2. MACEDONIANS IN THE GREEK CIVIL WAR (1946-1949)

2. MACEDONIANS IN THE GREEK CIVIL WAR (1946-1949)

After the Varkiza Treaty was signed in 1945, a new political polarization began to form in Greece. If a political polarization existed in Greece on the basis of national interests, i.e. regarding the Greek state’s integrity and sovereignty, between 1941 and 1945, then a different polarization began to form after 1945. This political polarization was realized on the basis of class interests, i.e. the kind of political system that was to be implemented in Greece.

This new political polarization began to influence politics and change the balance of political power in Greece. On the one hand, the Left Forces (CPG) began to weaken and on the other, the centrе-right forces began to strengthen. A thesis of one state, one nation, one language, political freedom, and private property, began to be more appealing to moderate left Greeks than a political thesis for a proletariat dictatorship, nationalization, collectivization, and so on, which were “class struggle” political concepts. As a result the CPG began to drift politically further to the left and could only represent those in the far left. This left the broad political space between the moderate left to the far right to be dominated by the Greek political centre.

A clash between the two political principles began to manifest on the ground as the centre Right political block began to gradually consolidate its power. After the bloody events in Athens in 1944, by some considered the “first Greek Civil War”, after K. Tsaldaris’s People’s Party victory and after the establishment of the monarchy in Greece, established by a referendum in which 68% of Greeks voted for a monarchy, the CPG began to orient itself more towards an armed struggle and began to look for allies. The thesis for Greece being one state, one nation and speaking one language, was not acceptable to the Macedonian people because this thesis supported returning the Macedonian nation back to hatred and to its difficult past. At the same time the Macedonian people had unpleasant experiences with the CPG, especially during the National Liberation War. So, immediately after the Varksa Agreement was signed, the Macedonian people began to organize themselves, initially against Greek oppression, by forming a temporary Political Commission of Macedonians under Greece in 1944. Later the National Liberation Front (NOF) for the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia was formed. NOF was created on April 23, 1945 and headed by Paskal Mitrevski, Secretary, and members Mihailo Keramidzhiev, Georgi Urdov, Atanas Koroveshov, Mincho Fotev and Pavel Rakovski.

Two more Macedonian Organizations were created at the same time NOF was formed. The Women’s Anti-Fascist Front (AFZH), headed by Secretary Evdokia Balova-Vera, and the Peoples’ Liberation Youth Organization (NOMS), headed by Secretary Mincho Fotev. At the same time the Macedonian people began to form armed groups in order to protect themselves from Greek nationalism and chauvinism. For a short time NOF and the Macedonian armed groups acted independently from the CPG.

Mirka Ginova was sentenced to death and executed by a firing squad by the Greek Right in 1946 which upset many Macedonians. The CPG took advantage of this, and of such similar acts, and decided to include the Macedonian population in its left ideological framework, on a national basis, in the same way it did during the National Liberation War. By doing this it managed to attract many Macedonians into its ranks.

Cooperation between the two political movements was possible based on national and class interests for the Macedonian people and on class interests for the CPG. Cooperation between the CPG and NOF began in November 1946 and was based on a prior agreement reached between the CPY and the CPG. Talks between Ivan Karaivanov, representing the CPY, and Ianis Ioanidis, representing the CPG, were held in October 1946, with the following agreement being reached:

1. The Macedonian party organization from Greek occupied Macedonia to be fully involved in the CPG,

2. To form a central NOF leadership for Greek occupied Macedonia,

3. No separate Macedonian units were to be formed, etc.

On the basis of this agreement a definitive agreement between the CPG and NOF was reached on November 21, 1946. Preliminary talks for combining the Macedonian and Greek forces were held between Markos Vafiadis and Paskal Mitrevski.

Prior to the Agreement, the CPG took a more realistic view of the Macedonian Liberation Front (NOF) to make sure it was not an “autonomist organization” but a democratic organization like the EAM but for the Macedonians, whose purpose was to raise a voice against the white terror perpetrated by Greek authorities. In the period from 1945 to 1948, 533 Macedonians were killed and 17,647 were severely tortured.

The Macedonian people participated en masse in the Greek Civil War, which lasted from 1946 to 1949, and were the main bearers of that struggle. Of the 35,000 DAG fighters that participated in the Greek Civil War, 15,000 were Macedonians. On top of that, because the war front was almost entirely in Greek occupied Macedonia, the Macedonian civilian population bore almost the entire brunt of the struggle.

