CHAPTER FIVE – THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE IN THE NATIONAL LIBERATION WAR (1940-1949

CHAPTER FIVE – THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE IN THE NATIONAL LIBERATION WAR (1940-1949)

Germany’s political and military successes (1938-1940) such as the annexation of Austria, the trials, the liquidation of Czechoslovakia, etc., encouraged Italy to lead a more active and militant policy in the Balkans. After occupying Albania in 1939, Italy began to act more aggressively towards Greece. On October 28, 1940, Graziani, the Italian ambassador to Greece, handed the Greek government an ultimatum demanding that Greece allow Italy to set up bases in Greece until the end of the war. The Greek government responded with “ohi” (no).

The Ioanis Metaxas government received the full, unconditional support from all Greek political parties, from the far left to the far right. The CPG, through its Secretary General Nikos Zahariadis, called on the Greek people “to make every terrain, every hut, every city and house into a turret” because the war the Metaxas government was leading for Greece was a struggle “for freedom, honour and national independence”. (To KKE, Episama kimena, tomos V, 1940-1945, 1973, p. 16.)

The Macedonian people, who also had their own national honour and their own national interests, reacted appropriately. Given the political situation on the ground that both the Greeks and Italians were fascists, the Macedonian people did not play the role of a fifth column inside the Greek state and did not participate in the new war “with enthusiasm and admiration”. Simply mobilized, the Macedonian people participated in the difficult battles at Ivan Mountain, Morava, Podgarats and other places. Of the 300,000 soldiers mobilized in Greece, 80,000 were from Greek occupied Macedonia, particularly from Lerin and Kostur Regions where the Macedonians were the majority and closest to the Italian front in Albania.

1. MACEDONIANS IN THE NATIONAL LIBERATION WAR (1941-1945)

The Greek-Italian war, as well as Dushan Simovich’s coup in Yugoslavia, was sparked by fascist Germany, which decided to solve the Balkan problem by military means. On April 6, 1941, Prince Ehrbarch, German ambassador to Athens, delivered a note to the Greek government announcing Germany’s declaration of war on Greece.

The German military attack forced the Greek King and the Greek government to leave Greece and relocate abroad. Greece’s capitulation to Germany was signed on April 23, 1941 by generals G. Tsolakoglou, E. Bakos and P. Demestikas. Immediately after Greece’s capitulation, Greek occupied Macedonia was re-occupied by Germany, Bulgaria and Italy. Bulgaria occupied Western Thrace and parts of Greek occupied Macedonia to the Struma River and the islands Tasos and Samothrace. Italy occupied the parts of Greek occupied Macedonia stretching from Kozhani, Lerin and Kostur Regions. Germany occupied central Greek occupied Macedonia including Solun, Kukush, Voden and Gumenzhe Regions. The German occupied part was left under the jurisdiction of G. Tsolakoglou’s quisling Greek government. Greek occupied Macedonia was now subjugated by three antagonistic and belligerent occupiers. Macedonia’s fate, once again, was left in Greek, Bulgarian and Macedonian hands struggling to resolve the Macedonian National Question to see who would get Macedonia after it was liberated.

The Bulgarians wasted no time in organizing their military presence in their occupied part and began to release Macedonian prisoners from the jails, share free food and protect the Macedonian population from the Greek nationalists. They wanted to attract the Macedonian population and thus legitimize their territorial claims on Greek occupied Macedonia.

After 1941, the Greeks immediately began to do everything in their power to preserve Greece’s territorial integrity created by the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest and by the Neuilly Peace Accord. At the CPG initiative EAM (National Liberation Front) and ELAS (National Liberation Army of Greece) were created. Later EDES (Greek Democratic and National League) was created at the initiative of Greek officer N. Plastiras and headed by Napoleon Zervas. After that EKKA (Greek Committee for National and Social Liberation) was created under the initiative of G. Kartalis and headed by Colonel Psaros. Even though these organizations were ideologically different (for some evolution without a revolution and for others evolution with a revolution) they were nationally united to serve Greek national interests including the sovereignty and national integrity of the Greek state. These Greek resistance forces were cooperating under the condition that they were allies in the fight against the occupiers and enemies in support of their classes. This was the basic political condition under which the Greek resistance forces operated in the period from 1941 to 1944.

As it turned out, the closer these organizations and their forces came to liberating Greece, the more they dedicated their struggle to their class. In time starting a civil war became inevitable. After Italy capitulated and the Bodoglio government was formed in 1943, clashes between ELAS and EDES and ELAS and EKKA became more common and took on the mark of a real civil war. In 1944, ELAS attacked and liquidated EKKA units along with their Colonel Psaros.

