DIRECTIVES FROM NOF CENTRAL TO THE NOF DISTRICTS

DIRECTIVES FROM NOF CENTRAL TO THE NOF DISTRICTS

September 1945

You are directed to spread the National Liberation Front wherever there are Macedonians in every village, every town, district, house, farm. Not a single Macedonian, man, woman or child must be left outside of NOF, AFZH and NOMS organizations and their influences. (pp. 721-722-723)

NOF, AFZH AND NOMS SLOGANS DIRECTED AT THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE

One year before the Greek Civil War was declared, that is as early as November 22, 1945, the forces of NOF, AFZH and NOMS had begun their aggressive propaganda activities that included slogans such as:

“No Macedonian must be found outside the NOF anti-fascist organization. Only in this way will we be able to destroy fascism and gain our rights and the right to full self-determination.” - Anti-fascist organization - NOF

“All Macedonian women forward in the Anti-fascist Women’s Front (AFZH) for the complete destruction of fascism, for our freedom, for our rights.” - Antifascist organization - AFZH.

The Macedonian woman organized in AFZH, the Anti-Fascist Organization, together with their leader Evdokia Foteva - Vera shouted these slogans out loud.

It is important at this point to remind the reader that as of May 9, 1945, the entire world was made aware that there was a total victory over fascism. So, why was NOF still waving banners and brandishing anti-fascist slogans? Were the NOF leaders not aware that the war against fascism had been won?

Even today, people still remember those people who made them feel euphorically happy. Unfortunately those people didn’t know what they were doing. Still I respect them, because their delusion was beautiful, but they were delusions. Their delusions were beautiful, they loved their people, there was nothing more beautiful than that, but they loved them in the wrong way, they destroyed them: they made them sacrifice themselves, deprived them of their children, made them homeless and threw them out into the world from where they could never return. And those NOF and AFZH politicians of ours, looking ridiculous and confused, were turned into trash and shipped to the Siberian tundra.

And this is how the Macedonian people found themselves; stunned and devastated… they were asked to participate on mass so that they could be crushed in the so-called “revolution” which the NOF and AFZ activists called “continuation of Ilinden”.

There is an old saying that goes something like this: “In order for others to believe me I have to say something that I believe in myself…” So, the question here is what convinced NOF, AFZH and NOMS to believe and put their trust in strangers? Why did they believe they could win a war when there was overwhelming evidence to the contrary? Why did they have such high expectations for the Macedonian people with such a vague purpose? On the other hand, why did the Macedonian people trust NOF, AFZH and NOMS and not the CPG? The answer to this question is simple. The CPG was seen as a Greek organization and the Macedonian people did not trust the Greeks no matter to which party they belonged. On the other hand they trusted NOF, AFZH and NOMS because their leaderships were Macedonian. I remember people saying we need to trust them because they are “our people”. When NOF, AFZH and NOMS began to call for massive participation the people figured it was finally possible to achieve their centuries old aspirations of becoming free from a foreign yoke. They had no idea that this was a

foreign trap from which there was no escape except by death or exile.

And as the Greek government and CPG would later openly say: “Tito had aims at annexing Greek (occupied) Macedonia” (ibid p. 205) “with help from NOF, AFZH and NOMS” (ibid p. 271).

So, the question that comes to mind is: “WHO WERE OUR ALLIES DURING THE COURSE OF THE GREEK CIVIL WAR?” And the answer is “NO ONE!” Not even the CPM since it too was subordinate to the CPY. In other words, the Macedonian people were used and suffered immensely and spilled rivers of blood for someone else’s interests.

Now let us examine some of the facts:

It would appear that no Macedonian national strategy was created in Skopje on April 23, 1945 when NOF, the National Liberation Front for Greek occupied Macedonia, was created, that was outside and independent of the CPG or any other political entity in Greece that was acting for or led by the CPM/CPY. NOF’s program 15 for over a

15 In 1946 NOF adopted this program with some corrections. We don’t know what the program looked like in 1945 (it was most likely given orally) but was set out with the following tasks: 1. The irreconcilable struggle of the Macedonian people from the Aegean part of Macedonia to win their national and social rights; 2. Affirmation of the Macedonian national identity; 3. Actualization of the Macedonian national question in the political life of Greece; 4. Organizing resistance against the terror and genocide imposed and systematically carried out by the Greek reactionary authorities on the Macedonian population; 5. Strengthening the national unity of the Macedonian people; 6. Uncovering Vancho Mihailov’s autonomist activities carried out by his supporters and breaking up their spy network in this part of Macedonia. The spy networks and their agents also operate as Anglo-American sabotage centres which fight against the national rights of the Macedonian people; 7. Disclosure of the Anglo-American plans, which aim to turn the Aegean part of Macedonia into a base for espionage and subversive activity against the Republic of Macedonia and the whole of Yugoslavia as well as against all the Balkan people’s republics; year was to fight for national rights and for the right to self-determination. In order to achieve that strategic goal NOF was required to begin an armed struggle. On April 28, 1945, NOF began to form Macedonian partisan units. (See: Kiriazovski, 1995/202). In other words, NOF was sent to Greece by the Yugoslav government to start a war…

