PROSECUTION AND IMPRISONMENT OF THE GEMIDZHII - Part 01

PROSECUTION AND IMPRISONMENT OF THE GEMIDZHII

As mentioned earlier, initially the “explosion” in the “Guadalquivir” was attributed to boilers exploding which created doubts about the possibility of sabotage. And because the French too appeared to have doubts that it was sabotage, the Ottoman authorities, it seems, also had their own doubts. Otherwise, how does one explain why all

the passengers from the ship were allowed to leave and go wherever they wanted before the investigation was completed? If sabotage was expected the investigation of the explosion on the “Guadalquivir” would have been started immediately before the passengers were allowed to leave.

In the French hospital, where the ship’s crew was located, there were several wounded people. The medical staff immediately noticed that the wounded sailors had no signs of vapour burns, which would have been normal with a boiler explosion.

In the morning of April 29, 1903, the hospital was visited by the ship’s captain who spent a long time talking with the chief mechanic, who was wounded, about the causes of the explosion, of the possibility of it being sabotage and who may have done such a thing? In their discussions they managed to identify a suspicious person. He was dressed in out of style European clothing which would seem ridiculous to a European. He looked like an out of touch merchant who belonged to a different time. What made him even more suspicious was that he loitered near the engine room for no apparent reason. Then just before the explosion took place, he was seen carrying a suitcase (with the dynamite package) everywhere he went, appearing like he did not want to let it go. As soon as the captain found this out he informed the authorities. (From Sister Pisi’s diary, “Nova Makedonija”, January 9, 1961.) After the information collection phase of the investigation was completed it was discovered that the suspect was a “Bulgarian” man who, after spending the night at hotel “Parthenon”, left for Skopje by train. Failing to pick up his suitcase was also a strong motive for suspecting him. An arrest warrant was issued for his detention in Skopje.

In the meantime Shatev, as Georgi Manasov, the man they were looking for, was on his way to “Vranie”. When he boarded the “Guadalquivir” in Solun the destination on his passport showed him going to Varna. Now, traveling to Skopje, he was hoping that the authorities could misinterpret “Varna” for “Vranie”. And indeed, the first police check conducted between Krivolak and Veles did not pick up on the “mistake”. However, the arrest order for him was in

Skopje and, as soon as Shatev arrived, he was detained. He was then put on another train, coming from Zibevche, and sent back to Solun.

During the night of April 29, 1903, as the train began to approach Solun, the passengers noticed there were no lights on in the city. No one knew why except for one passenger and that passenger was Shatev. The huge train station was illuminated with 4 or 5 lanterns. Meanwhile the entire city was sunk in darkness. The only place illuminated brightly was the burning Ottoman bank, generating large flames trying to illuminate the Macedonian capital and the entire country. From time to time there were bombs exploding in response to rifle fire. Less than a dozen Macedonian heroes were fighting against an entire empire, here in the heart of the Balkans.

Shatev and several other detainees were transferred under guard to the Vilayet Administration. Even before dawn the yard was bursting with prisoners as they continuously arrived in the yard of the building. The Ottoman army and police had begun its bloody crackdown on the innocent Macedonian population. Shatev became fully aware of the consequences of his actions. “I never assumed that destiny would put me in the middle of such a tragedy. I was one of the culprits responsible for the assassinations... Not the multitude on innocent people. I felt sorrow, anger and pain but I could do nothing. I could not help anyone. Now I had to live with what I had done. But as I pondered this fact, I realized that the innocent would suffer more than the guilty. This is how it was in this part of the world when one fought for their cause.” (P. Shatev, 380.)

On April 30, 1903 at daybreak, Shatev was taken to see Vali Hasan Fehmi-Pasha.

“Were you a passenger on the ‘Guadalquivir’?” asked the Vali. “Yes!” replied Shatev. He was then imprisoned and was not interrogated until May 6, 1903. (On May 1, 1903, Sister Pisi wrote that the person suspected of blowing up the ship was put in prison. She wrote according to what she heard from the authorities that he had allegedly said that the aim of the assassins was not only to prompt France to intervene before the Great Powers and before the Ottomans in their (Gemidzhii) favour, but to also attract the authorities towards the port by blowing up the ship and then,

without any obstacles and without many human victims, carry out the rest of the plan. Shatev, however, did not mention having made such a statement or of such a plan.)