Both Greek political options had foreign allies and foreign support. The Left, which strived to maintain Greece’s national and territorial integrity plus a socialist society, was supported by the USSR. The Right, which also strived to maintain Greece’s national and territorial integrity plus support the upper classes, was supported by England. This problem, however, was solved by the Yalta Agreement signed by Churchill and Stalin in which Greece fell (90%) under English influence. In other words, instead of Greece becoming a socialist society because the Left had greater leverage inside Greece, the people in Greece were subordinated to England. The Left was further eroded with the signing of the Lebanon, Caserta and Varkiza Agreements. With the signing of the 1944 Lebanon Accord, between PEEA and the Greek government in exile, headed by Georgios Papandreou, for the sake of creating a “national unity” government, Middle East Headquarters was granted

the right to coordinate the Greek struggle and its resistance forces. By this Agreement the Left forces in Greece came under direct English control.

By the signing of the Caserta Agreement on October 26, 1944, all Greek Armed Forces were placed under General Skobi’s English command, and England was granted the right to land its armies in Greece, in Athens, Piraeus and Solun, and to be placed under General Skobi’s direct control.

The Varkiza Agreement was signed on February 12, 1945, by the Greek government in exile, on the one side, and by the CPG and ELAS on the other. The Agreement envisioned the disarmament of resistance units, clearing of the state apparatus, and free and democratic elections for all. The Agreement, unfortunately, did not envision the kind of political amnesty the CPG was looking for, which gave the Greek reactionaries the means to perpetrate white terror, especially against the Macedonian people. The Macedonian people were particularly targeted because of the role both the CPG and the USSR played in the period from 1941 to 1945, and later.

Under the re-occupation of Macedonian territories, the Macedonian people were a perfect fit for the antifascist struggle. There was great support for the realization of a “Macedonian National Program”, which foresaw a “United Macedonia” under one Macedonian Communist Party and with a single Macedonian army. The initiator of this “Macedonian National Program” in Greek occupied Macedonia was Ilia Dimovski-Gotse. Ilia was joined by 10 other people from Lerin Region. This “Macedonian National Program” was part of the Comintern policy and the Balkan Communist Parties since 1935.

The “Macedonian National Program” unfortunately was not acceptable to any of the political forces in the Balkans right across the entire political spectrum - from left to right, - which the CPG quickly threw out in Greek occupied Macedonia. Lazo Trpovski played an important role in the termination of Ilia Dimovski-Gotse’s initiative. The “Macedonian National Program” was unacceptable to the Balkan political forces it would appear, because there were differences within the resistance forces in the Balkans. The CPY,

with its policy of “statehood and nationality” within Yugoslavia, was able to create a broad political framework that included the affirmation of the Macedonian national interests. This CPY policy, in relation to the Macedonian National Question, was unacceptable and severely disturbing to the CPG and the CPB. The Balkan Communist Parties supported the “Macedonian National Program”, but only under the condition that the Macedonian National Liberation Movement act exclusively under the leadership of the respective Communist Party and within the appropriate Greek, Yugoslav or Bulgarian revolutionary movement.

The natural contradiction that existed between the Macedonian and Greek national interests during the National Liberation War, forced the CPG to lead “une politique inteligente et adequate” in relation to the Macedonian National Question. If the CPG in the ranks of the Greek Left movement gave preference to Greek national interests over class interests, it gave preference to class interests over national interests in the Macedonian national movement. This CPG policy was the main reason why there were so many serious political misunderstandings between the Greek and Macedonian resistance movements. The Macedonian people, for example, who saw their nation as a “historic Macedonian nation” living on its own ancestral lands, and not as a “minority”, and who believed they had the right to self-determination, was persecuted, isolated or liquidated. (Information obtained from a letter written by Naum Peiov, Ilia Dimovski-Gotse and Oshenski to CPG representatives. Collection of information about Greek occupied Macedonia in the National Liberation War, 1944-1945, vol. I, Skopje, p. 16 and 131.) The CPG was certain that it could control “Macedonian national sentiments” in the “restless Macedonian people”, especially those involved in the Macedonian national liberation movement, by placing them under appropriate Greek political control.

Several Macedonian organizations were established in the early 1940’s. Included among them was MAO, the Macedonian Anti-Fascist Organization created in Voden Region in 1942, SNOF, the Slavo-Macedonian National Liberation Front, created in Kostur Region in October 1943 in the village D’mbeni and its formations constituted in the village Krchishta, and SNOF created in Lerin Region in the village Belkamen. Included among the people who

played a major role in creating MAO were Vangel Ajanovski-Oche then Secretary, Angel Gatsev, Risto Kordalov, and Risto Shorev. SNOF was led by Paskal Mitreski, Secretary, Lazo Poplazarov, Naum Peiov, Lazo Oshenski, Vasil Aleksovski, Spiro Vasilev, Kiro Pilaev, Georgi Turundzev and others. SNOF was only active for six months before it was liquidated by the CPG.