On top of the mass participation, the Macedonian people demonstrated legendary heroism, especially in the battles at Gramos and Vicho. They seriously and continuously put pressure on the CPG to legitimize the Macedonian people’s national rights for which they bled every day. Finally, in 1947, DAG General Headquarters recognized the national minorities living in Greece with rights to enjoy the same political rights and civil liberties as the rest of the people living in a “free, independent and democratic Greece”. It promised that in a future Greece they would have full freedom to develop their own national and cultural life, language, education, faith, etc. (Prokriksi, Praksis ke apofasis tu Geniku Arhighiu tu Dimokratiku stratu tis Elados, 1947, p. 6, s. l.) With its statutory act no. 5, on August 10, 1947, DAG General Headquarters recognized the Macedonian people’s national rights, and thus enabled them the right to teach their children in the Macedonian language. According to statutory act no. 5, adopted by DAG General Headquarters: “Special schools will be established for children

belonging to national minorities… instruction will take place in the language of the minorities…” (Ibid.)

The Macedonian people immediately began to develop vibrant national and cultural educational activities. Two Macedonian schools were opened and taught Macedonian in Greek occupied Macedonia in the period from 1947 to 1949. The first schools were established in order to educate Macedonian teachers in the Macedonian language so that they could then in turn teach the Macedonian children in Macedonian. This needed to be done because the Macedonian language had been outlawed by the Greek state and no educators were available. The first school for Macedonian teachers, appropriately name “Gotse Delchev”, was opened in November 1947 in the village German in Prespa. The second school was opened in January 1948 in the village Zhelevo in Lerin Region. The courses given were attended by 257 Macedonian men and women. After that 87 Macedonian schools, with 10,000 students attending, were opened. Macedonian newspapers were also published in the Macedonian language. The following newspapers were published by NOF and AFZH during the Greek Civil War: “Buletin”, later “Bilton” (1945-1946), “Nepokoren” (1947-1949), “Zora” (in Lerin Region), “Pobeda” (in Voden Region), “Edinstvo” (in Kostur Region), “Borets”, organ of the 18th DAG brigade, “Nova Makedonia”, organ of the AFZH body, and others. Macedonian cultural and artistic associations were also formed. A Macedonian cultural and educational group was formed in March 1947 which consisted of 20 Macedonians who were always dressed in Macedonian folk costumes during tours and performances. The Macedonian language was also spread through drama, dance and songs. The most famous songs were: “Vo borba, borba Makedonski narode…” (On to war, on to war Macedonian people...), “A bre Makedonche kade se spremash” (Oh dear Macedonian for where are you getting ready?), “Zbogum majko, zbogum tatko, zbogum mila sestriche…” (Goodbye mother, goodbye father, goodbye my dear little sister...”, “Eleno Mome”, and others. With the affirmation of the Macedonian language in Greek occupied Macedonia, the Macedonian language became official on the entire ethnic territory of Macedonia. This was the greatest success the Macedonian people had achieved since 1913. The Macedonian people managed to protect the name “Macedonia” and their Macedonian language even

in front of the Greek courts. The Macedonian people achieved all these successes thanks mainly to the activities of the Macedonian organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS and to the sacrifices its members made. Evdokia Nikolova-Vera, from the village of D’mbeni, was mainly responsible for the development of most major political activities within AFZH.

While the Greek Civil War was still ongoing in 1948, the CPG became involved in the Tito-Stalin (CPY-CPSU) tiff and took a clear anti-Yugoslav stance. It did this in order to separate the Macedonian movement from Yugoslav influence and to impose its own political will and control. Almost immediately the CPG subordinated all Macedonian organizations (NOF, AFZH, NOMS) onto itself. After the First and Second NOF Congresses the CPG gradually replaced the “real Macedonian leadership” with its own people who it trusted to follow the CPG line and implement CPG policies. The First NOF Congress was held on January 13, 1948 in the village V’mbel, Kostur Region. The Second Congress was held on March 25-26, 1949. After that it became very clear that the anti-Yugoslav attitude that the CPG took would not only cause aggravation for the Macedonian people but the CPG, for tactical and war reasons, would change its policy to work against the Macedonian National Question. At the CPG’s Fifth Plenum, in January 1949, instead of supporting its current policy of “a nation without a state”, the CPG accepted a policy of “a nation with a state” for the Macedonian people. In other words the CPG in 1949 promoted the idea that the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia should have their own state. The CPG did this in order to draw more Macedonians into the Greek Civil War and cause them more damage. Its aim, as it became obvious after the war, was to make as many Macedonians as possible casualties of the war as well as to give the Greek government, its opposition, a clear reason to permanently exile all those who left Greece. Then, immediately after the Greek Civil War was over, in October 1949, the CPG again reversed its policy and promoted the idea of “a nation without a state” for the Macedonian people.

