3.0 BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GREEK CIVIL WAR (1946 - 1949)

3.0 BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GREEK CIVIL WAR (1946 - 1949)

Who were the “ideological” leaders of the Greek Civil War and did we, the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia, take part in “shaping” the policies of the Communist Party of Greece?

First: WHO MADE UP THE “POLITICAL PILLAR”?

The CPG program read: “Positions were defined by the CPG (Communist Party of Greece) in accordance with Marxist and Leninist principles and according to proletarian internationalism”. That was their “compass” and the basis of their principles. This is what it said in their program and this is how they responded when approached on certain issues. But that does not mean that the CPG could not change its position regarding certain other issues, i.e. to take into account the reality of a situation without the Party...”

The 7th CPG Congress held on October 1, 1945 was attended by 223 delegates, the majority of whom belonged to the workers’ parties and to the agricultural peasants’ party.

Both the Central Committee Party leadership and the Political Bureau consisted of a young generation of personnel who were in their 30s. Zahariadis, the CPG Secretary-General, on the other hand was 42 years old. The composition of the Central Committee consisted of the following thirty permanent members:

Anastasiadis Stergios, Arambadzis Nikos, Vasiadis Aristos, Vutusianos Michos, Vafiadis Marcos, Vlandas Dimitris, Grozos Apostolos, Eritriadis Giorgis, Zagurdzhis Nikos, Zaharatos Miltiadis, Zahariadis Nikos, Zevgos Gianis, Zografos Zisis, Ioanidis Gianis, Katsavras Vassilis, Markezinis Vassilis, Mavromatis Panagiotis, Muzenidis Adam, Bardzhiotas Vassilis, Blanas Ahileas, Parcalidis Michos ,Plumbidis Nikos, Porfirogenis Miltiadis, Rusos Petros, Siantos Giorgis, Sukaras Sotiris, Stringos Leonidas, Titilos Giorgis, Hadzhivasiliou Hrisa, Hadzhis Thanassis.

The following fifteen people were candidates for permanent membership:

Vazvanas Vangelis, Vetas Vikos, Vontisios Giorgis, Giftodimos Costas, Dimitriou Giorgis, Teos Kostas, Kapeta Allegra, Katou Rodi, Koligianis Kostas, Loules Kostas, Makridis Theodoros, Maharaopoulos Hristos, Partsalidis Avra, Roumeliotis Nikos, Tsianis Mihalis.

The composition of the Central Control Commission consisted of the following five people:

Danialidis Polidoros, Karagkitsis Pantelis, Paparigas Michos, Sinakos Mihalis, Farmakis Kostas.

On November 7, 1945, after the 7th Congress had taken place, the First Plenum was convened during which the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece Political Bureau was appointed. The people appointed were:

Seven permanent members:

Siantos Giorgis, Zahariadis Nikos, Ioanidis Gianis, Hadzhivasiliou Hrisa, Partsalidis Michos, Bardzhiotas Vasilis, Petridis Tassos (Anastasiadis Stergios).

Three candidates for permanent membership:

Stringos Leonidas, Zevgos Gianis, Rousos Petros.

During the decade of the 1940’s, the CPG was represented by a large number of fairly young people.

The age groups that attended the 7th Congress were as follows:

20-30 years old - 73 delegates 31-40 years old - 100 delegates 41-50 years old - 46 delegates

The other 14 delegates were over the age of 50.

Note: Since no Macedonians were included in the above high ranking “policy making” positions, we can safely assume that the Macedonians were not a factor; neither in military matters nor in policy making. (See: “Ι ΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΥ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΥ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΥ 1946 −1949” volume 1. ΓΙΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΜΑΡΓΑΡΙ ΤΗΣ, 2001, page 136).

Second: WHO COMPRISED THE STATE COLUMN?

FORMATION OF A TEMPORARY DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT IN GREECE

Jatrides, “Civil war 1945 - 1949: National and International Aspects”, Greece in the 1940’s, A Nation in Crisis, University Press, New England.