Several Macedonian military formations were also established in the early 1940’s. Included among them was the Kostur Partisan Detachment formed in the spring of 1942, and the “Lazo Trpovski” Macedonian Detachment formed in the fall of 1943. The Kostur-Lerin Macedonian Battalion named “Gotse” was formed in the village Pozdivishta on Ilinden, on August 2, 1944, and the Voden Macedonian Battalion was formed in the village Gorno Rodevo in Kaimakchalan in June 1944. These military formations were created, among other things, to frustrate the Bulgarian propaganda which, through its various programs, tried to attract the Macedonian people to its own organization called “Ohrana”. “Ohrana” was created by the Bulgarians on June 16, 1944 in Voden and was headed by Georgi Dimchev, from the village Bozets, Enidzhe-Vardar Region. The Macedonian people at the time were facing unprecedented terror perpetrated by the Greeks and this was exploited to the maximum by the Bulgarians to attract Macedonians into its ranks. Various Greek nationalist gangs like IEE (Protection of Northern Greece), ESA (National Social Defense), used medieval type terror tactics to drive the Macedonian people out of their homes and country. The Macedonian people had no other choice but to seek allies in order to secure their survival. Many Macedonians also joined ELAS units.

The CPG’s backing of Greek nationalism over Macedonian patriotism, during the National Liberation War, was expressed in various forms and tones over time. But it all culminated in May 1944, when the Macedonian battalions left Greek occupied Macedonia and crossed over into the Republic Macedonia. This, according to Naum Peiov, was done to avoid an imminent armed clash between the Greek 28th ELAS Brigade and the Macedonian Gotse Battalion, a collision between Greek nationalism and Macedonian patriotism. The Macedonian fighters crossed over the border into the Republic of Macedonia on May 16, 1944. They were

led by Naum Peiov, Atanas Koroveshov, Vasil Makrievski, Pando Shiperkov, Evdokia Baleva-Vera and others. Included among those who at the same time left Lerin Region and also crossed over into the Republic of Macedonia were Nikola Shalvarinov, Mihali Apostolov-Graniti and the Turondzhiev brothers. The First Aegean Shock Brigade was formed in 1944 in Bitola from those leaders and fighters who fled Greek occupied Macedonia and landed in the Republic of Macedonia. The First Aegean Shock Brigade took an active role in the fight against the Albanian nationalist forces in the western part of the Republic of Macedonia. Appointed commander of the First Aegean Shock Brigade was Ilia Dimovski-Gotse and Mihailo Keramidziev was appointed Commissar.

Despite the narrow framework and limited maneuverability in which the restricted Macedonian national liberation movement began, thanks to the Macedonian political and military organizations, the Macedonian people succeeded in affirming their Macedonian national and cultural values. Among other things, the Macedonian people began to publish Macedonian newspapers in their local Macedonian dialects. The following Macedonian newspapers were published in Greek occupied Macedonia during the National Liberation War: “Slavo-Macedonian voice”, “Spark”, “Victory”, “Guardian”, “Voice of Prespa”, “Freedom”, “Red Star”, “Bulletin” and others. The stories in most of these newspapers were written in the Macedonian language but with Greek letters. This was because there were no typewriters or printing presses available to them with Macedonian letters. The Macedonian people also opened schools for teaching teachers and offered courses in the Macedonian language. Because the Macedonian language was banned and made illegal in Greek occupied Macedonia, there was a need to educate people not only to learn Macedonian but also to be able to teach it. One such school was opened in the town Rupishta and offered a course to 30 students. Because of the controversies created around the Cyrillic alphabet by the Greeks, calling it “Bulgarian”, “Serbian”, “Russian” and so on, an exclusively Macedonian alphabet was created by Pavle Rakovski. In 1944 Pavle Rakovski from the village Dolno Klestina, Lerin Region, created a Macedonian alphabet with 24 letters that was “different” and did not at all resemble the Greek or Bulgarian languages. A Macedonian primer, 1000 copies, and a Macedonian reader were printed and immediately sent to the Kostur and Lerin

Region villages. Included among the people who prepared and published the Macedonian primer were Andon Sekavitsa, Aleko Ivanovski, Risto Potianov, Vasko Karadzha and a priest from the village of Zagoricheni. These were the first Macedonian schools to be opened in Greek occupied Macedonia since 1913.

The Macedonian language was also successfully used by Macedonian cultural and artistic associations, in Macedonian songs, Macedonian dances, Macedonian stories, riddles, etc., all throughout the Macedonian villages in Greek occupied Macedonia. One of the many plays the Macedonian cultural and artistic associations performed, which was particularly impressive, was Iordan Chernodrinski’s “Bloody Macedonian Wedding”. This play was performed in the villages Armensko, Ekshi-Su, Visheni and others. On August 2, 1944, the Macedonian people in the village Pateli were treated to liturgy in the Macedonian language. The Macedonian people’s development and affirmation of their Macedonian national and cultural values, during the National Liberation War, in Greek occupied Macedonia were also due to the influence of the Macedonian partisan units from the Republic of Macedonia when they were temporarily relocated in Greek occupied Macedonia. These Macedonian partisan units were met with great enthusiasm and welcomed by the Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia.

After 1945, all national and cultural gains that were made by the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, during the National Liberation War, were abolished. Immediately after the war, the Greek authorities began to implement a policy of white terror against the Macedonian population as a definitive means of solving the Macedonian National Question. Everywhere there were killings, torture, and rape… with aims at stamping out Macedonian national and human dignity… whenever and wherever it occurred in the Macedonian people’s everyday lives.