interested in becoming owners of that

191 Ibid., pp. 334-337, 349 and 350. 192 Illegal Press, volume II, book 2, p. 103. 193 Documents and Materials, volume I, book 2, p. 314. 194 Ibid., p. 323.

land. Regarding this the Provincial Committee, during its Conference, adopted the following Resolution: "Measures must be taken to support the Macedonian peasant who represents the basic element of the national-revolutionary movement in Macedonia...

Action must be taken to free the land from the Chifliks, monasteries, the church, the crown and such, and pass it into the hands of Macedonian peasants and growers. Macedonians from the big hills and mountains should come down and work the land of their fathers and grandfathers." 195

11. Shatorov, as well as other Macedonian communists, was of the opinion that, in order to successfully lead and organize the Macedonian national liberation movement, an independent Macedonian communist party should be formed which would unite the communists from all three parts of Macedonia. This position was expressed at the BCP Second Berlin Conference, held in 1927, as well as at the CPB Central Committee Foreign Bureau on January 26, 1937. However, these views weren't accepted by the neighbouring communist parties. With Shatorov's appointment as Provincial Committee Secretary in the spring of 1940, the CPM was created but only for the Vardar part of Macedonia. All the documents that were issued during his time were issued under the name Provincial Committee of the Communist Party for Macedonia. 196

12. After the 1912-1918 wars ended, the Macedonian people were still nationally enslaved. The communist parties that led the Macedonian communist movement in the three parts of Macedonia ignored that and began preparations for class liberation. The Provincial Committee and Shatorov, however, being well aware of the situation in Macedonia, that is if the class issues weren't connected with the national and historical traditions of the Macedonian people, they couldn't expect positive results. This is what the Provincial Committee said about that in the article "Our Way": "In this struggle, class interests must coincide with the right, true interests of the nation, without this connection there will be no broad mass activities in the struggle." 197

195 Ibid., p. 337. 196 Ibid., pp. 313-384. 197 Illegal Press, volume II, book 2, p. 136.

13. The Provincial Committee took the position that its documents and articles should be issued in the Macedonian language. Its view was that the Macedonian language was special and that it differed from the Serbian and Bulgarian languages. This is what was written about it: "First of all, the Macedonian language is neither Serbian nor Bulgarian; it is uniquely Macedonian... we fight against the terror that is perpetrated against the Macedonians and their language in the three parts of Macedonia which are now under Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek control". 198 Writing about VMRO (United)'s activities, this is what Shatorov said: "Even before the 80's (1880) it (VMRO (United)) was involved in publishing the Macedonian newspaper "Loza", which was printed in the Macedonian language, proclaiming the existence of an independent Macedonian nation and pleading for an independent Macedonian state." 199 This is what Shatorov said in his article published in 1935 in the magazine "Propagandist" issued in the month of May under the title "The united front with the Macedonian masses and the fight against defection": "You meet comrades who can't understand the Party's assessment, that the Macedonian Slays (speakers) represent a separate nation. In no way can this be doubted. The only argument those comrades present is that the Macedonian Slays (speakers)

speak the Bulgarian language. However, the Macedonians who are under Bulgarian and Serbian rule don't speak the Bulgarian language. This has been proven by several internationally known philologists". 200

14. The Macedonian people, as well as the Macedonian communists, and especially the Provincial Committee in its documents, are all categorical that the Balkan wars of 1912-1918 didn't liberate but occupied Macedonia. Unfortunately this position wasn't accepted by certain persons in the CPY leadership whose opinion was that the Balkan wars liberated Macedonia.

198 Documents and materials, volume I, book 2, p. 320. 199 Shatorov's report, p. 6. 200 Article by Shatorov published in "Propagandist" in May 1935, No. 5, pp. 24-28 and D. Dobrinov: VMRO (United), Sofia, pp. 222 and 223.

This is what was said in the CPY Central Committee May Proclamation: "The peoples of Yugoslavia have lost their independence... " Because they (all these countries) were later mentioned individually, the Macedonian people were equated as equal to the Serbian and the others, that is, it was said that they had lost their freedom and independence. This is what Shatorov wrote about it in his September 16, 1941 report to the Communist International: "This proclamation was discussed by the Provincial Committee... even if we wanted to issue this proclamation, it would have had a negative impact on Macedonia. The Proclamation presumed that Macedonia was equal to the other parts of Yugoslavia because it lost its freedom and independence due to the occupation.