The following was translated from Greek by the author (Stoian Kochov):

The Provisional Democratic Government of Greece was officially formed on December 23, 1947. It was based on a decision made by the CPG Political Bureau a few weeks earlier. It was decided that the Provisional Government of Greece would be exclusively composed of members from the CPG. Markos Vafiadis (22) was appointed President and Minister of Defense in charge of the army. Gianis Ioanidis was appointed Vice President and Minister of the Interior. Petros Kokalis was appointed Minister of Health and Social Welfare. Vassilis Bardzhiotas was appointed Minister of Finance. Dimitrios Vlandas was appointed Minister of Agriculture. Leonidas Stringos was appointed Minister of National Economy and Temporary Supplies. Nikos Zahariadis did not assume any ministerial position.

For the publication “Free Greece” and for the creation of the “Government of the Andartes” (Partisans) see: “'Civil war 1945 – 1949, National and International Aspects”, στο : Jatrides (επι µ.), Greece in the 1940’s, A Nation in Crisis, University Press, New England.

Note: Again, we the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia were neither creators of a state nor were we involved in politics or military strategies in Greece.

According to a secret document, things unfolded as follows: The Provisional Government of Greece was created on December 23, 1947 in accordance with the decisions made by the CPG’s Central Committee Political Bureau. Then on October 15, 1949 the same Provisional Government of Greece resigned by its own accord.

Based on decisions made by the CPG’s Central Committee during the Third Plenum, which took place between September 12 to 15, and by the CPG Central Committee Political Bureau, which took place on December 2, 1947, the Provisional Government of Greece was formed on December 23, 1947. The seat of the provisional government was established in Prespa, in Asamati, located in the Peoples’ Republic of Macedonia. The seat of the government was supposed to be established in Konitsa (as claimed by Secretary-General Zahariadis when he said “… If we take Konitsa our government will probably be recognized…”). But unfortunately, it did not happen! DAG units fought tough battles and sustained heavy losses in their attempt to take Konitsa, but to no avail. The arrival of members of the Provisional Greek Government in Prespa was accommodated by UDBA’s Lieutenant Colonel Slobodan Krstich, a Yugoslav National Army officer. More information about this can be found at the end of the book: stories, his interview in the magazine Duga – “Igra oko makedonskog zhivlia” and more.

Originally the provisional Greek government consisted of eight members: President Markos Vafiadis, Yannis Ioannidis, Petros Rousos, Miltiadis Porfirogenis, Petros Kokalis, Vassilis Bardzhiotas, Dimitrios Leonidas and Vlandas Stringos. Then, by decree, 25 people were promoted to the rank of DAG colonels. But neither in the government nor among these officers, who represented the military and political factor of DAG, was there a single Macedonian!

The Provisional Democratic Government of Greece was a one-party government exclusively composed of Greek communists. Despite the fact that 50% to 60%, or more, of the DAG fighters were Macedonians, not a single Macedonian was in charge! But according to the “false” history of the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia, NOF was a military and political factor. How was that even possible?

The main feature of the Interim Democratic Government of Greece, the CPG’s political platform and that of DAG were outlined in their proclamation to the Greek people:

“First and foremost, the main objective of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece is to mobilize all national forces for the rapid liberation of the country from foreign external imperialists and from domestic traitors ensuring the national sovereignty of our country and the integrity of our boundaries, thus protecting them from imperialistic and alien conspiracies and for the victory of democracy.”

Reactions:

1. The Greek government asked the United States and Britain to warn the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and make them aware of the consequences if they recognized the Interim Democratic Government of Greece.

Aware itself of the consequences of the Interim Democratic Government of Greece being recognized, the U.S. government reacted immediately. On December 30, 1947 it intervened by asking Eastern European countries not to recognize this government, warning them that if they did there would be serious consequences. The United Nations Balkan Commission also asked its Member States not to recognize this government.

2. The following was translated from Greek by the author (Stoian Kochov):

“…Markos’s government has nothing... It has none of the basic features of a government marked by at least something of a typical referral, which is a necessary requirement that is defined by international law. It is not represented or empowered, according to military standards and rights, and all its actions are illegitimate. And even more than that, it has nothing that it can offer to be recognized as a political entity and a legitimate government.

The Partisans, who were commanded by Markos, have accomplished nothing concrete and thus have no legitimate right to what would be a Greek state. It is unclear where their main command headquarters is located as they still keep it a secret and they are constantly moving. Their centres are located in areas that are only sometimes under their control, located in mountainous regions and in wild hilly inaccessible areas. They have no essential governmental communications. They are mainly organized in groups and are in constant motion, and when under pressure from a military chase, they flee to the most inaccessible mountainous regions. This is confirmed by the United Nations Commission. They sometimes flee out of their territory past foreign borders.”

