MACEDONIAN SOCIALISTS IN THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT

MACEDONIAN SOCIALISTS IN THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT

The appearance of capitalism in the Ottoman Empire and Macedonia’s late entry into the modern world, allowed for the development of a working class movement in Macedonia. In the second half of the XIX century, Macedonia was just entering the initial stage of capitalist development. Industry was just beginning to develop. As a result, the working class that was created wasn’t yet aware of its class interests and responsibilities. Gradually, however, socialist ideas began to infiltrate and spread around starting an organizational connection.

The first bearers of socialist ideas in Macedonia were the Macedonian economic immigrants primarily those working in Bulgaria. Among them was Vasil Glavinov, a carpenter born in Veles in 1893. He formed the Macedonian Workers’ Socialist Group in Bulgaria, which later expanded its socialist educational activities in Macedonia. In 1894, Glavinov established a reading room in Veles, which 65 people joined. This was the first educational workers’ association in Macedonia. This society in fact was responsible for organizing and spreading socialist ideas in Macedonia.

Glavinov’s Macedonian Socialist Group significantly contributed to the development of the Macedonian national liberation movement. The Group tended to place greater emphasis on the principle of independence and on running an independent liberation movement, with the slogan “For an independent Macedonian Republic”. The organ of the socialist group “Revolution” repeatedly asserted that “the Macedonian people shouldn’t and couldn’t expect to be liberated by someone else; they needed to liberate themselves...” Of course, the Macedonian socialists weren’t against receiving help from the progressives in the Balkans… they considered it necessary. “In addition to helping the Macedonian movement, the Balkan revolutionaries should launch a bold struggle against all the chauvinists who want to annex Macedonia. Macedonia doesn’t belong to the Bulgarians, Serbians or Greeks, it belongs to the Macedonians,” the socialist group “Revolution” believed.

The idea, by which the Macedonian Socialists regarded the Macedonian liberation’s means and manner, had strong influence on the Organization’s ideological foundation construction. This influence could be primarily seen in the 1896 Constitution and in other acts and actions that the Organization undertook. Since 1900, the day the Macedonian Socialists became directly involved in the Organization, their influence was direct, concrete and beneficial. Nikola Karev, Rusinski, Vele Markov, Dimo Hadzi Dimov and a number of other Macedonian socialists, leaders or fighters in the ranks of the Revolutionary Organization stood out as the most consistent exponents of the Macedonian people’s aspirations for national and social freedom.

Therefore, it can be concluded that the Internal Organization’s progressive ideological foundation was largely the result of the Macedonian socialist group’s positive influence, which Gotse Delchev himself supported.

SUPREMACISTS AND THE GREAT BULGARIA PROPAGANDA

The Bulgarian church and school propaganda machine, sponsored by the Bulgarian ruling circles, was only one tool in the Bulgarian toolbox used to prepare the groundwork for annexing Macedonia at any given moment. The Bulgarian bourgeois governments also used other means to achieve their ultimate goal. One of those means was the so-called Macedonian Supreme Committee in Sofia.

The Internal Organization’s coming into existence, its relatively rapid growth and spread, its anti-Exarchate temper, didn’t please the ruling circles in Sofia. They were especially dissatisfied and indignant with the purely internal Macedonian national and social direction the Organization was taking while being led by Gotse Delchev and his comrades.

On the other hand, the Bulgarian government felt it needed an instrument, with the help of which it could put pressure on the Ottoman government to act in the interests of the Great Bulgarian propaganda in Macedonia. Such an instrument was created in 1894 and was later named the “Macedonian Committee” led by Traiko Kitanchev based in Sofia. In actual fact this was the “Macedonian Supreme Committee” which initially falsely declared that its main goal was to help the Internal Organization raise money and acquire weapons.