Macedonia, however, wasn't free and independent before the occupation, or after it. It only fell under new slavery." 201 Regarding this issue, while conducting its analysis of the Party organization development in Macedonia in 1948, the CPM Central Committee concluded that: "Sharlo thought that having this kind of attitude was incorrect because, according to Sharlo, 'Macedonia wasn't independent and free and therefore didn't lose anything; but gained new masters'.. 202 Even in 1948, after Shatorov was dead, the Central Committee leadership in Macedonia condemned him for asserting that Macedonia didn't have freedom and independence when it was part of Royal Yugoslavia, and that the Balkan wars were wars of occupation for Macedonia. The Central Committee leadership in Macedonia supported the CPY position taken in the May Proclamation that Macedonia lost its freedom and independence with the fascist occupation. This means that the Central Committee leadership in Macedonia accepted the idea that Macedonia was liberated during the Balkan wars.

15. In its program objectives, the provincial committee paid special attention to the issue of social and national liberation.

201 Shatorov's report to the Communist International, Moscow, September 16,

1941 202 Report-analysis of the CPM Central Committee to the CPY Central Committee, June 16, 1948, pp. 7and 8.

To help the workers get higher wages, work eight-hour shifts, get more favourable prices for their agricultural products, etc., at the end of 1940 the Provincial Committee in its appeal to the tobacco workers in Macedonia wrote: "Tobacco is a monopoly run by foreigners, conquerors, exploiters and thieves who exploit Macedonia... Isn't it thievery to buy tobacco for 20-25 dinars and sell it for 300-400 dinars? 203 The CPM Provincial Committee's program principles for Macedonia were maximally geared towards Macedonia's liberation as opposed to the minimum program envisaged by the CPY, CPB and CPG for solving the Macedonian national question within their existing borders.

203 Documents and materials, volume I, book 2, p. 368.

VII. METHODIJA SHATOROV'S SITUATION AND ACTIVITIES AFTER THE SUSPENSION FROM HIS POSITION AS PROVINCIAL COMMITTEE POLITICAL SECRETARY In his letter to the CPY Central Committee, after the Communist International decision was delivered in early September 1941, Shatorov asked if he would be allowed to join the partisans. The Skopje Partisan detachment at that time had already been created.

The CPY Central Committee instructors, however, would not allow him.

Among other things, this is what Tito said in his September 4, 1941 letter to the Communist International Executive Committee: "We will bring the guilty before our partisan military court..." From this we can deduce that the CPY Central Committee was prepared to bring Metodija Shatorov before a military court to be judged for his so-called mistakes as recorded in the various documents.

Unfortunately, to this day, we have found no documents as to whether Metodija Shatorov was convicted by a partisan military court or not. However, according to Tsola Dragojcheva's recollection ("From my memoirs"), we know that she had spoken to the CPY delegate who had asked her to help Metodija Shatorov move to the middle of Yugoslavia, that is, to Serbia, to stand trial.

However, Dragojcheva said she didn't believe that he was tried because Shatorov had already been sentenced to death by a firing squad based on false accusations. Dobri Michev also wrote about this (Military anthology, book no. 6, p. 20) as follows: "The CPB Central Committee stepped in and convinced the Communist International to release Metodia Shatorov and save him from the death sentence issued by Tito's headquarters. Metodia Shatorov was then withdrawn to Sofia." From these two statements and from Tito's letter sent to the Communist International about Shatorov's trial, we can assume that he was court-martialed and sentenced to death in his absence, without a commission being formed to investigate the charges against him.

In early October 1941, Metodija Shatorov was withdrawn to Sofia and sent to assist the Plovdiv District Committee where he actively participated in organizing the District Party Organization.

Shatorov actively worked for the affirmation of the Macedonian national consciousness to prepare the people to fight for their national liberation, for their unification and for creating an independent Macedonian state. His effort was not only directed towards the Macedonian people, but also towards the neighbouring nations and their communist workers' leaderships to struggle for a common cause and for Macedonian national interests.