Third: WHO COMPRISED THE MILITARY COMMAND COLUMN?

Creation of the General Headquarters, the appointment of Leadership Cadres in the Democratic Army of Greece and the Provisional Democratic Government’s orders for appointing the officers of DAG.

After the creation of the provisional government on December 23, 1947, based on procedure provision no.11 and Law No.1, the Provisional Democratic Government ordered the adoption of the following resolution:

The change of officers in the Democratic Army of Greece with ranks as follows:

A) Generals:

1. Vafiadis Markos

B) Colonel-Generals: 1. Protopapas Sarandis-Kikitsas

C) Major Generals:

1. Vontisios Giorgios-Gusias 2. Gkenios Thanassis-Lasanis. 3 Gkanacios Vassilis-himaros 4. Teoharopoulos Nikos 5. Kanakaridis Nikos 6. Blanas Giorgios.

D) Colonels:

Infantry:

1. Venetsanopoulos Vassilis 2. Kalianesis Giorgios, 3. Kapetanios Evripidis 4. Katemis Giorgios 5. Maltezos Gerasimos 6. Samaridis Giorgos

Artillery:

1. Kilismanis Gianis 2. Papagiasnis Stefanos

Cavalry:

1. Skandalis Iraklis

Aviation:

1. Makridis Savas, 2. Manias Gianis

Policies commissioners:

1. Voutousianos Mitsos 2. Evripidis Georgios 3. Zografos Zisis 4. Koligianis Kostas 5. Bardzhiotas Vassilis 6. Stringos Leonidas 7. Hadzhis Thanassis

E) Colonels:

Infantry:

1. Alexandrou Gianis Diamandis 2. Georgiadis Georgios 3. Giakoglou Nikos 4. Gianulis Georgios 5. Ziguras Dimitris 6. Iliadis Sofianos 7. Koukoulidis Georgios 8. Kalinos Theodoros 9. Kanelopoulos Kostas 10. Kariofilis Gianis 11. Konitalonis Georgios 12. Kontaksis Anastasios 13. Kirandzopоulos Dimitris 14. Papadimitriou Ilias 15. Papastergiоu Levteris 16. Prekezes Giorgios 17. Raftis Kostas 18. Rosios Alekos Ipsilantis 19. SpanosTomas 20. Statakis Manolis 21. Sfakianos Georgios 22. Terzoglоu Nikos 23. Tсelifis Tomas 24. Tombоulidis Pavlos 25. Triandafilоu Nikos 26. Folrakis Harilaos

Artillery:

1. Iosifidis Kostas

Aviation:

1. Gerogakopoulos Georgios 2. Ndrenas Leonidas

Polit-commissioners: 1. Vasvanas Vangelis 2. Vetas Fokion 3. Giuzelis Stefanos 4. Mandilas Nokos 5. Rogakos Vangelis 6. Tiroumidis Kiriakos Medical:

1. Sakelariou Epaminontas

F) Majors:

Infantry:

1. Asouras Gergios 2. Vais Hronis 3. Kardasis Thanassis 4. Belogianis Nikos 5. Papadopoulos Vangelis 6. Flora Arhimidis

Artillery:

1. Margas Кostas

Cavalry:

1. Stilanopoulos Vasilis

Saboteurs:

1. Ageloulis Antonis-Vratsanos

Policies Commissioners:

1. Akritidis Nikos 2. Gridzonas Costas 3. Koutsomarkos Georgios 4. Pektadis Mihalis

Medical:

1. Skufis Takis G) Captain:

Infantry:

1. Adamis Alekos 2. Getsos Pandelis 3. Zahariadis Avram 4. Zokas Zisis 5. kavredzis Kostas 6. Kaminaris Vassilis 7. Kondoros Dimitrios 8. Korologos Gianis 9. Kohliadis Gianis 10. Lambrakis Panos 11. Matsis Georgios 12 Batsis Odiseas 13. Milonas, Georgios 14. Nikolakopoulos Spiros 15. Forfolios Vangelis

Saboteurs:

1. Vitoulkas Nikos

Captain First Class:

Infantry:

1. Georgiadis Stelios 2. Eksarhos Leonidas 3. Iliadis Kostas 4. Papadimitriou Tomas 5. Zgouromalis Manolis 6. Stefanou Stavros

Saboteurs:

1. Samarakis Agisilaos 2. Solias Mihalis 3. Sioulas Vasilis

H) Lieutenants:

Infantry:

1. Vitos Hristos 2. Vlahou Dimitrios 3. Galatsos Kostas 4. Kalinou Gergia 5. Kanakis Dimitris 6. Karagianis Pantelis 7. Karastatis Thanassis 8. Katsunis Dimitris 9. Koukoumpliakos Kleantis 10. Kostopuulos Hristos 11. Porliaras Savas 12. Portokilidis Gianis 13. Tastanidis Ahileas 14. Terzopoulos Theodoros

Department for Radio Communications:

1. Karatzas Vassilis 2. Poniros Stelios

Medical:

1. Ktena Lefteria

Policies Commissioners:

1. Mihopoulos Nikos

Base of the Provisional Democratic Government December 28, 1947 President and War Minister of DAG General Markos.

See: Ι ΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΥ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΥ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΥ 1946 −1949 τοµος Ι ΓΙΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΜΑΡΓΑΡΙΤΗΣ, 2001.

Note: In the list of military leaders and in the list of DAG officers named above, there was only one Macedonian promoted to lieutenant. This once again confirms that we, the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia, were never a military or a political factor in the Greek Civil War as is claimed by our “false” historiography.

So, the question is: “Even though more than 60% of the DAG military resources were provided by the Macedonians, why were there no Macedonians appointed to leadership positions?”

Fourth: HOW IS THE DEMOCRATIC ARMY OF GREECE DEFINED?

The following was translated from Greek by the author (Stoian Kochov)

“The Democratic Army of Greece is a revolutionary communist army”. Essentially all of its functions and activities are under the control of the CPG’s higher party organs; which means that it is under the control of Nikos Zahariadis - General Secretary of the Party and the Political Bureau.

See: ∆ηµητρης Βλανδας, ΗΜΕΡΟΛΟΓΙ Ο 1947 −1949. Αθηνα 2007, page 36 and 41.

I would like to mention at this point that, even though Zahariadis was “seen” as a Democrat, even by some Macedonian people who sacrificed their lives for him, in fact he was no different than Stalin and Tito; the greatest dictators the world had seen in that part of the world. They all only recognized their own Party and their own Party’s court and nothing else.

Basic characteristics of DAG

The total number of veterans who served in DAG and who fought throughout the Greek Civil War period was about 100,000 men and women. During the summer of 1948, peak period, there were about 26,000 active fighters. The number of women participants in 1949 had reached about 30% of the total DAG fighting force.

The age of the majority of DAG fighters was between 13 and 17 years. According to A D. Katsis, there were only 11 fighters older than 24 years of age in the DAG sabotage military unit numbering 150 fighters. Seventy percent (70%) of them were aged 16 to 19.

See: ∆ηµητρης Βλανδας, ΗΜΕΡΟΛΟΓΙΟ 1947 -1949. Αθηνα 2007, Vol. B, page 158.

Note: I can personally confirm what Katsis has written in his books because for most of my years in the war, from 1947 to 1949, I served in the same unit with these fearless fighters like Dimitrios Katsis, Antonis Vratsanos and many others.

Only 20% of the DAG fighters were actually members of the Communist Party of Greece.

See: “Το αρχειο του εµφυλιου”

Evdokia Foteva–Vera, author of the book “To Hell and Back”, published by “Az-Buki” in Skopje in 2005, called NOF’s second phase of development “recognition by the CPG”.

But that was not the case. Nonetheless there were people among us Macedonians, from Greek occupied Macedonia (particularly among those who were leaders of NOF and AFZH), who like to tell our story differently. Some don’t want to face up to what happened to us and clearly like to hide behind different reasons. The key word here is “to hide”!

What is the truth? Was there “recognition by the CPG”? And do the Macedonians agree with that statement? Do they agree with NOF and AFZH that there was recognition by the CPG!? Or do they think we were manipulated by the CPG and became its servants?

Well, let us look at some facts! “Based on a decision made between Tito (CPY) and Zahariadis (CPG) on October 14, 1946, Karaivanov of the CPY and Ioannidis of the CPG jointly declared the following:

“The Macedonian Organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS, along with their entire leadership and staff, will now fall under the control of the CPG. All armed Macedonian units will now be merged with DAG and will fall under the leadership of General Markos”.

