Introduction - Part 05

On March 8, 1949, Chernishov, the Soviet Ambassador to Greece, telephoned Moscow to report that the Greek government was using unprecedented aggressive and active propaganda against the CPG and against the resistance movement. This was in reaction to the CPG announcement in regards to the “Macedonian Question” about which a decision was made during the CPG Central Committee 5th Plenum and during the Macedonian National Liberation Front 2nd Congress. The main thrust of this propaganda was aimed at the CPG and DAG, which allegedly wanted to break the sovereignty of Greece. The reason for this was the “unification of Macedonia”… This propaganda gave Athens reasons and opportunity to conduct recruitments, transfer government troops and place the military on high alert in the areas controlled by the resistance. The Greek people have a special sensitivity to the issue of Greece’s sovereignty and integrity. The same concern was shown by people living in the cities who were supporters of the Communists and DAG. The Macedonian National Liberation Front (NOF) is expected to convene a Congress, scheduled to take place on March 10, 1949, in the free territories held by DAG. Regarding this, the government press of the Anglo-American League has declared, with provocative measures, that the aim of the Congress is to split Greek Macedonia and create a common state with Bulgarian and Yugoslav Macedonia and, as such the Communist Party of Greece “has committed treachery against Greek Macedonia.” According to the information Chernishov received from Moscow, the Congress organizers were told that such intent was imprudent and that the Congress should not focus on this question, and not even on the future of the Macedonian people within a Balkan Federation. It was recommended that the delegates turn their attention to the population in Greek Macedonia and orient it in the direction of combating the Monarcho-Fascist society in Greece and fight to create a free and democratic Greece. What this boiled down to was that after World War II, when people believed that the war was over and that the bloodshed had ended, the Macedonian people paid a high price for fighting to support a communist ideology which was not willing to support the Macedonian cause. In other words, the Macedonian people fought defending an ideology which worked against their interests…

Then on March 20, 1949, when more Macedonian sacrifices were needed, the Greeks began to again compliment the Macedonian

contribution to the struggle. In a speech regarding the Macedonian fighter contribution in DAG’s ranks, delivered to DAG Political Commissars, Vasilis Bardzhotas then DAG General Staff Political Commissar, among other things, said: “...The Slavo-Macedonian fighters and officers are considered the best that DAG has to offer. They fought and still fight bravely. These heroic people give their best. They sacrificed their children, their property, their houses... Every house has a wounded or dead person. The DAG Vicho Mountain unit fighters are 20 to 50% Slavo-Macedonians...” Five days later, on March 25, 1949, during the 2nd NOF Congress held in the village Nivitsi, a resolution was adopted to invite the Macedonian people to join the struggle (Greek Civil War) en masse. The Greek Communists told and retold the Macedonian people that they would allow them to create their own Macedonian state but they needed to fight and win the war. For that to happen however, every able bodied man and woman had to join the struggle. In other words, like Zahariadis said: “All to arms and everything for victory.” Zahariadis also said: “You Macedonians have a right to secession, within a Balkan federation…” There were many slogans written especially in honour of Zahariadis, the so-called “greatest”, wisest and most respected son of Macedonia and then, a little later, no one wanted to believe that he was a traitor. Unfortunately the NOF leaders and all those who served under him believed and trusted him. But, despite their trust the NOF leadership refused to accept Zahariadis’s claims that Yugoslavia was their enemy.

On March 27, 1949, Zahariadis created the “Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia” (KOEM) to further divide the Macedonian people. After his failure to win over NOF and turn it into an anti-Yugoslav weapon to satisfy his own purposes, Zahariadis invented another so-called Macedonian organization and imposed it on the Macedonian people. Obviously Zahariadis did all this to show sincerity and to remove all suspicions from the anti-Macedonian acts he and his Central Committee had committed. He wanted the Macedonian people to remain in DAG’s ranks, the small rebel army which he himself insisted on remaining small, and become cannon fodder for the opponent’s mighty war machine. Even though DAG was already bleeding profusely, instead of negotiating peace, Zahariadis preferred to have his small rebel army fight in the May 1949, government offensive code named “Pirsos”as

a stationary army, a target for the Greek heavy artillery and aviation. During this offensive the Greek army had 150,000 regular soldiers, 50,000 national defense forces, 25,000 gendarmerie forces, 7,500 policemen, 50,000 special forces, 14,300 sailors and some 7,500 aviators, a sum of more than 300,000 men. DAG’s military force, on the other hand, consisted of no more than 25,000 regular fighters.

