THEY WISH TO PERPETUATE INJUSTICES

THEY WISH TO PERPETUATE INJUSTICES

By Danail Krapchev

"When one knows what the Anglo-Americans demand of Bulgaria first of all--because this demand is number 1 --he understands that as far as she is concerned they are going back to the Treaty of Neuilly, to the treaties of Paris of 1919. And these ill-omened treaties-acknowledged as such not only by the conquered but also by eminent English and Americans-- brought on the Second .World War. Even the aged Lloyd George withdrew from the unwelcome work in which he, together with the late Clemenceau, took an active part and predicted, though rather late, the Second World War. The late American President Wilson, who went to the Paris Conference with a definite program, as is known from the memoir of his helper Lansing, the second American delegate to the Conference, considered himself betrayed and died tragically of regret in his native land. The tragedy of his predecessor is best known to President Roosevelt who was then his Minister.

Besides we must recall that the Paris treaties were imposed on the conquered at the" end of the First World War without Russia's participation. And not only this: they were imposed on the Soviet Union as well.

It is these ominous treaties of peace, signed with the knife at the throats of the conquered, that the Anglo-Americans wish to perpetuate, to become the corner stone of human history.

Otherwise what does the Anglo-American invitation to Bulgaria mean when they ask her to evacuate the Bulgarian lands liberated in 1941, what does it mean if not the perpetuation of the injustices committed toward her at Neuilly? The demand is that we should evacuate the newly liberated Bulgarian lands--and this is the first demand-- lands which were taken away from us by force after the First World War, but also those which were taken away from us by force during the war between the Balkan allies (1913) by our former allies.

The Anglo-Americans wish to make the injustices committed toward the Bulgarian nation in the course of history, in the course of centuries, permanent, even including those injustices against which the English protested at that time. Even those treaties which do not beat the signature of the Americans, as in the case with regard to Western Thrace. This of course is demand number one, after which the other numbers follow. The second of these is to make war on Germany. Other demands will follow later, as was the case after the First World War, when at the Armistice of Salonika somewhat more tolerable conditions were imposed, but later at Neuilly they were made ten times more severe. These conditions affected even the oldest territories, as the Western Frontiers. They also affected the army, while preparations and restitutions were imposed upon us. Nothing was left of Bulgarian sovereignty. Our neighbors continually and un-interruptedly made Bulgaria's conditions worse up to the eve of the Second World War. Bulgaria was constantly terrorized and humiliated, while the Bulgarian nation was torn and enslaved.

Only he who has a short memory has forgotten the not distant past, which the Anglo-Americans desire to perpetuate."

Respectfully yours, Burton Y. Berry, American Consul General To Department in original and hectograph FHB; SA. File No.891

External Affairs – Ottawa - Athens, April 27, 1948

No. 87. Following for D.M.I. from Military Attaché, Begins:

M.A. 28. Civil war period 12th to 26th April.

1. Rebel activity still widespread. Looting, sabotage, recruiting raids continue, especially Poloponnese. Few major rebel incidents, mainly Peloponnese. First phase G.N.A. general offensive commenced April 15th in Roumeli area. Operation given code word “dawn”.

2. Minor rebel activity confined to sabotage of road-rail communications, especially Peloponnese, shelling communication Northern Greece, looting and recruiting raids all areas, especially Peloponnese. Rebel units Voulgara area, X88, reported moving northwest, probable due to operation “dawn”. Being pursued by G.N.A. commando units. April 11th, strong rebel band attacked Kalavrita, c.9760, killed or captured entire garrison of two N.D.C. companies. G.N.A. drove rebels out of town and clashes continue in Mount Aroania area, D. 04.

3. G.N.A. operations in Khaicsidiki are peninsula east of Salonica and in Papadhes area, K. 9817, resulted in considerable rebel casualties and kept them on the move. April 13th, G.N.A. clashes with band of 500 strong in Mount Khasia area, S. 96, and captured 134 rebels. G.N.A. generally taking more offensive attitude. April 15th, operation “dawn” commenced with three divisions. Embassy cable No. 79 of April 16th refers. April 25th, G.N.A. units closing ring had reached general line X.9317.

Fleece No. 212 - February 6, 1945

For Foreign Secretary from Foreign Office

Please refer to paragraph 9 of FLEECE 89 reporting the Soviet Government’s view on Yugoslav-Bulgarian federation.

2. Tito has been careful not to give us a hint of negotiations for Yugoslav-Bulgarian pact of alliance and mutual understanding, and in reply to our representations has confined himself to an assurance that federation is not an immediate probability. There have, however, been so many recent signs of friendship between the two countries that this development, however unwelcome, does not come as a surprise.