Two different political concepts emerged as a result of the CPG’s flip-flopping, contradictions and policy changes with regards to the Macedonian National Question. One was supported by the

“majority”, led by Nikos Zahariadis, and the other was supported by the “minority”, led by Markos Vafiadis and Dimitrios Partsalidis. The argument supported by the “majority” called for the Macedonian National Question to be used as a tactical question. Representatives of the “minority”, on the other hand, felt that the Macedonian National Question was in such profound contradiction to the Greek national interests, that it should not be used as a tactical issue at all. Markos Vafiadis and Dimitrios Partsalidis were always against the Macedonian National Question and had taken an anti-Macedonian attitude towards most Macedonian issues.

The new political orientation, “a nation with a state” for the Macedonian people, was accepted by both NOF and the newly formed “Communist Organization for the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia” (KOEM). Until then both NOF and KOEM politically acted within the framework of the CPG policy of full equality for the minorities in the Greek state. KOEM was formed on March 27, 1949 and was led by Mihali Malio. After DAG was defeated, all members of the NOF leadership were accused of being “foreign agents” and 11 of them were sent to Russian prisons and camps where they served their sentences for many years. As mentioned earlier, with its new political orientation, the CPG wanted to attract even more Macedonians, supposedly to solve the difficult problem of acquiring reserve fighters for its DAG units. This problem was so serious that the CPG resorted to mobilizing underage children (under the age of 16 and as young as 12). This act is one of the CPG’s black spots in its political history. The mobilization of underage children caused a great revolt among the Macedonian population in Kostur, Lerin and Voden Regions until it was finally stopped, but not before many Macedonian children were killed at the front, cut down by the then battle-seasoned Greek Monarcho-Fascist army.

Following the CPG’s decisions at its Fifth Plenum, in relation to the Macedonian National Question, the Greek Monarcho-Fascists stepped up their policy of repression against the civilian population, and against captured DAG fighters in particular. Many Macedonians were massacred in the villages B’mboki and Zagorichani in Kostur Region. All DAG soldiers, Macedonians and Greeks, who were convicted and who in court supported the CPG’s policy regarding

the Macedonian National Question, were sentenced to death without the right to appeal. About 2,000 people, mostly Macedonians, were sentenced to death for “high treason” and for attempting to “secede Greek territories”.

DAG’s defeat in 1949 had severe ethnic, political and economic consequences for the entire Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia. Nearly 50,000 Macedonians, including 28,000 children, were forced to seek salvation in Eastern European countries. On top of that, about 20,000 Macedonians sacrificed their lives for what they believed to be Macedonia’s national liberation. But in reality they were used by the CPG (and by the CPJ) to fulfill foreign objectives. If the end justifies the means, then it is true, the Macedonian people were misled and used to fight for foreign objectives and, in doing so, Greece’s desire to expel them in order to possess a Macedonia without Macedonians. Greece was not alone in this; Britain and the United States were also involved and actively supported this. History, however, will never forget the Macedonian people who, rightly or wrongly, believed they were fighting for the good of the Macedonian people. We will never forget the people such as Lazo Angelovski, Georgi Urdov, Atanas Koroveshov, Mirka Ginova, Petar Tanurov, Petso Romev, Pando Shiperkov, Mihali Apostolov-Graniti, Tina Dunkova, Avrodita Duvalevska, Gena Kiriakova, Tsana Kirovska, Tinka Andreeva-Tsveta, Todor Doichinov-Morava, Vane Dorov, Germania Paikiva, and thousands of other Macedonians who laid their lives for the freedom of the Macedonian people. Many Macedonian villages were flattened to the ground and whole regions in Kostur, Lerin and Voden were destroyed. In total 46 Macedonian villages were deleted from the map.

As soon as the civilian Macedonian population left, in order to save itself from the Greek onslaught, Greek authorities began to quietly implement a policy of “mini colonization”, especially at the border regions, with a healthy “Greek national element”. At the same time, the Macedonians who left were deprived of their Greek citizenship and all their properties were confiscated because they supposedly participated in the so-called “bandit war”. The Law on Citizenship was enacted in 1947, and the Property Confiscation Act was enacted in 1948, way before the so-called “bandit war” was over in 1949.

This shows that the Greeks intended to exile the Macedonian civilian population all along and not to allow it to return back to its home.