On May 5, 1949, after Tito’s break with Stalin, a meeting took place between Fitzroy McLean and Marshal Tito during which many issues were discussed concerning Yugoslavia and its relationship with the West. Some of these issues applied to Greece about which Tito did not hide the fact that he helped DAG in past years. But now that the situation had changed, he said, Yugoslavia could not by itself refuse the right of asylum to political refugees. But those refugees would be kept deep inside the country and beyond the borders. It was understood that Tito could promise that in future he would not allow these people to return to Greece to resume fighting. And he would no longer provide any help to DAG. He also said that this information must be kept secret because it would create a very complex situation and damage his reputation.

On July 3, 1949, the Greek government military began its offensive against DAG 24th Brigade in Mount Kaimakchalan. After four hard and bloody days of fighting, the Brigade was overpowered and forced to withdraw into Yugoslav territory. In order to justify the tragic losses in Kaimakchalan and put the blame elsewhere, CPG and DAG leaders insisted that a secret agreement had been reached between Yugoslav and Greek government officers in Kaimakchalan so that Yugoslavian authorities would allow Greek government troops to attack DAG units from behind. It was alleged that, according to this agreement, made on July 5, 1949, Greek government units were allowed to use Yugoslav space in order to attack the brigade from behind. And thus the fictional “attack from behind” was invented. After the disastrous defeat at Kaimakchalan, fighters from the DAG 24th Brigade moved to Yugoslavia and in the statements made they denied claims about being attacked from behind. It was also uncovered that the alleged attack from behind was an invented lie to justify the brigade’s defeat.

In response to the “Pirsos” strategic plan developed and implemented by US General Van Fleet’s staff in preparation for the liquidation of the resistance forces in Greece, the AFZH Executive Board passed a resolution on July 16, 1949, to activate the Macedonian women, mobilize them and shove them in the trenches to defend the frontline at the Vicho front. Their patriotism, love for their homeland, for their fathers, husbands and brothers, drew them into this terrible war and in the end they too faced the same humiliation… being labeled “traitors” and “wrongdoers” and worse they too were driven out of their homes and homeland and torn away from their families.

On August 10, 1949, the Greek government military launched a major offensive against DAG and its units in the free territory in Greek occupied Macedonia. On the first day of the offensive the government forces breached the DAG defensive line and achieved great success. Within six days DAG lost about 800 fighters and another 600 went missing. By August 17, 1949 it poked a hole in DAG’s positions, evicted two DAG divisions and several smaller units and occupied Mount Vicho and Prespa. The Macedonian civilian population in that region was pounded by government artillery and aviation. With fanatical hatred, DAG divisions stationed at the Greek-Yugoslav border prevented refugees from fleeing into the territory of the People’s Republic of Macedonia and coerced them to withdraw to the territory of Albania. Any Macedonian who attempted to cross the Yugoslav border was shot. There were many such incidents. Government forces carried out violent and hellish attacks against DAG from August 10 to 14 with unprecedented air support supplied by the United States.

The poet Atso Shopov was right when he wrote the poem “Gramos” telling us that “no bird can fly in Vicho from the hail of bombs and grenades”. This struggle has been objectively presented in two volumes by Greek historian Giorgos Margaritis, a professor at the University of Crete. Margaritis has relied on the memoirs of prominent anti-Fascists for his source material and describes why DAG fighters aborted Vicho and pulled out of Gramos, leaving the population unprotected and running for its life.