This was an agreement made between the highest organs at state level on both sides: Yugoslavia and Greece. This meant strict adherence to all treaties between the two states, including the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest by which Macedonian was partitioned and by which one part was given to Greece, one part to Serbia (later Yugoslavia) and another part to Bulgaria.

This also means that there were no visible objections from the top Macedonian state leadership or from the top NOF leadership. So we can assume that Kolishevski and the NOF leadership agreed to have the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia subordinated to the CPG and to the Greeks. Therefore we are left with no choice but to assume that there was no sense of national consciousness оn the part of the top Macedonian leadership about the fate of the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia! Particularly since the top Macedonian leadership knew that the CPG and DAG top leadership was exclusively Greek and was well aware of how the Greeks felt about the Macedonians and how they had treated them in the past. So, was this an error of judgment, an oversight, or a “great deception”?

So that there is no mistake that the top Macedonian leadership knew about this and was in agreement with it, we would like to add that: After the above mentioned announcement was made jointly by the CPY and the CPG, the NOF leadership, headed by Paskal Mitrevski, was received by Lazar Kolisevski, then CPM Central Committee secretary, who, among other things, instructed the NOF leadership as follows: “Now you go down there (to Aegean Macedonia) and remember that the CPG is in charge of you. Have faith in the CPG because its policy on the Macedonian question is very clear. Any question that may arise, you should address directly to the CPG leadership and to the Party. Be careful to not stray or split from the Party, but remain under its direction. Struggle to strengthen your unity with the Greek people and all of you fight, with all your strength against chauvinism, separatism and localized tendencies.” We don’t think there was any doubt as to what Kolishevski meant when he said the above to the NOF leadership.

People can call this what they like but this was the “noose” that was placed on the Macedonian people’s neck. By surrendering the Macedonian people to the Greeks, Kolishevski in fact put the noose on their heads. Again, was this an error of judgment, an oversight, or a “great deception” that caused a disaster and great pain for the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, which is felt to this day?

But, to recognize Tito’s reasons and motivations for Yugoslavia’s involvement in Greek affairs after World War II requires more thorough research and deeper thinking. The old and worn out explanation given by the old Yugoslav guard that Yugoslavia’s involvement in Greek affairs was a result of “internationalist impulses” is no longer convincing. Why? Because Tito’s interest in Greek occupied Macedonia began around the fall of 1948, at the same time as Yugoslavia started to warm up to the Western Powers.

After this the NOF, AFZH and NOMS leadership, instead of facing their enemy, went back to them, to the CPG, and offered it “friendship” advocating that “with this we lay the foundation for a new unity”. And so it was not too long after that that we allowed the Greeks to de-Macedonia-nize Greek occupied Macedonia, our homeland. By doing this, the NOF and AFZH leadership also defied the people, especially the Macedonians who were CPG members and who had not fled to Yugoslavia with the Aegean Brigade and on whom the Party had greater trust. Those same people, until yesterday, called the leaders and advocates of NOF and AFZ, Grkomani (Greekophiles) or as Evdokia Foteva – Vera calls them: “Peoples’ scum”.

Today, when a person thinks about what some thinkers in history had said, this comes to mind: “People who do not comprehend their own past will find it difficult to plan their future”! So, let us ask: What have we NOT learned from our history? We have not learned or accepted that we ARE the authentic Macedonians who have existed in our ancestral lands from time immemorial! In view of what the Greeks have done and are doing to us, we find it difficult to comprehend that Macedonia IS our ancestral home and yes we are the authentic Macedonians. And as a result, we have acted as if Macedonia belongs to someone else! Yes it's true, especially for us, the Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia, who are not even trying to understand our past and figure out who we are. By doing this we have abandoned our future! By doing this how are we doing justice to our future generations? Are we doing them justice by allowing our enemies to rob them of their future as they have robbed us of ours? We must never forget the most fundamental thing about us and that is, above all, we, our people here (in Greek occupied Macedonia) have lived in Macedonia for many centuries and we have lived on these lands with dignity! If we keep ignoring our past, sooner or later we will forget it and that would be irresponsible. We need to celebrate our past, our true past and not the one carved out for us by our enemies. We are Macedonians and NOT “something else” by any stretch of the imagination and to think otherwise we would only be fooling ourselves and playing into the hands of our enemies and occupiers!