So the question that comes to mind is: “How was NOF expected to accomplish this?” It is more than clear that most of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia at the time did not have the same expectations or goals and demands as NOF. This was quickly confirmed by the fact that the people were not willing to start a new war. In other words, NOF failed in its initial attempts because it failed to properly assess the people’s strength, much less their strategic interests and plans. Unfortunately none of this was made clear by the NOF, CPM and CPY strategists.

So, the question is?

a).Given that the population living in Greek occupied time was a lot more than 50% non-Macedonian, shouldn’t NOF have at least made inquiries if these people wanted an independent Macedonia? The least NOF could have done was ask these colonists and settlers if they wanted to live in some kind of Balkan federation. Did we make enemies of them by not consulting with them or, given how the Greek government was treating the democratic people, did the Macedonian communist leaders assume they were actually doing them a humanitarian favour?

b) Did NOF not know that those colonists were already at the forefront of the Left forces in Greece including in EAM and the CPG? These people were assumed to be Greeks and were not

8. Strengthening the brotherhood and unity between the Macedonian people and the Greek people and together with all the progressive forces of Greece, the Macedonians fight against the common enemy; and 9. Organizing the struggle of the Macedonian people to bridge the artificial gap Macedonians from all parts of Macedonia, especially with the Republic of Macedonia, which represents the “Piedmont” for the entire liberation and unification of the Macedonian people. See: NOF’s organ for Aegean Macedonia “Bulletin”, no. 9, March 15, 1946.

included in the EAM and CPG programs as minorities. Did NOF not know that Zahariadis, Partzalidis, Iozinidis, Vafiadis and others were colonists and would not support self-determination for the Macedonians? How could they? They were occupying Macedonian homes and lands which the Greek government gave them for free. What would have happened to them if Macedonia became independent or in a Slavic federation? NOF never made that clear to anyone.

c). It is obvious that NOF was only a pawn in this game first manipulated by the CPY and later by the CPG. It was never an important political entity or factor in the anti-fascist struggle or in the direction the Greek Civil War took. Sadly our Macedonian mainstream history disagrees and insists that NOF was indeed a factor. If that was so then why was NOF never allowed to command its own forces? Why was NOF persecuted every time it demanded national rights for the Macedonian people? Why were the NOF leaders slandered and anathemized as traitors, autonomists, separatists, etc?

CPM/CPY policies and the development of NOF, AFZH and NOMS for optimal popularity in the Macedonian population

So, if Markos’s political strategy and tactics were not to fuel the armed resistance with experienced ELAS fighters, then what was his logic? Why then was NOF using unprecedented tactics in amassing the Macedonian peasants using a combination of political demagoguery and sentimental manipulation?

This is how our famous distorted symbiosis was created! Offering false promises and having false beliefs and expectations.

Instead of facing the reality of the situation on the ground, NOF instead tried to create a different reality; fulfill the CPY/CPG’s requirements, a situation that the war planners needed to eradicate us. In the process both the Greek government and the CPY/CPG used the strictest measures to terrorize the Macedonian population and force it to either fight or flee.

(See NOF Leadership Report, February 9, 1946, on NOF’s Organizational Structure in Aegean Macedonia: Am. Collection Aegean Macedonia in NOB 1945-1949, AE: 86 and 87. Published in “Aegean Macedonia in NOB 1946”, T. SH. docs 42 and 43, pp. 97, 100, 103-106.)