One hundred and thirty bombing runs were made on August 10, 1949 by the American and English supplied air support using “Dakota” and “Spitfire” military aircraft to bomb units of DAG and columns of fleeing refugees. The next few days the military aircraft did the same, at the same pace, providing air support for the government artillery and infantry. There was not a square foot of space that had not been bombed on Mount Vicho, on Lisets, on Mount Malimadi and in Prespa along the Albanian and Yugoslav border. The entire area had been bombed with aerial bombs, grenades, napalm bombs and rockets and was garnished with machine gun fire by the dive-bombing aircraft. This clearly describes the conditions under which DAG was placed and the kind of pot its fighters were put in to boil. There was an insurmountable amount of pressure and worry placed on the fighters not only for saving their own lives but also for caring for the wounded and for saving the huge columns of fleeing refugees. DAG was again attacked in Gramos with the same vigour. It was under these circumstances, created mainly by foreign intervention, that the “freedom-loving democrats” of Gramos dropped the “last flag”.

The Greek government offensive initiated against DAG had a force of 60,000 Greek government troops, commanded by General Van Fleet of the U.S.A and organized in 6 divisions from all branches of the military, with 200 tanks and armoured cars and with about 100 aircraft of all types. All this was unleashed on Mount Vicho. Opposing this force was commander Michos Vlandas with 9,863 fighters and 40 cannons. DAG suffered huge losses with 1,859 dead, wounded, missing and captured fighters. The Government side sustained only 256 dead and 1,336 wounded. During the night of August 15-16 DAG units began to retreat to Albania with the last units retreating on August 17, but in the following days about 6,000 fighters were sent to reinforce the fighting on Mount Gramos. Then, on August 20, 1949, the CPG Central Committee Politburo held a meeting and promised its fighters that “Gramos has all the means necessary to deliver the enemy a death blow” and coined the slogan “Gramos will be the tomb of the government troops”. That, however, never happened, all Zahariadis wanted to do was extend the war. Then, during the night of August 29-30, government troops began a new campaign against Gramos. Under the command of U.S. General Van Fleet, this force was larger by three battalions than that

of Vicho. Opposing Van Fleet in Gramos was General Georgios Vontisios-Gusias with about 12,500 resistance fighters. During this campaign the government artillery and aviation alternately bombed DAG positions continuously. It was a hellish situation for DAG and its units. The last battles took place on August 29 and the retreat for Albania began on August 30. DAG losses amounted to 922 dead, 944 captured, 650 wounded and about 400-450 voluntarily surrendered. Losses on the government side amounted to 243 dead and 1,452 wounded. DAG’s 6th and 7th Divisions withdrew to Bulgaria during September and October 1949. The last DAG remnants, located in the southern parts of Greece, withdrew in early 1950. Officially the Greek Civil War ended on August 30, 1949.

For the longest part, after removing General Markos Vafiadis from his command and after abandoning the proven military strategies of the so-called “Supreme War Council Law”, Zahariadis worked personally with his Politburo, which had absolutely no relevant experience in implementing military strategists so naturally one would find Nikos Zahariadis and his Politburo responsible for DAG’s defeat. But that’s not who they found guilty. Instead of laying blame where it squarely belonged, Zahariadis and his clique pointed their fingers at the Macedonians, specifically at the NOF and AFZH leadership and at the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece. Zahariadis staged a fake political trial in Bureli, a town in Albania, similar to those staged by Informburo countries, and had the last word.