Pavel Shatev was the first of the Gemidzhii to be arrested. So the question that arises from this is: “Why is it that Shatev, who was against giving up his life during his first mission, allowed himself to be arrested and sentenced to death?” He himself did not answer this question. It was not like he could not have avoided capture. Even though his train ticket was for Skopje, as his final destination, the train did stop at a number of other stations before Skopje. He himself admits that he could have got off at Veles but was afraid that, as a foreign subject, i.e. as Georgi Manasov from Bulgaria, he could have given the police reason to follow him and was afraid of putting his comrades in Veles at risk. However there was another reason, an important reason why he did not try to escape, which was: “according to existing relations with the people in the local Committee, he was not allowed to ask for assistance to escape to Bulgaria. (P. Shatev, 372-373.)

A few days later Bogdanov and Arsov were arrested. After that Marko Boshnakov – “the grocer” was arrested. Boshnakov’s arrest was as a result of betrayal. A man named Naum who knew Boshnakov was walking outside the Catholic Church in the late afternoon of Friday May 15, 1903 and accidentally ran into a man named Stefan, a known informer. The two men knew each other from before. So to avoid suspicion as to why he was there, Naum told Stefan that he was looking for shelter because it was nearly curfew time and he did not have enough time to get home. As it turned out Stefan gave Naum shelter until the next morning. In “gratitude” Naum, in return, opened up to Stefan and told him where Marko Boshnakov – “the grocer” was hiding. He told him that Marko was hiding in his brother’s house. His brother was an administrator in the Exarchate gymnasium. Without hesitation, the next morning Stefan went straight to the Vali and told him where Boshnakov was hiding but when the police arrived at the house he was not there. Naum, determined to become a famous snitch, went to Stefan’s house on Sunday and told Stefan that the police did not find Boshnakov because he was well hidden and that the police should try again. The same day both Stefan and Naum personally

went to the Vali’s private home to get permission to dispatch the police. The Vali agreed and the search was to be conducted the same day in the afternoon. After the two men left they went directly to the police station but waited for a long time because none of the policemen seemed to be interested in the case. Stefan decided to address the head of the police department directly and got his attention. A search was carried out on May 18, 1903, during which they captured and arrested Marko Boshnakov – “the grocer”. (A. M., F. 238 - French Consulate in Solun, May 27, 1903 - annex-statement made by Stefan, administrator in the Catholic Church, after Marko was arrested.) It is worth mentioning at this point that Naum lived in the same house together with Marko and his brother Hristo!

Marko Boshnakov’s arrest was declared an extraordinary event. The public had already been informed of his role in the assassinations and his detention was a breath of fresh air for the authorities and especially for the police. The same day that he was arrested the “Solun Dnevnik”, with great pleasure, published some details of his arrest. The newspaper showed its gratitude to the police for their brave act and, of course, said nothing about “the snitch” or “snitches” who sold him out. The police also said that Marko Boshnakov was a member of the “Macedonian-Bulgarian Revolutionary Committee” and an “anarchist”. Until then Marko’s origin had been disputed. Some thought he was a Vlach, but now the authorities were certain that he was from Ohrid. His brother Hristo was also arrested along with Marko.

The newspaper also gave details about the other Gemidzhii who, according to this story, were nine. Milan and Bogdan (Georgi Bogdanov) were captured alive. The other five who did not want to surrender “fell from gendarme bullets”, while Iovan Konstantin (Kosta Kirkov) received “two good bullets” in his chest at the very moment he tried to get into the postal station using the rain as cover, in order to “blow it up”. Apart from five dynamite bombs that the authorities found on him they also found various documents, many of which, it was alleged, belonged to the Revolutionary Committee. (Ibid, annex “Solun Dnevnik”, May 18 and 20, 1903.)

The purpose of this publication was very clear. The article was written with intent to emphasize, one, the “courage” and “bravery”

of the military and the police which allegedly managed to liquidate the assassins in a professional manner, and two, to identify the assassins as supposedly belonging to the “Macedonian-Bulgarian Committee” to hide the fact that they were Macedonian heroes fighting for the Macedonian cause. The supposed documents they found on Kirkov were a fabrication to convince the domestic and foreign public that the Gemidzhii were members of the “Committees” and that they had a relationship with Bulgaria. They tried to prove this through the courts but without success.

In order to further vilify the Gemidzhii, the Ottoman authorities began to release information that the Gemidzhii were allegedly planning to blow up the entire European district, but fortunately that did not happen because all of the dynamite placed in the tunnel did not explode. (The authorities, it seems, received this information from either Naum or Stefan. Naum had informed the authorities that he and Hristo, Marko’s brother, helped remove soil from the tunnel and deposit it at various places in the city. According to Naum the tunnel was supposed to be much longer than it was. It was supposed to span across the entire European quarter. However, due to the repair done to the sewers by the city workers, the operation was accelerated and there was not enough time to complete it as originally planned. But as we well know from the Gemidzhii themselves, the tunnel was dug to only blow up the Ottoman Bank and not to destroy the houses of innocent people.)