3. It seems to us here that most of the disadvantages seen in respect of a federation apply to a lesser degree to a pact is intended to be the first step towards a federation. If a pact were concluded, Bulgaria would escape from much of the treatment which she deserves of a defeated enemy and the reactions on the position of Greece would be unfavourable. We think that we should take the line that an enemy state under an armistice regime is debarred from entering into special treaty relations with another state, especially with which she is still technically in a state of war, except with the explicit permission of the victorious powers with whom it concluded the armistice; and that we should insist on full reparation being made to Greece before Bulgaria may conclude the projected alliance.

4. It would be a great help if you could arrange for this subject of Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations to be discussed at the present meeting. You will remember that the U.S. Government have not yet given their views in reply to our request.

Circulation:

The King War Cabinet Secretary of State for Dominions Lord Privy Seal Secretary of State for air

Minister of Production Minister of Information Foreign Office Mr. Pack Defense Office

Foreign Office - January 1945

My telegram No. 4886 to Moscow.

In the light of Belgrade telegrams Nos. 47 and 88 and your telegram No. 108, you will see from my telegram No. 85 to Belgrade that we have now instructed Brigadier Maclean to make to Tito a communication on the lines foreshadowed in paragraph 3 of my telegram under reference. You should also immediately inform the Bulgarian Government of the views of H.M.G. on the following lines:

While H.M.G would welcome a confederation between all the Balkan States, both Allied and enemy and including possibly Turkey, they could not approve an exclusive union of federation between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Moreover while H.M.G are prepared to agree to the creation of a Macedonian State in the future federal Yugoslavia they would be strongly opposed to the creation of a Greater Macedonian State involving claims on Greek territory. They therefore look with disfavour on the activities of Macedonian propagandists in Bulgaria which the Bulgarian Government appear to have condoned and they do not recognize the right of the Bulgarian Government to transfer without the consent of the United Nations any part of Bulgarian territory to the Yugoslav federal State of Macedonia.

My telegram No.10823 of 28th December:

His Majesty's Government's view on Macedonian question and Yugoslav Bulgarian federation.

Tito, who has not yet been notified of views of His Majesty's Government, has expressed himself in conversation with Maclean as opposed to a Yugoslav-Bulgarian federation at the present time. Question arose over a report which had reached Tito that General Velebit his representative in London had informed the press that Albania and Bulgaria would join the new Yugoslav Federal State. After reference to London Maclean informed Tito on 8th January that there appeared to be no truth in the report. Tito expressed relief

and went on to say that, although he did not exclude the possibility of an eventual extension of Yugoslav federation at some period in the future, there was no question of either Bulgaria or Albania entering into any federal union with Yugoslavia at present. In case of Bulgaria in particular Tito was not ready for such a step. As he had pointed out to a Bulgarian delegation who had visited him the day before with polite messages the Bulgarians had, on several occasions in the past, sworn eternal friendship to the Serbs but this had not prevented them from turning on them and massacring them at first opportunity. It would take the Serbs some time to forget the behaviour of Bulgaria in three wars.

At the same time there was no point in perpetuating such enmity, and, if good relations could be achieved, it would be to everyone's advantage.

2. This assurance taken with the assurance in regards to Greek Macedonia reported in telegraph 2 of my telegram under reference indicates that at any rate for the present Tito’s views on these questions are substantially in conformity with those of His Majesty’s Government.

3, I am anxious that to avoid the risk of subsequent misunderstandings our views should be communicated formally to Tito, the Yugoslav Government in London and the Bulgarian Government as soon as possible. On the other hand I should not like to do so before being assured that these views are not materially at variance with those of the United States Government and Soviet Government. I suggest therefore that you should communicate the gist of the foregoing paragraph to the State Department and inform the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs that we propose to notify Tito, the Yugoslav Government and the Bulgarian Government of the views of His Majesty’s Government on 18th January (repeat 18th January) unless we hear before then that the United States and Soviet Governments see objection to this procedure.

Free European Movements - Dropping of Leaflets

April 13, 1951

Dispatch No 357

From The Charge d’Affairs a.i., Belgrade, Yugoslavia

To The Secretary of State for External Affairs, Canada

On the night of March 22, or 23 leaflets were dropped in this country by an identified aircraft. I am enclosing two samples of the leaflets, one in Bulgarian and the other in Albanian. Several thousands of the Bulgarian leaflets were dropped along the line Nis-Topola-Zagreb and the Albanian leaflets near the Albanian border. I am enclosing a translation of the Bulgarian leaflet but have not yet been able to obtain a translation of the Albanian one.

2. You will note that the Bulgarian leaflet refers to Radio Geryanin “the voice of the BROTHERHOOD FOR BULGARIAN FREEDOM”. It is, of course, obvious that both lots of leaflets were not intended to be dropped in this country.