While the last battles in Gramos were still raging on, DAG General Headquarters ordered all DAG units to withdraw claiming that their intended task was now completed. What intended tasks were they completing? With this DAG was declared liquidated and its units were ordered to go to Albania. The great government offensive began on August 10, 1949 but the war did not end until August 30, 1949. Following is a list of battles that took place during the Greek Civil War. These were frightful battles where the opponent had forces as high as ten times larger and much better equipped:

1. Battle at North Pindos, (June 26 to July 22, 1947); 2. Battle for the city Konitsa (December 24, 1947 to January 4, 1948);

3. Battle in Kailiari, (October 18, 1948); 4. Battle in Bukovik (November 10 to 14, 1948); 5. Battle for the reception of the heroic unarmed phalanx from Rumeli to Mount Pieria, (March 16, 1948); 6. Battles in Agrafa: Villages Karoplesi, Smokovo, Kerasovo and Mount Niala (April 8 to 22, 1947); 7. Battle at Ilia, Furka, Taburi-Greko, (July 31, 1948); 8. Battle at Golio-Kamenik, (June 21, 1948); 9. Battle at Klevti (June 28 to August 1, 1948); 10. Battle at Taliaro-Likokremasma and Eastern Smolika, (July 31, 1948); 11. Battle at Alevitsa, (June 14, 1948); 12. Battles to conquer the cities Voden, Sobotsko and Negush, (December 22, 1948 to January 14, 1949); 13. Battle for the conquest of Lerin, (February 12, 1949); 14. Battles in Kaimakchalan, (June 4, 1949); 15. Major battles for the re-taking of Gramos (April 1 & 2, 1949); 16. Battles at the heights of Bulgara, Kotelsko-Gramos, (April 4, 1949); 17. Battles at Patoma-Gramos, (June 2, 1949); 18. Battles for Vicho. The fiercest battles were fought at Lisets and at Iamata, (August 10 to 14, 1949); 19. Dramatic battle fought at Kulata - Prespa between the two lakes, (August 14, 1949); 20. Battles at Black-Gramos, (August 24 1949); 21. The last battles of Gramos, (August 24 to 29, 1949); 22. Battles at Kiafa (elevation 2322) in Gramos, (August 30, 1949, just less than 10 hours before DAG’s defeat).

Then on September 9, 1949, General Michos Vlandas, Minister of War in the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece and member of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, held a meeting with his military and political staff in the Albanian camp where about 3,000 fighters and DAG officers, including Macedonians. In their presence he announced the war’s conclusion and explained why DAG was defeated. He blamed Yugoslavia and NOF as being the main culprits for losing the war. Vlandas said: “When our Party opted for an armed struggle it relied on Yugoslavia for its unwavering support promised to us. We relied on Yugoslavia because of its radiant glory in its victory in the People’s Liberation

War and Revolution. But here we are, at the most critical and decisive moment of our struggle, Tito turned his back on us… he sold us out… he surrendered us and, through his agents (alluding to NOF), he undermined our national-movement and DAG”. After that, all NOF leaders were systematically watched around the clock by DAG Security Services and their activities recorded in pre-existing files. Since 1945, the CPG had open files and followed the life and activities of all the NOF leaders. CPG representatives in the People’s Republic of Macedonia have been monitoring NOF activities since NOF was created in the spring of 1945. The CPG had been spying on both NOF and the People’s Republic of Macedonia. It would appear that the Greek communists were preparing “a court case” against the Macedonian leaders well in advance of losing the war.

At about the same time, the CPG officially asked Stalin to provide DAG and the CPG two bases, one in Bulgaria and the other in Albania. Stalin did not provide one in Albania. After that the CPG adopted a decision to arrest the NOF, NOMS and AFZH leaders. Over 100 Macedonians, DAG fighters and NOF activists, 30 of them women, were arrested and handed over to the Albanian police. Nothing is known of their fate. They were detained without being tried and carried off to the concentration camps. Then, with agreement from Mehmet Shehu, Albania’s President, and in the presence of Petrov, a representative from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Albania, ten of the top executives from NOF, NOMS and AFZH were arrested. They were Paskal Mitrevski, NOF Central Council President, Evdokia Baleva-Vera, NOF Central Council Vice-President and AFZH Central Committee Secretary, Mihail Maliov, KOEM Secretary and NOF Central Council Secretary, Mincho Fotev, member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee and NOMS Main Board President, Urania Iurukova, member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee, Lazar Poplazarov, member of the NOF Central Council, Risto Kolentsev, member of the NOF Central Council and President of the Lerin District Board of the People’s government, Tashko Hadzhiianev, member of the NOF Central Council, Lambro Cholakov, President of the NOF District Board for Kostur District and candidate member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee, and Pavle Rakovski, former member of NOF Central