This is what the December 1941, BCP Central Committee Proclamation, entitled "For Macedonia's Freedom, Equality and Self-Government" under the subtitle "Macedonians", said: "The German and Bulgarian war in the Balkans led to Macedonia's occupation... Today you can see for yourselves that you were enslaved and robbed a hundred times more than before the war. You didn't get any freedom but only cruel slavery.

The Macedonian communists told you that Hitler is an evil scourge on humanity, that he didn't bring freedom but only slavery.., that he came to Macedonia not to help you but to take things and rob you and, together with his Bulgarian fascist servants, to exploit you.

Today all that became true..." 204 Comparing the views expressed by the Bulgarian Party leadership, Shatorov's views expressed in his letter to "Stojan", and the views expressed in the Proclamation issued on August 2, 1941 for the Ilinden Uprising celebration, we can see that there are close similarities. Here is an example of what the BCP Central Committee said in its Proclamation: "Your leaders and fighters from the past such as Gotse Delchev, Pere Toshev, Gjorche Petrov, Jane Sandanski, Dimo Hadzhi Dimov and others..." 205 These same persons were mentioned by Shatorov in his May 1941 letter to

"Stojan". 206 The BCP Central Committee Proclamation said: "In the current situation in the Balkans, Macedonia's freedom depends mainly on the Macedonian people's active participation in the Serbian,

204 CPY historical archives, volume VII, 1941-1944, pp. 82 and 83. 205 Ibid., p. 83. 206 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 17.

Croatian, Montenegrin, Slovenian, Greek, Bulgarian and other Balkan peoples glorious liberation struggles that they lead against the Germans, the Italians and the Bulgarian enslavers and occupiers of foreign countries and peoples..." 207 In his letter to "Stojan", Shatorov wrote that the Macedonians should fight together with the other nations and mentions the same nations (except for Slovenia). 208 This shows that in May 1941, Shatorov had already connected the Macedonian struggle not only with the Yugoslav peoples struggle but also with the struggle of the rest of the Balkan peoples, something the CPY had denied him saying.

Similarly, the BCP Central Committee Proclamation said: "Now, according to Serbian law, you are being forced to pay heavy taxes..." 209 This is what Shatorov said in his August 2, 1941, Proclamation: "The Macedonians didn't fight to collect taxes from you to fulfill Serbian orders..." 210 Data about the Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia (and about the forcible confiscation of grain and other food products) was obtained from the August 2 Proclamation issued by Shatorov.

This is what the BCP Central Committee Proclamation for the Ilinden Uprising said: "The older Macedonians, who are living witnesses of Ilinden, will confirm that Ilinden was and is truly Macedonian and not the Ilinden of the Bulgarian fascists..." This is what Shatorov wrote about this: "The Ilinden Uprising and the Krushevo Republic are the work of the Macedonian people, not the work of the supremacists - today's Macedonian fascists - who want to present it as the work of the Bulgarian state. The Bulgarian fascists want to steal the Ilinden flag.. 211 This comparison is sufficient to show that the BCP Central Committee December 1941 Proclamation (in the interest of the Macedonian national being) was adopted and adapted to modern conditions according to Metodija Shatorov's letter to "Stojan".

207 CPY historical archives, volume VII, 1941-1944, p. 85.

208 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 19.

209 CPY historical archive, volume VII. 1941-1944, p. 83.

210 Sources, volume I, book 1, p. 40.

211 Ibid., p. 30.

In January 1942 Shatorov joined the BCP Central Committee, was elected Secretary of the Sofia District Committee and placed in charge of the District Committee Military Commission in charge of creating the first partisan detachments. In October 1942 the Party Organization's office was searched, which resulted in 31 people being arrested and imprisoned. During the search the police discovered that Metodija Shatorov was the main organizer responsible for subversive actions against the Bulgarian regime. As a result the Bulgarian fascist court sentenced him to death in absentia. But, in spite of all that, Metodija Shatorov continued to be active and, as Regional Committee Secretary, directly managed the subversive groups responsible for assassinating high-ranking fascist leaders in Sofia. In this capacity in February 1943, among others, he organized General Hristo Lukov's assassination.