They have proven, again and again, that they want no part of us. They have proven that they want to destroy us, to wipe us out, to make us extinct. This is a fact and they know it! But do we know it? They know everything there is to know about us and even how to manipulate us, sometimes even without our knowledge. At the same time we know nothing about them, nor do we make any effort to learn about them! All we know how to do is hide their actions. Never have we publicly mentioned or confronted them about what they have done to us from the occupation and partition of our homeland in 1912, 1913 to their denial of the Republic of Macedonia’s name. How does one explain our behaviour? Why do we excuse ourselves of our responsibility?

Well, if you get a sense of how we behave today, then you should not be surprised by how we behaved yesterday during that dreadful Greek Civil War which had no other purpose than to exterminate us from our homeland! You should not be surprised that in reality we were “vassals” to our masters, no matter how some have tried to sugar coat it by calling it “a struggle for independence” or as Evdokia Foteva - Vera – has called it, a “RECOGNITION OF CPG”!

Let’s face it, until we wake up and see it for what it was, we will remain blind and deaf vassals, subordinates, dependents and servants of our new masters to whom we will continue to make “unprecedented” concessions as we have done in the past!

Here are some of those concessions:

When they prohibited us from speaking our Macedonian language (not only the fascists but also the communists) we offered them “Brotherhood and Unity”! In other words in 1946 we (NOF and AFZH) counter offered them our blood to fight in a war without definition as “Brothers of Unity” in exchange for us “giving up” our language and our Macedonian names, which are part of our Macedonian national identity.

All the Macedonians recruited in DAG posted in the depths of Greece were not allowed to speak Macedonian! What kind of brotherhood was this?

All the Macedonians sent to the depths of Greece were not allowed to use their Macedonian names and were forced to use their “slave names”, imposed on them by Greek governments! What kind of “fair” unity was this?

We knew very well who the Greeks were, what they were capable of and what they had done to us in the past! Yet we decided to ignore all that and offered them our hand of friendship, our blood and our lives to do with whatever they wished! What were we hoping for? Were we hoping that the colonists who were brought to Macedonia to replace us were now going to help us? Help us do what? Get our lands back, the same lands that the Greek government gave them? And now, after the fact, we have the nerve to blame the CPY/CPM and CPG for what happened to us - that we were “cast in the ideological waste basket”! How are we going to heal our pain, our constant and ongoing pain? How are we going to get our homes back or even visit our dear dead friends and relatives who left their bones on the battlefields of Vicho and Gramos during the Greek Civil War?

How can we heal?

When Zahariadis went to Belgrade on April 2, 1946 to discuss with Tito his decision to start an armed struggle against the Greek Right, Tito gave him his full support and promised to help him both morally and materially as well as allow him unrestricted entry into Yugoslavia and free use of Yugoslav roads. The following decisions were made during that meeting:

1. The Macedonian National Liberation Movement in Greek occupied Macedonia led by NOF, which since April 1945 was under the direction of the CPY/CPM, was to be transferred to the CPG leadership and the participation of the Macedonians was to be a condition for the victory of such a revolution.

2. Part of the composition of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, headed by Ioannis Ioannidis, was to be transferred to Belgrade and charged with the task of managing the armed struggle, representing the struggle abroad and taking care of supplying the Partisans with weapons, ammunition, food, clothes and other materials.

3. Freedom to recruit fighters from the Macedonian and Greek political emigrants in Yugoslavia. Organize hospitals for the wounded and sick DAG combatants inside Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia was to take on the role of organizing and coordinating the distribution of aid and donations for DAG from other countries.

On August 24, 1946 one part of the CPG Central Committee Politburo composition, headed by Ioannidis Ioannis, and the necessary apparatus, was illegally moved from Athens to Belgrade. Markos Vafiadis, who in June 1946 was appointed to General in charge of organizing and leading the Partisan groups by Zahariadis, illegally left Greece and moved to Belgrade where he received specific directives and instructions from the CPG Central Committee Politburo. In September Vafiadis returned to Greek occupied Macedonia where, on October 28, 1946, he established the DAG Partisan Headquarters.