Council Presidency. These people were later imprisoned in the “Bureli” prison. Their arrest was publicly announced at a gathering of DAG officers and soldiers in the camp where they were all stationed. The gathering was attended by all members of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, members of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece with its president, Petrov the representative of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Albania, and representatives of the Albanian Labour Party. Some of the arrested NOF leaders were paraded in front of those attending the meeting. The CPG then held its 6th CPG Central Committee Plenum during which Vasilis Bardzhotas, member of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, submitted a paper which presented the Party’s position on the Macedonian Question.

The CPG, it appears changed its position again by abandoning the slogan “self-determination for the Slavo-Macedonian nation” and returning back to its previous position of “national equality”. It did this, it said, because the overall situation had changed. It was no longer possible for the People’s Republic of Macedonia to be “the centre of national unification”, and because of that there was a need to introduce the “Slavo-Macedonian nation” and because of that the CPG Central Committee Politburo had to decide what to do with the organizations NOF and KOEM and clean up those who were “traitors to the Party” and “Tito’s agents”. Bardzhotas said: “The Party’s 5th Plenum introduced the slogan ‘self-determination’ over establishing a ‘Slavo-Macedonian nation’. That slogan was chosen during an unsuitable moment. We chose the slogan ‘self-determination’ so that we could oppose the actions of Tito’s agents and attract the Slavo-Macedonian people into the armed struggle. Today the situation has changed and we needed to re-examine the slogan. Stalin has taught us that a national question must be subordinated to the general interests of the revolution and then changed again to serve the general interests of the Party. This too needs to happen today in our country. We need to embrace the slogan of ‘national equality’, which we chose during the CPG Sixth Congress…” Full equality was extended for the “Slavo-Macedonians” in October 1949. This was the period when people started returning to their homes. But in reality nearly all Greek officers, who had returned after the Greek Civil War, were promoted by the Greek government to three ranks higher than those who

suffered during World War II. There were no Macedonian officers but those Macedonians who did try to return were told that “only Greeks by birth can return” and that “there is no place in Greece for the likes of you…” At the same time the CPG disbanded all Macedonian organizations: NOF, AFZH, NOMS and KOEM and on February 19, 1951 proposed to form a new organization called “Ilinden”. The reason given for dissolving NOF, AFZH and NOMS was because these organizations were managed by Tito’s agents and by traitors. The new “Ilinden” organization was created in order to combat “Tito’s agents”.

On November 27, 1949, refugees from Greek occupied Macedonia gathered at the Freedom Square in Skopje where they held a protest in which they vigorously protested against the wild terror perpetrated by the Greek government against the Macedonian people with aims at cleansing the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia. They also protested against the terror and arrests carried out by the traitor Zahariadis who arrested the Macedonian leaders and Democratic Army of Greece fighters, in order to hide his own and his Party’s role and responsibility in the DAG disaster.

After that on December 14, 1949 the arrested Macedonian NOF leaders were loaded onto the Soviet freighter “Michurin” at the port of Durres in Albania, and transported to the USSR. They arrived at the port of Odessa on December 25, 1949 and were handed over to the Soviet Security Services who then locked them up in a prison in Odessa. On January 1, 1950 the detainees were loaded onto a train with special prison wagons called “Stopilinskie” and transported to Moscow where they were handed over to the USSR Ministry of State Security, which then imprisoned them in the “Liublianka” prison in Moscow. A little later they were transferred to other prisons in Moscow including Lefortovo, Butirskaia and Suhanovka. The interrogations of the NOF leaders in Moscow lasted from January 1950 until May 1952. During this time the detainees were locked up in solitary confinement or in individual cells. The interrogations were conducted around the clock from 1200 to 1700 hours and from 2300 to 0500 hours (12 noon to 5pm and from 11pm to 5am) by a group of Soviet officers, led by Colonel Rubliov, head of the Second Department of the USSR Ministry of State Security.