Given its commitment to help the Macedonian cause, initially the Macedonian Committee not only received support from the Macedonian immigrants in Bulgaria, but also raised Gotse Delchev’s and Giorche Petrov’s hopes that, with its help, they would be able to supply the Organization with more funds, especially weapons, which it desperately needed. Unfortunately the Supreme Committee soon changed its leadership and appointed people the likes of General Nikolaev, Boris Sarafov, General Tsonchev and others, who were faithful servants to the Bulgarian court and the bourgeoisie, with whose help the Bulgarians sought to realize their hostile policy towards Macedonia. Right from the start, the Kitanche Committee was used to put pressure on the Ottoman government to

extort concessions in the interest of the Exarchate, i.e. in the interest of the entire Bulgarian propaganda machine in Macedonia.

To this end, the so-called “Melnik Uprising” was initiated in 1895. This was done by detachments organized and armed in Bulgaria and led by Bulgarian officers. Among them was Boris Sarafov. The detachments penetrated eastern Macedonia and immediately clashed with the Ottoman army. The provocation helped the Bulgarian government obtain a promise from the Ottoman government to implement measures, which ultimately would lead to the intensification of the Greater Bulgarian propaganda in Macedonia.

The results achieved from the “Melnik Uprising” were satisfactory for the Bulgarian court and government. Among other things, the Bulgarians managed to show the Europeans that Bulgaria had the right to aid Macedonia and that it should be included in issues relating to the Macedonian Question. By doing so, the Bulgarian government usurped the right to interfere in Macedonian affairs and the Macedonian people’s situation. The Greek and Serbian bourgeois governments also usurped the same right.

Furthermore, especially after 1900, the Bulgarian government often demanded that reforms be implemented in Macedonia, i.e. application of the Berlin Congress’s Article 23, but the Porte (Ottoman government) was reluctant to accept the demands. Because of that, supremacist provocations in Macedonia began to intensify, and in September 1902 the so-called “Gorno Dzhumaia Uprising” was sparked. But this supremacist provocation didn’t yield the kind of results the Bulgarian side expected.

The consequences of supremacist actions that resulted from the 1895 and 1902 “uprisings” were severe for the Macedonian population in the Melnik and Gorno Dzhumaia Regions. Ottoman authorities began to intensify the terror, killing people, burning houses, looting properties and driving people out of their homes and villages. But even though these Bulgarian “missions” caused a lot of damage, the Bulgarian detachments took no responsibility for what they had done. In fact they went back to Bulgaria without the slightest of worries.

As was previously mentioned, the Internal Organization’s goal to achieve “full political autonomy” for Macedonia and the Macedonian people was clear and it seriously endangered Balkan monarchy interests in Macedonia. As a result the Greek bourgeoisie chose a different means to compromise the Organization. Instead of recognizing it for what it was and what it was struggling to do, the Greek propaganda machine declared it a tool of the Bulgarian government, a bandit organization which was supposedly fighting to destroy the Greek-ness in Macedonia and so on. The Serbian ruling circles also had a hostile attitude towards it.

The Bulgarian court and Bulgarian bourgeoisie, on the other hand, made every effort to treat the Organization, both in diplomacy and the world public, as Bulgarian. At the same time the Bulgarians were well aware that the Internal Organization was their most dangerous opponent in their aspirations towards Macedonia. And so they decided to declare war on it as soon as possible in order to subjugate or liquidate it. The Bulgarian responsibility for compromising the Organization, of course, fell into the hands of the supremacists. The Supreme Committee was given the task to compromise the Internal Organization by any combative means possible including slander, intrigue, lies, etc. The Bulgarian aim here was to compromise the Organization’s leaders without injuring or killing them, in order to separate them from the people. But when they were convinced that their tactics didn’t yield the desired results, they chose weapons and betrayals.