Villages / Members of the CPG / NOF / NOMS / SKOJ / AFZH

Kostur District

1. Prespa Locality A. German Region B. Africa Region

2. Koreshtata Locality A. D’mbeni Region B. Drenoveni Region C. Tiolishta Region

3. Poleto Locality A. Zhupanshta B. Rupishta Region C. Kastenariata Region D. Kalevishta Subregion

16 villages 7 villages

9 villages 14 villages 14 villages

12 villages 10 villages 18 villages 5 villages

Lerin District

1. Lerin Locality A. Buf Region B. Kotorski Region C. Banichki Region D. Ofchareni Region E. Turie Region

2. Sovichko-Kailari Locality A. Exshi-Su Region B. Aitos Region C. Mokreni Region

13 villages 15 villages 6 villages 9 villages 6 villages

5 villages 8 villages 16 villages

Voden District

1. Meglen Locality A. Kronchelevo Region B. Sobotsko Region

2. Ostrovo Locality A. Ostrovo Region B. Mesimer Region C. Tsrno Marinovo Region

13 villages 11 villages

7 villages 11 villages 8 villages

According to a report, meetings were held on a regular basis in January. Most villages accepted the NOF line and fought under NOF leadership. The report also outlined exactly how many people belonged to each of these organizations, and the figures were staggering. One gets the impression that the entire Macedonian population was very much influenced by these organizations. There are other details.

For Organizational Leadership Secretary, S. R. (Moscow - Belgrade - CPG)

IN OTHER WORDS NOF AND AFZH WERE CREATED AND ORGANIZED BY THE CPM/CPY AND, AS WAS SHOWN, THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE BECAME VICTIMS OF EMOTIONAL INFECTION FOR FOREIGN INTERESTS

According to historian Lazar Lazarov 1998/62, on September 26, 1945 a report was sent to the French government by Gerard Raul Duval, French Consulate General in Solun, in which, among other things, he said: “... The headquarters of the organization NOF is located in Skopje, Yugoslav territory... after all it seems that the propaganda generated by the NOF Slavophones is realizing the idea of an autonomous Macedonia. The Yugoslav government controls this organization and sees Greek Macedonia as its own, as part of the Yugoslav territory...” (p. 62)

According to historian Vanche Stojchev (see: featurette “The forces that prevented the unification of Macedonia” (N. M. of 8. 9. 2001): “...A founding bureau for the People’s Liberation Front (NOF for

Aegean Macedonia) was constituted in Skopje on April 23, 1945, on the initiative of the CPM. This bureau was headed by the CPM Central Committee. The main task of this Macedonian organization was to stand at the head and lead the struggle of the Macedonian people in the Aegean part of Macedonia. The composition of NOF included NOMS and AFZH. All their members were transferred to the Aegean part of Macedonia. The presence of NOF was immediately rejected by the monarcho-fascist and British forces. The presence of NOF was also rejected by the CPG Central Committee and by EAM who declared it a threat to the territorial integrity of Greece. The Macedonian people gave NOF their support in the struggle however NOF failed to establish itself as a governing body. The CPY and CPG were also unable to provide significant assistance to the Macedonians in the Aegean part of Macedonia, while the CPG protected Greek interests. Tito’s statement to the ‘New York Times’ if ‘Macedonians from the Greek areas express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes...’ acted as stimulus for the Macedonian people and for the CPM Central Committee to act. This also acted as stimulus for the opposing forces in Greece which took criminal measures against NOF and the Macedonian forces in Greece...”

As a result the Macedonian people in Greece became victims in a war that should have never taken place. Given the international situation at the time, there was absolutely no external or internal support for the Macedonians fighting for their rights in the way they did. So getting involved in the Greek Civil War was pure illusion. But the question that still remains unanswered is why did NOF get into this situation? Better still why did Tito and the CPY support this venture? Perhaps the answer lies in the results of what happed at the end; the Macedonians became victims of the CPY and the CPG and lost everything. We Macedonian may have not understood what we were doing but the CPY and the CPG surely did. So, why did they lead us into a destructive path of no return?

When NOF was created the CPM/CPY was not at war with anyone and NOF operated outside and independently of the CPG. It was managed by the CPM/CPY (See: Kirjazovski 1995/10). So why did the CPM/CPY create NOF?

On top of that, there is no doubt that NOF’s (CPM/CPY) optimal goal was to induct all Macedonians living in Greece into the war. Why all of the Macedonians? If the CPM/CPY wanted NOF to “win the national rights and the right to self-determination for the Macedonian people living in Greece” then why didn’t it do that not too long ago when the Macedonian people wanted to fight in Solun and not in Srem. Why was the top Yugoslav leadership against the slogan: “Let’s turn our weapons towards Solun”, that is: “On to Solun and not to the Srem Front?!”

Following CPM/CPY strategic goals, NOF, AFZH and NOMS established themselves in 5 districts, 10 sub-districts, 3 cities and 32 regional leaderships. There were 120 professional cadres in 220 villages (half of these villages were completely destroyed during the Greek Civil War) of which 170 had functioning organizations. Military formations were also created - up to battalions. (See: Kirjazovski 1985/143).