Included among the interrogators were Major Pandeleev, Colonel Viktor Petrov Firtsov, Colonel Evgeni Kostandinovich Nikitin, and Lieutenant Colonel Andrei Pogrebniak. The interrogations were done in the Greek language because the Soviet service did not have Macedonian speaking translators. The translators were Soviet officers of Greek origin. Included among the translators were Captain Hristos Dzhumiadis, Captain Ioanidis, and Lieutenant Aristotelis Papounidis.

After all the DAG fighters and civilian refugees fled from Greece the Greek government closed its borders and refused to allow them to return. Anyone who left Greece without the Greek government’s permission, man, woman or child, was not allowed to return. While the civilian refugees were sent into the various Eastern European countries such as Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, etc., the fighters were sent to the USSR with no hope of ever returning to their homeland, Greek occupied Macedonia.

Laws enacted by the Greek government against the Macedonian people

1917 - LAW 1051. Greece inaugurated new administrative jurisdictions for governing newly acquired lands in Greek occupied Macedonia.

1926 – November 21. A legal Act was issued on the change of Macedonian geographic names into the Greek version. The news was published in the government daily Efimeris tis Kivemiseos No. 322 of November 21, 1926. The same newspaper in its No. 346 edition published the new, official, Greek names. These Acts are still officially binding to this day. All place names (toponymia) were Hellenized; that is the names of cities, villages, rivers, lakes, mountains, etc., were discarded and Greek names put in their place. Macedonians were ordered under duress to abandon all Macedonian names and to adopt Greek names assigned to them by the Greek state. They were forced to change both first and last name; every surname had to end in ‘os’, ‘es’, ‘ou’ or ‘poulos’. The news of these acts and the new, official Greek names were published in the Greek government daily “Efimeris tis Kiverniseos” no. 322 and 324 on November 21 and 23, 1926.

1927 – The Cyrillic inscriptions (Macedonian alphabet) in churches, tombstones and icons were rewritten or destroyed. Church services in the Macedonian language were outlawed.

1928 - In the period from 1928 to 1934, when there seemed to be a movement for better relations between the Balkan countries, successive Greek governments of the time appeared a little more elastic in their attitudes towards the Macedonian language. Some even made serious statements in favour of the Macedonians. But in order to see the differences between what Greek politicians said and did regarding the Macedonian Question, we need to emphasize the fact that back in 1926 a law was passed by the Greek Government, as published in the Greek Official Gazette no. 332 of 21. XI. 1926, which entailed the erasure of the Macedonian toponymy and replacing it with a Greek one. In other words the Greek government passed a law to change the names of all villages, towns, rivers, lakes and mountains in Greek occupied Macedonia from Macedonian to Greek. At about the same time in 1926 the Greek government allowed various different Greek nationalist organizations, such as the “Elino - Makedoniki pigmi” (Greco - Macedonian fist) and “EEE” (National Organization of youth), to appear which were openly raising the issue of banning the Macedonian language.

1928 - 1, 497 Macedonian place names changed in Greek occupied Macedonia turned into Greek (since 1926) by LAW 4096, a directive on renaming Macedonian place names prompting English Journalist V. Hild to reveal that “The Greeks do not only persecute living Macedonians but they even persecute dead ones. They do not leave them in peace even in the graves. They erase the Macedonian inscriptions on the headstones, remove the bones and burn them.”

1929 - Legal act issued on protection of public order. During Eleftherios Venizelos’s rule a legal Act was issued “On the protection of public order”. In line with this Act each demand for nationality rights is regarded as high treason. This law is still in force.

1936 - Macedonians suffer state terrorism and pogroms. Thousands of Macedonians jailed, sent to internal exile (EXORIA) on arid, inhospitable Greek islands, where many perish. Their crime? Being ethnic Macedonian by birth. LAW 6429 reinforces Law 4096 on turning Macedonian place names to Greek place names. DECREE 87 accelerates denationalization of Macedonians. Greek Ministry of Education sends “Specially trained” instructors to accelerate conversion to Greek language.