We were told that the leadership of NOF and AFZH had accidentally found out about this plan but did not dare question or resist Marshal Tito’s decision or the decisions of the other gods. Not too long after that, one autumn day, when they were summoned to see General Marcos, he told them: “Today you are soldiers of the Democratic Army of Greece and from now on your commanders will be the more educated and more trustworthy members of the CPG”.

When they heard what Markos said, they turned pale, were covered in cold sweat and chills ran down their spines. Terribly confused (like sold slaves), they submissively gave up authority over the Macedonians and allowed the fighters and themselves to enter the ranks of the Democratic Army of Greece. One of them said: “We will awaken the dead if we have to, let them come and join this holy revolution, so that we all will charge together, living and dead!”

Let us remind you of what Rakovski said: “... During our meeting with Kolishevski when we were preparing to return to Aegean Macedonia in order to lay the foundations of the revolution, Kolishevski, in his first class cynical speech, said to us: ... ‘That we Macedonians were a talented people, with appallingly visible international and revolutionary orientation, with a sense of tact and strategy’ and that Tito told him: ‘Now is your moment!’…”

Maybe one day everything will be clear… What kind of forces hid behind our people who served foreign gods?

On November 10, 1946 Zahariadis received a directive from Stalin to stop the expansion of the armed movement during the winter of 1946-1947 because of an alleged “international situation”. The CPG was also told that, in the interim, it should give precedence to the political struggle over the military one. This was done when the ranks of DAG were being filled with Macedonians, both young and old. But in this case it was not the “foreigners” (CPY/CPG) who were calling for “mass recruitment” of fighters, it was our own leadership! It was the NOF and AFZH leaders and activists who were pushing the Macedonian people, by use of politicized propaganda, to join DAG en masse to fight in the Greek Civil War. But to fight for what?

The aim of strangers or foreigners is to turn the villains who work for them into heroes with whom the entire population can identify, and at the same time reduce the real heroes to villains. (23)

Confuse the people, or…?!

The political messages coming out of NOF and AFZH were not very clear. Even though these organizations were very effective in “recruiting” fighters and workers for the war, which was basically what they were told to do, they were not sure of the overall plan and how it was going to unfold. So they did what they were told and put the entire Macedonian population at risk. And in retrospect, as we all know, the Greek Civil War turned into a massive struggle of life and death which resulted in disaster for the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia.

This tangle of misunderstanding, confusion and comforting illusions shows us that darkness ruled the Macedonian leadership. After 1946 this kind of “successful awakening of the Macedonian consciousness”, in fact, was not needed at all, not for the CPY and not for the CPG. It had no significant value when all the Macedonians, along with the NOF and AFZH leadership found themselves trapped in the CPG vice.

One of the great manipulations perpetrated by the CPY and CPG against the Macedonian people was done on April 2, 1946 when Tito met with Zahariadis in Belgrade to discuss the “struggle” that led to the Greek Civil War i.e. to discuss the Macedonian people’s fate without the presence of a single Macedonian. Here, yet again, was a shining example of “foreigners” deciding the fate of the Macedonian people!

Tito and Zahariadis, without a single Macedonian present, decided that: The Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, now led by NOF under the direction of the CPY/CPM, will be placed under the leadership of the CPG!

Again, without a single Macedonian present, they further decided that: NOF and AFZH will now strive to create an alliance with the Greek people in order to save the Macedonian people from physical extermination.

The ideological offensive with its cosmopolitanism working against the Macedonian national consciousness shook the Macedonian people down to their native roots.

What made the situation even worse, was the fact that this “ideological offensive” came down from high up in the NOF, AFZH and CPG leadership. Politicians among the leadership, even before the start of the Greek Civil War, nursed dangerous anachronisms about our national existence and life, attacking political opponents, Partisans and every single Macedonian who did not see any benefit to the Greek Civil War. NOF and AFZH, it would appear, were either unaware of this or decided to ignore it, thinking that “communists can be trusted” and “communists can do no wrong” and so dedicated themselves to follow the CPG’s lead. If not this, then how else can one explain NOF and AFZH’s actions in recruiting young and old Macedonians, men and women, en masse to fight for DAG and give their lives to “a cause” that was neither “defined” nor “understood”? If the cause was “defined or understood” then “what was it that the Macedonians were fighting for?” To “liberate” their country? To gain human and national rights? Were NOF and AFZH even aware that by

engaging Macedonians in this war they would be endangering the entire Macedonian population?