Marko Boshnakov was arrested two weeks after the military court began its work. Several people had already gone through the legal process before him, including the other four Gemidzhii. Their trial was quite interesting but was not open to the public. It was conducted in secret. This placed doubt in people’s minds regarding the objectivity of the trials and the investigations. However, having sufficient and indisputable evidence, the High Port decided to organize a trial that should have been envisioned by courts with centuries-old democratic tradition. In parallel with filling the prisons in almost all of Macedonia and by using well-known investigative torture against the entire Macedonian population (with special expeditions sent to rob and burn down Macedonian villages, and the like), a special trial was prepared in Solun which, according to official Tsari Grad, was a showcase for European consumption.

While prosecuting the Gemidzhii, it was the wish of the Ottoman authorities to prosecute the entire Macedonian liberation movement and the entire Macedonian nation. However, as we will later see, this would remain only a wish.

In his memoirs Shatev has written brief descriptions of the torture and cruelty perpetrated against the prisoners by the Ottoman authorities, but has written hardly anything about his own experience and that of the other Gemidzhii. It almost seems like he enjoyed some special humane treatment. He said he himself was not tortured but there is information that shows that the Gemidzhii were indeed tortured.

“Today I got permission,” wrote Sister Pisi on May 21, 1903, “to visit the prisoners from Kukush, to give them medical help… Edip-Pasha also allowed me to visit other sick people and help them if they needed help. Beaz-kule (Bela-kula (White Tower)) - a parody of its name. It is dreadful for me to think about this terrible cave which sows horrible death everywhere. I encountered people being beaten everywhere. Some were beating their own heads against the wall hoping for a quick death.

There are four assassins in the prison, all locked up in separate cells. As the trial is nearing, which is proclaimed to be open to the public, the regime is acting quite milder... I saw the assassin who blew up our ship. He did not have the mark on his face of which the captain of the ship spoke. His right eye was quite swollen. I placed a cold compress on it and asked him, in French, so that the guards could not understand: ‘For God’s sake why did you turn against the French when we did nothing to you?’ He moved slightly and said: ‘It was my mission! The French people are rich and will build a new ship. But they will always remember that there exists a small enslaved nation seeking its freedom!’

The fourth assassin is in very bad shape. His face is so badly beaten one cannot recognize him. He looks like a bloody mess and is constantly unconscious...

I could not go any further, I wanted to leave this horrible place and go as far away as possible. I went and saw Edip-Pasha, as he was the

president of the court, and informed him of the terrible conditions in the prison, especially with the sick prisoners, and asked him to make improvements. He cynically said: ‘We don’t care; it’s the same to us if they are healthy or sick!’…” (From Sister Pisi’s diary, “Nova Makedonija”, January 12, 1961.)

On May 6, 1903, Georgi Manasov (Shatev) was brought into a large room in which, along with several senior officers led by Edip-Pasha, President of the Military Court, there were also two civilians. The civilians were Steg, the French consul and another man who was a director of the “Masagheri Martim” shipping agency. The world press had reported that the perpetrator who blew up the “Guadalquivir” was Georgi Manasov, a young Bulgarian man from Kiustendil.

“What is your name and where are you from?” was the first question Edip-Pasha asked.

“My name is Georgi Manasov and I was born in Kiustendil,” replied Shatev.

“Do you know what happened in the city? And were you a passenger in the ship that burned down a week ago?” was the next question.

“Yes! I know that a ship burned down and it seems like you are accusing me of burning it down. But since the damage was done under a French flag, i.e. in French territory, then I should be standing in a French court in front of a French judge and only then will I tell what I know.”

Edip-Pasha accepted his comment with impudence but because there were Frenchmen in his presence he decided not to react negatively.

In the same room was also Shatev’s suitcase which he had left behind on the ship. The ship’s agency had recovered it, examined it in front of Shatev and handed it over to the judicial authorities.