1938 – September 7. Legal Act No. 2366 was issued which banned the use of the Macedonian language. All Macedonian localities were flooded with posters: “Speak Greek”. Evening schools were opened in which adult Macedonians were taught Greek. Not a single Macedonian school functioned at that time. Macedonians were fined, beaten or jailed for speaking Macedonian. Adults and school children were further humiliated by being forced to drink castor oil when caught speaking Macedonian. LAW 1418 reinforces previous laws on renaming.

1945 - LAW 697 enacted more regulations on renaming toponyms in Greek occupied Macedonia.

1945 - Law 543/45 is passed by Greek legislature against the organization NOF, AFZH and NOMS. I.e. “Against NOF and all persons working for the secession of Greek territories.”

1945 - July 7, Law 453 and Law TOD:/45 enacted in Greece. “For order, peace and justice” to ensure public safety and to stop “autonomist activities” of which the Macedonian political organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS were accused. NOF, AFZH and NOMS were found to be autonomist, separatist and anti-Greek and were placed outside of the law and their members were to be judged for possessing and using weapons.

1945 - July 18. Law CC 43 passed. Law “against autonomist activities” was passed in Greece with which the organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS were declared autonomist, placed outside of the law and their members were declared criminals to be caught and tried for high treason.

1945 - July 20, Law (CC) 4124 passed. Law on “Prosecution of suspected persons” was passed. Law (CC) 4124/45 was enacted to be applied only against the Macedonians.

1945 - July 20, Laws PZ 433/45 and PZ 753/45, Decree “G” and other laws were passed: PZ 433/45 “For illegal possession of weapons”, PZ 753/45 “For illegal possession and use of arms”, “For extraordinary measures for public safety”.

1946 – September. The Greek government enacted a law designed to punish the families of army deserters. Imprisonment for political crimes was on the increase and as regular prisons became dangerously overcrowded, new systems of detention were being invented including detention centres, islands of deportation, concentration camps, etc. Incarcerating large numbers of democrats, male and female of all ages, dated back to before the Metaxas dictatorship, which involved the punishment of people not for their deeds but for their ideas, but the sheer number of those incarcerated during this period was far larger than at any time in the past, and

easily dwarfed even the thousands jailed or detained under Metaxas. There was a far greater number of women and even children detained during this period than ever before, necessitating the need for special women’s camps. In 1934, for example, there were approximately 130 women jailed in the Averof Women’s Prison in Athens. By 1945 the number of prisoners had grown tenfold. “The strains upon the primitive infrastructure required to support such an expansion of the system of incarceration can be judged in the remarkable collection of photos taken by women inmates and recently published under the heading “Gynaikes exoristes sta stratopeda tou emfyliou.”

1947 - Legal Act L-2 is issued during the Greek Civil War, on the strength of which all who left Greece without the consent of the Greek government were stripped of their Greek citizenship and banned from returning to Greece. This included Greeks and Macedonians. In its modernized version the Act is still binding for Macedonians.

1947 - December 7. Greece enacted Decree “Z” which stated that: “All persons abroad who express anti-national sentiments are to be stripped of their Greek citizenship.”

1948 - January 20. Legal Act M is issued, on the strength of which the property of those who were stripped of their citizenship was confiscated. The law was updated in 1985, but it is still binding on Macedonians.

1953 - August 23. Legal Act No. 2536 was issued, on the strength of which all those who left Greece and who did not return within three years time could be deprived of their property. A decision on the resettlement of Macedonians was taken. A wide-flung campaign was launched in the mass media to induce the Macedonians to leave their native areas voluntarily and to settle in the south of the country and on the islands. The Greek authorities intended to create a 60 kilometre-wide belt along the border with Yugoslavia where “the faithful sons of the Greek nation” were to be settled. In the first point of this Act it is stated that the resettlement was necessary owing to the humanitarian aspect of the matter as the living standard of the Macedonians would improve. The actual intention was to

separate Macedonians living in Greece from the Republic of Macedonia. Due to a firm reaction from Yugoslavia the realization of that shameful plan was cancelled.