If Macedonians were fighting to “liberate” Macedonia, then why were the Macedonian fighters, when entering the ranks of DAG, asked to make the following pledge: “I, son of the Greek people and fighter of DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) pledge to fight to defend the integrity and security of the state borders of our motherland Greece ... etc.” How were the Macedonians going to liberate Macedonia when they, as sons of Greece, pledged to fight to defend the integrity of Greece, their “supposed” motherland? Since when was Greece their motherland? Where was Macedonia, the homeland of the Macedonians in this pledge if they were truly fighting to “liberate” Macedonia?

If the Macedonians were led to believe that they were fighting for “human and national rights” then why were they called “Slavo-Macedonians (and what does that even mean?)? Why were the Macedonian fighters, in missions south of Olympus, prohibited from using their Macedonian names and from speaking their Macedonian language? If the Macedonians had no “national rights” when they were fighting “side by side” with the Greeks, what made anyone think that they would be freely granted these rights after the fact? Was it because NOF and AFZH truly believed that because this “particular bunch Greeks were communists, they would keep their promises?”

Here is the entire oath taken by the fighters of the Democratic Army of Greece:

“I, son of the people of Greece and fighter of the Democratic Army of Greece, swear that I will fight with a rifle in hand, will shed my blood and will give my life, to expel the last foreign occupier from my motherland Greece. I will fight and liquidate all presence of fascism. I will fight to acquire and to establish national freedom and to defend the territorial integrity of our motherland Greece. I will fight for democracy and for the good of the people.

I swear that I will be a good, distinguished and disciplined soldier, and will carry out all my orders and canons and will never reveal any of DAG’s secrets.

I swear that I will be a good example and I will have the best attitude towards people with a view to lasting reconciliation and I will avoid all attempts to discredit or humiliate myself as a person and as a fighter. My primary interests will be: to fight for Greece’s freedom and permanent democracy. With rifle in my hand, I am ready to lay my life for all these interests of the people of Greece.”

At this point it is important to say something about DAG and the Government National Army’s military strengths.

In May 1949 the National Army General Staff began preparation for a military strike against DAG. The operation was code named “Pirsos”.

The National Army military structures and numbers at that time were as follows:

150,000 regular soldiers, 50,000 national defense forces, 25,000 gendarmerie forces, 7,500 police, 50,000 special units, 14,300 navy, 7,500 aviation.

Thus, the sum of the armed forces possessed by the Athens regime was more than 300,000. The military forces possessed by DAG numbered no more than 25,000 soldiers.

These are confirmed by the following sources:

1. Tassos Vurnas, p. 159-160; During the fall of 1948 the DAG military force numbered about 18,000 fighters;

2. Vassilis Bardzhiotas, as a second person of importance in DAG, wrote that by the end of 1949, the DAG force had grown to 30,000 fighters;

3. The newspaper “Neos kozmos”, 1950, p. 624, 637; wrote that the total number of DAG fighters during 1948-1949 was about 25,000;

The Athenian Regime’s large and well equipped military formation was too much for the DAG partisans to resist during the August 28-30 offensive, so they fled to Albania.

On September 30th, Ioanidis Ioannis officially asked Stalin to provide DAG and the CPG two bases, one in Bulgaria and the other in Albania. Stalin did not provide one in Albania.

For more information see the book: “ΜΕΛΕΤΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΝ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟ ΠΟΛΕΜΟ (1945−1949)”;

Here are some comments made by General Markos:

“Before 1947, 90% of the DAG fighters were forcibly mobilized, the rest were volunteers. After that, right up to the end of the Greek Civil War, there was no confirmation of any fighters volunteering.”

The question is: Under the circumstances stated above, how can we Macedonians realistically call this Civil War, a “revolution” or an extension of the famous Macedonian “Ilinden Uprising”? What part of it qualifies to be called a “Macedonian revolution”?

At the end, after we examine all the assembled facts and arguments, it should become clear to us that the final outcome of what the Macedonian warrior experienced in the history of DAG can only be described as “genocide”.

Perhaps all of this, all of what has happened to us Macedonians, can be explained by the old Latin saying that: “At certain times, there are situations where a great deal of the national resources are spent, from which the nation has very little to gain!”