After this first short interrogation, Shatev was interrogated almost every day for the next two weeks. The main interrogator was Major

Zhemal-Bey. During the entire investigative process Shatev maintained that his name was Georgi Manasov and that he was originally from Kiustendil. He admitted to having committed the crime but the authorities, as we pointed out earlier, wanted to try him in a public trial. It was not enough for them to just confess to the crime, they wanted facts, details and witnesses to conclude that Shatev in fact was responsible, without any doubt, of destroying the ship. The court, of course, also wanted, at any cost, to reveal the true identity of the defendant: that his real name was Pavel Shatev, that he was from Kratovo and that he was an Ottoman subject. For that purpose the authorities brought in Ivan Garvanov to identify him. Garvanov had been Shatev’s professor for many years. Garvanov confirmed that he was indeed Pavel Shatev, but Shatev insisted that Garvanov was wrong and that he was probably lying. Professor Edhem-Efendi was also brought in. The professor claimed he knew Shatev because some time ago he had done some translating in Turkish for him. Shatev immediately denied that he knew the Turkish language. He insisted he was from Kiustendil and that he knew only Bulgarian and French.

“He speaks Turkish?” asked the president (chief interrogator).

“The good-natured and compassionate Professor Edhem-Efendi,” wrote Shatev, “in a manner to apologize to me, turned to the president and said: ‘I remember well that as a Turkish language student he was a very weak student.’…”

At the end, in order to prove that Georgi Manasov was actually Pavel Shatev, a comparison of his handwriting was done. They looked at his handwritten confession and compared it to Shatev’s handwritten assignments from when he was a student. But that too was in vain as he stubbornly refused to admit that he was Pavel Shatev. Even though the Court had all the necessary arguments to prove Shatev’s identity, his stubborn posture and defiance, if he did that in court, would raise doubts.

“This man is not a Bulgarian from Kiustandil,” wrote Steg to Delkase, “as I was telegraphed from the Embassy (in Tsari Grad), but a Macedonian from Kratovo... He is called Pavel Shatev and is a former student of the Solun Gymnasium. After all, even though he

was recognized by the director of the gymnasium and his old classmates, he continued to claim that he is Georgi Manasov, whose name is on his passport.” (A.M., f. 238, French Consulate in Solun, May 13, 1903.)

During the investigation the court was particularly interested in discovering two very important things: 1) a link between the assassins and Bulgaria and, 2) their connection to the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. The authorities assumed or, more precisely, wanted to assume that the assassins were sent from Bulgaria, perhaps from one of its ministries, to conduct missions with dynamite according to a plan drawn up in Sofia. Of course there was no such thing and it could not be found. The Gemidzhii were given birth by the terrible conditions in Macedonia and their work was the work of Macedonian revolutionaries. But these facts did not appeal to Edip-Pasha because he did not like the truth.

“Do you belong to some contemporary social school, to some organization, national or social?” asked translator Tefikov.

“I don’t belong to any organization!” replied Shatev.

In other words, if it could not be proven that the assassins were sent from Bulgaria, then it should be proven, at any cost, that they were members of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization or anarchists.

A. Shopov, the Bulgarian trade agent (diplomatic representative) in Solun, “embarrassed” that the “Bulgarians” were accused of carrying out the assassinations, proclaimed to the city that the assassins were not “people’s fighters” but simply socialists and anarchists. “And indeed,” wrote Shatev, “I don’t know who lamented more about the assassinations Hasan Fehmi-Pasha or A. Shopov?” (P. Shatev, 401.)

The Gemidzhii were isolated and without lawyers during the investigations so the process that was followed was very simple. It was hard to explain, however, why Shatev, who gave the investigators a lot of information during the interrogations in the prison, said nothing about the other three. Immediately after the

verdict was pronounced, the authorities placed all four Gemidzhii together in the same prison and after that in exile.

The military court also investigated all the other prisoners. Of course they had nothing to do with the assassins, but at first the authorities did not know that and, in this way, endeavoured to maintain the illusion that a great conspiracy against the Sultan existed in Macedonia.

The High Port decided to arrange a pompous trial for the Gemidzhii. This was done to prove that the Ottoman authorities acted decisively and strictly against the revolutionaries, but at the same time to convince Europe, which consistently pressed for reforms in Macedonia, that the Ottoman judiciary did not differ much from those in “democratic” countries and that its procedures were similar to those employed in the European courts.

There was enormous interest in the trials of the Gemidzhii, particularly in the trials of Pavel Shatev and Marko Boshnakov – the grocer. The authorities informed the public in advance of the days of the public trials but did not inform the defendants. On May 24, 1903 the Gemidzhii were taken out of their cells in Beaz-kule and escorted to the courtroom under heavy guard. On their way to the court building they were surprised to see curious crowds gathering in the streets. There were people around every corner looking to get a glimpse of the Gemidzhii, or to see the nooses where they were going to be hung. The Gemidzhii too believed that they were being taken to be hung. But when they arrived, they were surprised by what they saw inside the same hall where they had been interrogated earlier.