1959 - Legal Act No. 3958 was issued, on the strength of which the land of those who left Greece and did not return within five years time was confiscated. The law was amended in 1985, but it is still binding on Macedonians. Acts from the years 1948, 1953 and 1959 concerning property confiscation are a consequence of the 1947 ban on returning. Several villages in Greek occupied Macedonia were forced to swear “Language Oaths” to speak only Greek and renounce their Macedonian mother tongue.

1962 - Legal Act No. 4234 was issued, on the strength of which persons who were stripped of their Greek citizenship were banned from returning to Greece. The ban on crossing the Greek border also extends to spouses and children. It is still in force for Macedonians, even those who left Greece as children.

1969 - Legal Act was issued on the strength of which the settlement of the unoccupied Macedonian farms by Greeks by origin was permitted. After that a plan was put together to locate over one hundred thousand immigrants of so-called Greek origin from the ex-Soviet Union on this territory. In the future this will be a source of new national tensions. Council of Europe declares Greece “undemocratic, illiberal, authoritarian, and oppressive”. Greece forced to resign from Council of Europe under threat of expulsion. Military Junta continues the policy of colonizing the confiscated lands in Greek occupied Macedonia. Land handed over to persons with “proven patriotism” to Greece. European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Freedoms signed by Greece states: ARTICLE 10(1) “Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers”.

1976 - DECREE 233 suspends about 150 past decrees, government decisions and laws since 1913. Regulations for the confiscation of properties belonging to Macedonian political exiles not affected.

1979 - 135 places renamed since 1940. The Greek vigil regarding names is an indicator of the Macedonian ethnic identity in Greek occupied Macedonia.

1982 - New attempts made to erase the Macedonian language. The Greek internal security police urged an intensive campaign to wipe out any remaining Macedonian language and consciousness in Greek occupied Macedonia. LAW 106841 political exiles who fled during the Civil War and were stripped of their citizenship are allowed to return providing they are “Greek by ethnic origin”. The same rights are denied to Macedonian political exiles born in Greek occupied Macedonia. U.N. UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ARTICLE 17, “No one can be deprived of their own property against their will”.

1982 – December 29. While Andreas Papandreou was prime minister legal Act No. 10634l was issued. On the strength of that Act only Greeks by origin have the right to Greek citizenship and their right to return to Greece. Macedonians born in Greece and their families have been excluded. They were and are doomed to live in exile. Heads of various rungs of the state administration received the right to make free use of the property left by Macedonian refugees. The Greek authorities refer to that hostile Act whenever they reject Macedonian demands for the recovery of Greek citizenship taken away by default. They refer to that “law” even in their explanations to the Centre for Human Rights in Geneva! Universal Declaration of Human Rights - Paris, December 1948: Art. XIII, Point 2: “Everyone has the right to leave every country, including one’s own, and to return to his own country.” Art. XV, Point 1: “Each person has the right to have a citizenship.” Art. XV, Point 2: “No one can be freely dispossessed of his or her citizenship.”

1985 – While Andreas Papandreou was prime minister hostile Act, No. 1540, was issued. This amended the previously issued Acts regulating property relations so as to make it absolutely impossible for Macedonians to return. This Act permits the recovery of illegally seized property to “Greeks by origin only”. The Macedonian refugees from Greece are excluded. Universal Declaration of Human Rights - Paris, December 1948: Art. XVII, Point 2: “No one can be deprived of his or her property freely.”

1989 - August 30. Legal Act rehabilitating the participants from the Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 was issued. These participants had hitherto been recognized as bandits. The Act granted damages and disability pensions to fighters in the civil war who now have Greek citizenship. By the same token, the Macedonian fighters living in exile – who earlier had been stripped of their citizenship - were not included.