3. The day after they were dropped, Mr. Mates asked Sir Charles Peake to call on him, and Mates gave it as his opinion that the leaflets had been dropped by Italian aircraft. There is, however, no proof of Mates’ statement and I am inclined to think that Mates may be blaming the Italians mainly because he cannot think of anyone better to blame.

4. In some respects the leaflets bear a resemblance to leaflets prepared by the American O.S.S during the war and it is not uninteresting that the U.S. Ambassador has said that he is not in a position to state definitely that they were not fact prepared in the United States. I gather from this remark that he is not kept informed of the activities of the Central Intelligence Agency or any other agency which may be conducting propaganda of this kind, and is, therefore, unable to make a definite statement.

5. Whoever is responsible for dropping the leaflets, however, their propaganda efforts appear to be, to say the least, premature and I should be interested to know whether you are able to throw any light on their origin.

6. On the evening of March 30 I dined with Mr. Hamilton Fish Armstrong at the British Embassy and took the opportunity of asking him to what extent the U.S. Government was supporting so-called free national movements outside Yugoslavia. I gathered from his remarks that the State Department has at least given tacit approval to some of these so-called free movements, although he added that, as is usual with such movements, there is a great deal of internal squabbling. I was, however, interested to see from the New York Times of February 12 that a declaration by the Yugoslav National Committee in the United States had been signed by most of the prominent Yugoslavs there, including Fotitch and Machek. From the reports in the Times it would appear that Machet has buried the hatchet at least temporarily with some of his political opponents outside this country.

7. While our high Commissioner in London has already sent me some information on the European Movement and the National Committee for Free Europe in the United States (Canada House dispatch No. 2369 of October 4, 1950), I should be interested to receive as much information as you may have available on Yugoslav political movements outside this country, support which is being given to them by either the U.S. or U.K. Governments. In the same connection I should be interested in similar information concerning such movements of Hungarians, Roumanians, Bulgarians and Albanians.

8. In my opinion it would be unfortunate if any or all of the Western powers support a free movement of Yugoslavs outside this country in the present circumstances. The Yugoslav authorities are suspicious enough of the ultimate motives of the Western powers and if we wish to get anywhere with them on the kind of strategic problems raised in my Dispatch No. 304 of March 31, 1951, it would be undesirable for any of the Western governments to give support to an outside political movement at this time. In any case, I doubt whether any of the individuals involved in the Yugoslav

movement in the United States would be acceptable to the bulk of the population in the country. It seems to me much more desirable to support the present Yugoslav regime insofar as this is necessary to meet current defense plans and to avoid deterioration of the economic situation in this country to the point where the regime would be threatened. Quite apart from these considerations, while it is still too soon to say how far party doctrine may be modified in the long run, there is at least some hope modification may take place on a permanent footing. It would, in my opinion, be preferable to attempt gradually to bring about such modifications rather than make an effort to overthrow the regime through support given to a political movement of émigrés, whose return to Yugoslavia could hardly result in anything but internal strife.

(Can’t make out signature) Charge d’Affairs a.i.

Memorandum for Defense Liaison

A.F. Broadbridge /dg April 27, 1951

Attention Mr. McCrdick

I refer to dispatch 357 of April 13 from the Legation in Belgrade concerning Free European Movement: Dropping of Leaflets.

You will, no doubt, be interested in the translation of the Bulgarian leaflet which apparently were dropped inadvertently upon Yugoslav territory.

Mr. Crean also comments on the free national movement outside Yugoslavia and in paragraph 8, he gives his opinion that it would be unfortunate if any or all of the Western powers supported a free movement of Yugoslavia at this time. I do not think we would wish to dispute this point. However, he does not ask for information on Yugoslav movements outside the country and before I make a reply, I should be grateful for any comments you might wish to make on this matter.

European Division.

A.F. Broadbridge

From Belgrade to Foreign office - January 16th, 1945

Brigadier Maclean No. 61

The Anti-Fascist Assembly for National Liberation of Macedonia asks that the following message be conveyed to the Prime Minister.

“The delegates of Anti-Fascist Assembly for National Liberation of Macedonia who have met together for their second session in Skopje, capital of Federal Macedonia, wish to salute you and people of Great Britain for the contribution which you and the British people have made towards the defeat of the common foe of all freedom loving people – German fascism.

By manifesting today their firm attachment to the cause of the new federal Yugoslavia, the Macedonian people show once again their desire and readiness to live as a free and equal people in democratic federal Yugoslavia.

In the name of the Macedonian people we pledge ourselves to strive with ever increasing effort to take part in the onward march of the armies of the freedom loving people towards Berlin the lair of the Fascist beast.”

[Copies sent to Prime Minister.]

O.T.P.

From Foreign Office to Moscow - March 17th, 1945

No. 1323