The courtroom was specially prepared for their trial. At the far end of the hall, to the left and right of the centre chair, meant for the President of the court, were two armchairs for the judges, opposite them, a distance of several metres, was the bench for the defendants, to the left of which was the table for the registrar, the translator and one administrator. The other side of the hall was filled with chairs for the numerous “guests” who were invited to observe the trial. This trial was held in public in order for the Ottoman authorities to show their “dignity” and to convince everyone that the Ottoman

legal system was fair. The consular corps, civil and military senior officials from the vilayet, heads of large companies and other Solun public workers were invited for the same reasons. Hikmet-Bey, director of political affairs in the vilayet, responsible for following protocol, welcomed his guests and showed them to their designated seats. Just before 3 pm Hasan Fehmi-Pasha, the Vali, arrived. By then the hall was packed with guests. Hasan Fehmi-Pasha took his seat not far from the presidential armchair. Marshal Hairi-Pasha, the commander of the Third Army, sat next to him.

Present in the courtroom were consular representatives from the various consulates including some from France, England, Serbia, Greece, Romania and one honorary consul from the United States.

At exactly 3 pm everyone in the hall stood up. Edip-Pasha walked into the courtroom first and was followed by the judges. Besides the president, the military court consisted of Rasim-Pasha a senior naval officer, Shaban-Bey an artillery colonel, Omer-Bey a cavalry lieutenant colonel, Izet-Bey an artillery major, Dzhemal-Bey a general headquarters major, Husni-Efendi a clerk and Husein-Efendi a translator. As can be seen, there was an impressive composition of officers in the court.

After the President sat down everyone else also sat down. Edip-Pasha ordered the duty officer to introduce the defendants. Immediately there was a stir in the crowd. All present turned their eyes towards the door. One by one the defendants entered the courtroom, each accompanied by two soldiers.

The bell was rung. There was silence in the courtroom. The president announced, “the court is now in session.”

“I see only three defendants. Where is the fourth? Where is Bogdanov?” the president asked.

“He was prevented from coming!” replied the duty officer.

“Was there a legal justification for that?” asked Edip-Pasha, even though he knew that Bogdanov was wounded and could not attend.

The court clerk read the medical report, which indicated that Bogdanov was in bad shape health-wise and was not permitted by a doctor to attend the trial. (Earlier we saw how shaken nurse Pisi was by Bogdanov’s appearance. He, among other things, was wounded in the chest by a guard because he had stuck his hand out of the door window in an attempt to open the door and escape. The door, however, was locked and there was no way Bogdanov could have opened it. It seems that Bogdanov did this because of mental distress.)

Following court formalities, with the court’s desire to get to the truth, the court president ordered the court clerk to read the charges. The clerk read: “With aims at changing the form of governance in the Rumeli Vilayets of the Ottoman Empire, members of a subversive Committee, headquartered in Sofia, decided to commit a number of assassinations in the city Solun..., using bombs and dynamite in order to increase the effect of their crimes…” The clerk then read the charges for the known events: “During the night of April 29, 1903, at the time when the city’s residents were still gathered in their homes, the ‘agitators’ attempted to put their plans into action. In order to frighten people and create panic, they first blew up the gas pipelines, leaving the city in the dark and preventing the fires they started from being extinguished because of the absence of fire fighters; Then they threw bombs in front of the post office, in front of the English café, and in the ‘Alhambra’ garden; They then blew up the Ottoman bank through a tunnel they had dug under its foundations; The day before they set fire to the ‘Guadalquivir’ steamer; The next day they tried to blow up the telephone bureau...”

The names of the dead Gemidzhii and those who survived and were being judged were read:

Georgi Petre Bogdanov, from Veles, commissioner, 24 years old.

Georgi Manasov, whose real name is Pavel Potsev (Shatev), from Kratovo, 21 years old.

Marko Stoian Bosniak, grocer, from Ohrid, 26 years old.

Milan Arsov, from Veles, a student at the Bulgarian Gymnasium in Solun, 19 years old.