From a historical point of view, WW II ended with the defeat of fascism, unfortunately, it seems no one told the Macedonian leaderships in NOF and AFZH, as they continued to use anti-fascist slogans in their rhetoric and propaganda before and during the Greek Civil War. That, and the fact that NOF and AFZH took up arms inside Greece gave the Greek government reason to not only attack NOF but to pass laws to get rid of the Macedonians, once and for all. Even though there were Greeks involved on the partisan side of the Greek Civil War, these laws only applied to Macedonians. This however, was nothing new. The Greek government used violence and unprecedented terror against the Macedonians even before the Greek Civil War had started. This terror was intensified after February 12, 1946, after the CPG held its Second Plenum during which it decided to raise arms, but the actual Greek Civil War was not officially declared until March 31, 1946.

The ratio between the forces of the left and the right at the time when the decision to start the armed struggle was made was as follows:

The Greek Government forces were composed of 44 battalions. The National Guard consisted of a total of 30,000 fighters. There were

8,800 officers and soldiers from the hill army brigades. The Gendarmerie was the first state military force to be reorganized in the spring of 1946. It then numbered 27,000 soldiers, of whom 14,000 were in Northern Greece (in Macedonia: Kostur, Lerin, Voden, etc.) In addition to the regular units and the paramilitary and military formations, there were also units such as the MAI (units that protected the interior), MAD (persecution units) with about 35,000 soldiers. All of them were under the command of experienced army officers. At the same time, there were about 166 armed terrorist gangs operating throughout Greece, organized and directed by the extreme political right.

THE ATTITUDE OF THE WESTERN POWERS WAS CLEAR, BUT THE SOVIET ATTITUDE (STALIN) WAS STRANGE: “LET THEM MEDDLE IN CAPITALIST AFFAIRS” AND SUPPORT THEM – BUT WITH JUST WORDS. YUGOSLAVIA, ON THE OTHER HAND, POSSESSED A DOUBLE POLICY -PUBLIC, WHICH RESPECTED THE INTEGRITY OF GREECE AND PRIVATE (SECRET) – PREPARE THE MACEDONIANS IN THE AEGEAN PART OF MACEDONIA FOR AN ARMED STRUGGLE.

So, in short, the unjust order, imposed in Yalta, was followed by a disorder, also cruel and no doubt even bloodier for us Macedonians living in Greece, who found ourselves divided into four states. The idea of “world communism” was emptier in meaning than ever before, and it is astonishing to ascertain that in the face of all this helplessness. But, after the Second World War, for us the ideological propaganda, successfully waged by the “foreigners” who led us did its job – we trusted our “strategists” without question.

CPG and Greek government reactions to NOF’s creation

How did the left forces in Greece react to the creation of NOF, AFZH and NOMS, by Yugoslavia in Skopje?

This is what the CPG Central Committee proclaimed during its 12th Plenum, which took place two months after the founding of these organizations:

“We resolutely oppose any territorial claim from any side against Greece. Preservation of the Greek state territorial integrity is the primary task of every Greek patriot…” (TO KKE AP TO 1931-1952, p. 110). Furthermore, it was said that England, as a “great friend” of Greece, declared that the English military-political presence was necessary to secure Greece’s positions and borders in the north.

Well, it should now be quite clear how we accepted the rhythm of global indoctrination and there was no turning back. And this is how we lost our historic chance to exercise our national rights in Greece, which were determined by international law.

CPM Secretary Kolishevski’s concern for the NOF and AFZH cadres

Interview: “with a pure heart and clear conscience”

Following is an interview entitled “With a pure heart and clear conscience” given by Lazar Kolishevski 16 to Iovan Pavlovski of the weekly magazine “Start” (year 2, no. 62, p.21).

Start: About Rankovich whose name is closely linked to the help Yugoslavia provided to the Greek partisans in 1945, after the end of World War II. It is well known that among those partisans were many Macedonians from Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia. What do you say to that?

16 Based on the decision made on October 14, 1946, by Tito and Zahariadis, the CPY, represented by Karaivanov, and the CPG, represented by Ioannidis, reached the following agreement: “The entire leadership heading the Macedonian organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS was to be taken from the CPY and subordinated to the CPG, and NOF’s armed units were to be placed under the command of General Markos. Some time after this agreement was finalized, Lazar Kolishevski, CPM Central Committee Secretary, invited the entire NOF Main Board, headed by Pascal Mitrevski, to his office and, among other things, told them the following: “Now you go down there (to Aegean Macedonia), the CPG will lead your fight. The CPG’s line is correct. Have confidence in the CPG. Fight with all available forces against chauvinism, separatism and local tendencies...”