It is interesting that in the testimonies given during the interrogations, which were probably conducted under coercion, some of the defendants, possibly to make it easier for themselves, gave out bogus information that could not be confirmed by other sources. Bogdanov, for example, said that he had been recruited by Ortse, then by Kosta and then by others. He said that he had been approached many times by the Gemidzhii circle but he kept refusing. But eventually he agreed to be recruited. He said the “operations” were led by Dime Mechev who, after trying to kill the famous Veles merchant with an axe, left. He said the dynamite was brought to Solun in barrels of salted fish; everyone participated in digging the tunnel under the bank; 283 kg of dynamite were stored in Marko’s store. Bogdanov told a slightly different story about how the tasks were assigned among the Gemidzhii. According to Bogdanov, Pavel Potsev (Shatev) was expected to attack the customs house and Bogdanov himself was expected to attack the Austro-Hungarian consulate and consular staff and officers who passed by his house. Bogdanov confessed that he did not do any of that because he did not have the courage to do it. Instead he went home and did not take part in any of the assassinations. So, apart from his participation in the digging of the tunnel, Georgi Bogdanov refused to admit that he took part in the dynamite attacks around the city. However, the court gave evidence showing that he was one of the active assassins, namely, at the moment he was arrested (April 30, 1903), he was allegedly found carrying a suitcase full of dynamite. When he was asked by the agent who arrested him if he was the one who threw dynamite on the “Alhambra”, he said:

“Not! Not on the ‘Alhambra’ but on the English tavern, the bank, the bridge and all the other places you want me to tell you that I did!”

This was confirmed later by several agents. The housewife at the house where Georgi Bogdanov was renting a room said that soon after the explosion at “Alhambra” she saw Bogdanov come home all excited. Her son Xenophon Xanthopoulos was astonished when, on Wednesday evening, he saw a hat on Bogdanov’s head instead of a

fez which he regularly wore. Bogdanov was charged with deliberately renting an apartment in this part of the city in order to be close to the “Alhambra”.

In the end, Bogdanov himself reportedly made statements to the military court admitting what he had done. However, at the time he was physically and mentally very ill.

For some unknown reason, Pavel Shatev was tried as if he was of lesser importance even though he was among the most active and famous of the living Gemidzhii. His actions were clear and indisputable. The rationale for this had to do with the question of his identity. Not only did he claim that he was from Kiustendil, he was bringing up other information, biographical data, about himself. For example, he told the interrogators that he had studied in Sofia and in Plovdiv, but he did not pass and could not graduate so he decided to come to Solun. He arrived there on March 19th. However, the court had information that he was Pavel Potsev (Potse was his father’s name) and that he was indeed from Kratovo. In addition to that, the court sent a photograph of him to the authorities in Kratovo who interviewed many individuals and confirmed that he was from Kratovo.

Besides his identity, Shatev did not want to hide anything else. The already known facts were repeated over and over again. He even mentions them in his own memoirs. He boarded the “Guadalquivir” as a passenger and 10 minutes before the ship began to move he placed a “huge package” in a hallway between the first-class cabins and the cabin of the crew, near a steam tank. Marko Boshnakov confirmed that on his way to boarding the “Guadalquivir”, Shatev took a “large” amount of dynamite from his store and other explosive and flammable materials. He also confirmed that, before that, Shatev took part in the digging of the tunnel. Milan Arsov said that Potsev was tasked with blowing up the ship. Shatev’s doing on the ship was also confirmed by statements made by the “Guadalquivir” crew during their interviews by the consular authorities and before the court.

It was alleged that Marko Boshnakov came to Solun with Iordan Popiordanov-Ortse and that he was a member of the “subversive

committee” and that his main task was to help members of the Gemidzhii circle carry out “criminal acts”. For this purpose, he rented the store in order to dig a tunnel from the store basement to the bank’s foundation and the “Colombo” hotel with intentions of blowing up the entire district. These facts were confirmed, in part, by Marko himself, in whose store drums of dynamite, electric batteries and various tools for digging were found.

Milan Arsov admitted to everything he had done. He declared that he was a member of the Gemidzhii circle, that he had participated in digging the tunnel, that he had carried bombs with him, etc. Some of these acts were confirmed by Marko Boshnakov.

Because all of their deeds were proven and confirmed and because all four Gemidzhii were members of the “Revolutionary Committee”, which aimed to “kill people and destroy the city”, all four were unanimously found guilty on all charges.

We should mention at this point that there were some inaccuracies mentioned during the trials which the Gemidzhii would not have voluntarily said, which seems to indicate that they were forced by the authorities to say them.

After reading the verdict Edip-Pasha, President of the Court, addressed the defendants as follows:

“You have just heard the verdict proclaiming you guilty of the crimes you have committed in accordance with the penal provisions contained in Art. 54 and 56 and the additional paragraph to Article 58 of the Criminal Code... On the basis of the three articles read here, you, the defendants Georgi P. Bogdanov, Pavel Potsev, Marko Stoian Boshnakov and Milan Arsov are sentenced to death!”

Immediately after the verdict was pronounced the courtroom began to empty. The Vali and the other prominent people in attendance felt it was their duty to congratulate Edip-Pasha and express their “admiration” for running a successful process. “Everyone was literally thrilled” seeing how military judges were able to collect enormous amounts of evidence against those who decided to kill and cause fires.

The judges listened modestly to all the praises and said that they had found fulfillment in their duty.

The spectacular trial was also congratulated by the Ottoman newspaper “Solun Dnevnik” (Solun Daily), which published details of the court proceedings and materials presented. This publication was also a formal way of informing the general public of the Gemidzhii indictments and trials. Steg, as well as the other consuls, even sent copies of this story to their ministries. (A.M., F. 238 -French Consulate in Solun, June 12, 1903 - annex.)

But how was this much anticipated, spectacular trial in Ottoman and European circles seen by the suspects themselves and by the special guests in the selected audience? Here is what Shatev himself wrote:

“When Edip-Pasha, President of the Court, pronounced the sentences with the words ‘sentenced to death’ many people in the audience were not surprised. At that moment, we the convicted looked perfectly calm, even though we were not. There was something more. In response to the wicked smiles I received from some of the civilians (mostly Europeans) present in the room, I deliberately moved my lips to look like I was smiling back at them. Many noticed... Some members of the audience even made comments about the indifference of the three defendants when they heard the verdict. Some of the more curious in the audience thought that we were unusual people. Some even assumed that we would be hurt by the harsh verdict and that we would start crying and begging for mercy. A death sentence for us was far less a punishment than solitary confinement in a prison. A death sentence for us was salvation.” (P. Shatev, 411-412.)

Here is what the newspaper “Solun Dnevnik” wrote about that moment: “The convicts heard the verdict with excitement. They were petrified through the entire trial. Marko Stoian and Milan Arsov began to gasp with convulsions as the judge was reading the law even before the verdict was read. Pavel Potsev looked into the distance with indifference. Perhaps at that very moment he was thinking of the insane acts he wanted to carry out. Was there regret in his conscience? Did he feel remorse? No, because there was

absolutely no reaction on his face. He stood there like he was nailed down to the bench. He left the courtroom the way he had come in, with automatic movements, showing no feeling and no regret…” (A. M., f. 238 – “Solun Dnevnik”.)

From all the material presented in the court only part of it, that which suited the authorities, was presented along with a summary of the court proceedings and the verdict. The entire public hearing was not a hearing, but simply a public reading of the evidence and a pronouncement of the verdict. It went right from the secret trial, or rather from the collection of the evidence material, to publicly pronouncing the verdict, without giving the defendants a chance to explain or defend themselves. The court authorities insisted that besides recognizing the defendants as perpetrators, that they also be recognized as witnesses. Because of the strict secrecy the Gemidzhii exercised, no witnesses could be found to verify that the crimes using dynamite were actually committed by the Gemidzhii themselves. Proof, for example, of the Gemidzhii participating in the digging of the tunnel was provided only by the Gemidzhii themselves. All Gemidzhii, except for Shatev, were used as witnesses to verify not only their own crimes but also those of the others.

As was explained during the trial, the Gemidzhii were charged with “attempting to change the form of rule in the Rumelian Vilayets”, which was basically true, but the claim that the Gemidzhii belonged to the “subversive committee” headquartered in Sofia was false. The court, as did the Solun consuls, made many attempts to hide the real reasons why the Gemidzhii had done what they did, which was to prompt the Europeans to intervene on behalf of the Macedonian people and allow them to have their autonomy. The judicial authorities, of course, were not going to bring that up as the reason that led the Macedonian revolutionaries to commit such dangerous acts and with such surprising boldness, willing to give their young life in the Solun streets. The Ottoman authorities presented the Gemidzhii as a bunch of “criminals” who wanted to kill, burn and destroy European property, and to kill European diplomats for no reason at all. And “why?” Naturally no one had an answer. The only answer given was that the Gemidzhii wanted to change the government in Macedonia.

The court did not succeed in finding any connection between the Gemidzhii and the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, nor did it have any success in finding a connection between the Gemidzhii and the Bulgarians. Regarding this matter, Steg wrote the following to Delcase:

“The trial will bring bitter disappointment to those who expected that, after more than a month of investigations, interesting details would be revealed about a supposed relationship between the Gemidzhii and the revolutionary committee. It was said at the outset of the investigation that members of the subversive committee from Sofia were responsible for carrying out the assassinations in Solun but to this day no evidence has been presented, so the verdict is limited to pure speculation and to the statements provided by the defendants about their own personal participation in the April 28 and 29 events.