KOLISHEVSKI: There is little known about that from authentic sources. For the first time I want to say that it was about the survival of the Aegean Macedonians who were threatened with eviction, and we advocated there, in Aegean Macedonia, to form party organizations and partisan units. We were leading that action with several generals together with Rankovich with ultimate discretion. Yes, we formed a Provincial Committee and armed formations to defend villages in Aegean Macedonia. We supplied the partisans with weapons and treated their wounded. We fed them, dressed them, armed them, and transported them by truck to this side of the border when they were cornered. Objectively, they were fighting a war under very favorable conditions in 1946. We gave them everything that we as partisans lacked during the war. I’ll tell you a little story I haven’t told anyone before. The second year after we won the war Kidrich concerned himself mainly with Yugoslavia’s economy and, in that context, was able to feed the people of our country. He was a great mathematician and could not help but notice that I was constantly asking for more food for Macedonia, more than what was allocated to us. The surplus we gave to the Macedonians in Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia. Kidrich was angry by my constant demands for more food. In his anger he used to say: “Well, Lazo, how many Macedonians are there in Macedonia? You keep asking for more and more food!” He made me uncomfortable, so I told Rankovich that we had to reveal our secret to Kidrich. Rankovich agreed. When we told him what we were doing with the extra food he accepted our explanation with a smile and had no problem with me asking for more food and other supplies. The group for supplying weapons to the Macedonian and Greek partisans was led by General Iovo Kapichich. (Later Kapichich was promoted to director and was made responsible for the Goli Otok prison.)

From Kolishevski’s statement above, it is clear that even the top generals involved in the Greek Civil War from the Yugoslav side were not Macedonians thus confirming that NOF, AFZH and NOMS were seduced by foreign goals and interests that served the Yugoslav national army’s militant general staff and CPY policies.

Now let us have another look at Kolishevski:

The question of Macedonia’s reunification was raised again in the months immediately before adopting the constitution for the Republic of Macedonia and before the Paris Peace Conference. According to a Foreign Office report, dated August 13, 1946, Lazar Kolishevski was present at the Macedonian people’s front First Congress held from August 2 to 4, 1946. The report highlighted that at the Congress Kolishevski was introduced as President of the People’s Republic of Macedonia and Secretary of the Macedonian people’s front territorial board. M. Neshkovich was introduced as President of the Serbian Government and Frane Frol as Minister of Justice of the Federal Government. Also present were a delegation from Macedonia under Bulgaria headed by Krsto Stoichev, a delegate of the Bulgarian Parliament, and delegates from Greece or “Aegean Macedonia”. Also present was Eugene Laurenti from Trieste. The Congress strongly emphasized the Macedonian people’s desire to be free in a Republic of Macedonia within the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. This however could only be achieved through strengthening cultural ties with the Pirin Region of Macedonia. National awareness of the people in that part of Macedonia would create conditions for uniting these areas with the Republic of Macedonia. Regarding the idea of unification, it was emphasized that there was little to no publicity in the press in Yugoslavia until a Manifesto appeared. The attitude towards Greek Macedonia was vague and no more than platonic sympathy. But it was as it was and the idea began to float in the air.

In Bitola in one of his speeches Kolishevski opposed the idea of a united and independent Macedonia outside of Yugoslavia or as a protectorate of the great powers. According to Kolishevski, this would “destroy the current Macedonian federal unit”. (See: T. Chepreganov, 1997/152.)

Tempo, with new political messages:

On October 16, 1945, as a candidate for Kumanovo district, Svetozar Vukmanovich - Tempo, in his pre-election speech in Kumanovo, resolutely opposed all those who saw the unification of Macedonia outside the borders of Yugoslavia, or a united Macedonia under the auspices of the Great Powers. According to Tempo, all those who supported that idea were the same people who

were responsible for the Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia from 1941 to 1944.

So there was no Macedonian factor there and everything was in line with CPY policy, which had a huge impact on the Macedonian communists in Vardar Macedonia... In other words, in this historical evolutionary process, the Macedonian movement was born with Yugoslav orientation: ‘No to a United and Independent Macedonia and yes to a unified Macedonia to include the Aegean and Pirin parts, but as part of Yugoslavia. This means that the CPY wanted the Vardar part of Macedonia to be declared the “Piedmont” which would unify all of Macedonia in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 17 This was also attempted by the CPM/CPY in 1945, through NOF’s program created by the CPM/CPY which called for: “Organizing the Macedonian people in a struggle that would bridge the artificial gap between Macedonians from all parts of Macedonia, and especially with the Macedonians from the Republic of Macedonia which represent the “Piedmont” for the complete liberation and unification of all the Macedonian people…”