Perhaps things will become clearer later in the processes after the court releases its findings. However, this being a closed investigation creates some suspicions regarding the question of the role of the revolutionary committees in the recent events in Solun.” (Ibid, report of June 12, 1903.)

Of course the trials, held later, did not disclose any direct participation of the Organization (MRO) in the Solun assassinations.

The only thing that was disclosed in Solun was the death sentence which could only be commuted by the Sultan himself. Many Muslims believed that the lives of the four Gemidzhii might be spared if the Russian emperor made an appeal to pardon the Gemidzhii in exchange for sparing the murderer of the Russian consul Shcherbin. On the other hand, many felt that the death penalty was fair considering the amount of mayhem the Gemidzhii had caused in Solun. The military court, as was mentioned earlier, was created in order to efficiently, effectively and promptly deliver justice.

Since most of the Gemidzhii were from Veles, the investigators naturally assumed that the dynamite must have come from Veles. As

a result, the military court expanded its activities in this city. A special investigative commission, headed by Dzhemal-Bey, was sent to Veles to investigate. The commission arrested more than 20 people and charged them as accomplices in the Solun attacks. Included among the people arrested were Giosho Popiordanov, Ortse’s father, Petar Popiordanov, Giosho’s brother, Ivan, Ilia and Gigo Popiordanov, Petar’s sons, Ilia Malinkin, Alekso Minov (Kaniko), Lazo and Nikola Organdzhiev, Giosho, brother of Todor Organdziev, his son-in-law Todor Vanov, Ivan Boshkov, Angele Kirkov, Dime Nichev and Gigo Sharlagandzhiata. They found several packages of dynamite at A. Minov’s place and as a result had him severely tortured. To save himself, Minov jumped off the municipal building stairs but was not killed. He was badly wounded.

Most of the arrested in Veles, according some sources, were sentenced to 3 to 5 years in prison. Giosho, Petar and Ivan Popiordanov were sentenced to 3 years in prison. Ilia Popiordanov was sentenced to 10 years. The others were sent to serve their sentences in Edi-Kule but were released in about one year’s time.

The next day after the Solun main Gemidzhii attacks took place, people in Veles heard that “something big” was happening in Solun. Those people who suspected that Ortse and his friend were up to something now knew what it was. Todor Organdziev found out about the Gemidzhii attacks when he was in Skopje buying tobacco seedlings. As the situation worsened and there was no movement of passenger trains, not knowing what was happening in Veles, Organdziev decided to flee and joined a cheta (an armed resistance group). He stayed with the cheta until the winter of 1903, after which he fled to Bulgaria. (P. Shatev, 402-403, H. Silianov, 264-265, T. Organdzhiev, 123.)

Only Organdziev knew how the dynamite had been delivered to Veles and from there to Solun. And because no one else knew, the authorities could learn nothing more than what they already knew. Shatev never mentioned that the dynamite was transported to Kochani.

The only thing that Giosho Popiordanov was guilty of was that he was Ortse’s father. All the Popiordanovs were convicted because

they were Ortse’s relatives. Almost all the people from Veles, who were convicted, were convicted only because they were suspected of having connections with the Gemidzhii. The authorities had no actual evidence of any connection.

* * *

Out of about 350 defendants who were held in jail, 4 (the Gemidzhii) were sentenced to death by the military court, 29 were sent to prison with 5 to 101 year sentences and 25 were released. The deeds of the 29 were referred to the regular court and 266 others could not be tried because there was no evidence against them. (Silianov, 264.)

Also among those sent to the regular court was Ivan Garvanov, president of the MRO Central Committee. Some authors who wrote about the Solun assassinations believed that the Gemidzhii were somehow responsible for Ivan Garvanov’s arrest as well as D. Mirchev’s and others. Silianov wrote that the “babbling” of the Gemidzhii caused members of the MRO Central Committee to be sent to prison. They allegedly admitted that they had received money from Garvanov, which was enough cause for his arrest. It was also alleged that Milan Arsov had “betrayed” the MRO leaders and other members in Veles. (Ibid.)

“I am a victim, I have been betrayed…” said Garvanov at one point.

When he was asked “by whom?” he mentioned Milan Arsov by name. (P. Shatev, 445.)