The supremacists began to organize armed detachments primarily composed of the worst criminal elements such as murderers, robbers, thieves, traitors, etc., and send them to Macedonia to fight against the liberation movement. One of the most famous robbers recruited by the Supremacist Committee for this task was Doncho Zlatkov. When the Internal Organization became aware of this, it decided to start publishing the newspaper “Delo”. Its aim was to inform Macedonian immigrants in Bulgaria that the supremacists were anti-Macedonian. The following was said in “Delo” number 6, published in February 1902:

“A detachment has entered Macedonia, which, apart from having intentions to rob and pillage, aims to take over and dismantle the

Internal Organization. To achieve this, its first goal is to confirm Doncho Zlatkov’s predatory instincts. Its second goal is to start funding and assisting the supremacist quasi-Macedonian institutions which, at all costs are working to demoralize and denigrate the Macedonian revolutionary struggle to the degree of enslavement. Once the Macedonian revolutionary struggle is demoralized, the supremacists aim to take control of the Macedonian movement. And by doing so they will implement their Bulgarian transgressive triumvirate plans at whose centre stands the Bulgarian court and its two wings the Bulgarian government and the Supreme Committee.

Doncho Zlatkov, the robber, is only a tool through which Bulgarian plans will be implemented. Zlatkov, the leader of the detachment, isn’t only a robber but also an envoy of the generals in Sofia. But the generals aren’t alone, behind them stands the future king of Macedonia and behind him stands Russia... Doncho Zlatkov, the robber, is recruited to tell the Macedonian people that they have his support and that he will provide them with weapons. Zlatkov promises not only to deliver rifles but also regiments, princely armies and even Russian divisions... But then, when the people shy away from him, Zlatkov’s band of robbers resort to committing violence, terror, robbery and even murder against them. And all this is done for the sole purpose of forcing the population to give up their revolutionary leaders. In other words, abandon the Macedonian revolutionary leaders and join the supremacist committees behind whom stand the Bulgarian generals, behind whom stands the prince and behind him Russia...

What true patriot will not shudder at this vile demoralization; what heart will not ache watching this desecration performed on the tortured shoulders of a five-century-old slave?! And that from whom? From a sad tool, who can hardly understand the role he is playing at the hands of his inspirers.

Imagine for a moment, dear readers, the atmosphere of that tormented and very suffering Macedonia... Look at that crushed and drunk from suffering population, which has given dearly and is glad to be ready for the moment when the last hour of its temptation arrives. Remember those brave, heroic and determined sons of Macedonia, burdened with the noble task of organizing the

overwhelmed and resenting slave, to prepare for the Macedonian revolution... Could these conditions be a matter of mercy or hesitation? Revolutionary work is sacred and revolutionary ethics are very clear. The people who are ready to sacrifice their lives to serve the revolution, cannot and should not allow their work to be taken by the robber who wants to trample them... Every hesitation is a crime…

The Macedonian revolutionaries understand this very well and understand even better the danger of procrastination. That is why on January 22, 1902, two Macedonian Internal Organization detachments with a combined force of 24 fighters set out in pursuit of Doncho Zlatkov’s gang with firm intentions of putting an end to his criminal activities once and for all. After stopping at a village in Petrich to greet some friends, the detachments discovered that Zlatkov and his gang of 40 followers were nearby. Unfortunately Zlatkov, through his spies, also discovered their whereabouts and why they were pursuing him. But instead of facing the internal detachments face to face, Zlatkov, through espionage, decided to involve the Ottoman authorities while he himself fled to Maleshevo Region.

We won’t describe the heroic struggle that the handful of young men fought against the Ottoman army at this time, or their rare courage which forced the enemy to retreat. Here we want to only note one side of the story which shows us that we are looking at the first act of an artificially instigated struggle, inspired by the mysterious but very transparent intentions of the Macedonian Supreme Committee. It also shows that Macedonia had worthy sons, who were ready to protect the revolution equally from the furious attacks of the Ottoman army and police, as well as from our false saviours.

And so the struggle has begun!

We salute our Macedonian revolutionaries for their courage and strength in the unequal, two-winged struggle. Macedonia wouldn’t be worthy of its freedom if its revolutionaries couldn’t crush the head of that hydra which had surrounded them with police and military border guards. Those who betrayed the Macedonian fighters knew very well that their ruthless hands were sprinkled with the

blood and ashes of those whom they betrayed! And for who?! For the princely crown of 1895! They know very well that those same hands, sprinkled with the blood and ashes of the Macedonian revolution, don’t fight for the Macedonian people’s freedom but for the royal crown of the Bulgarian throne...

The struggle has already begun but has to be brought to its end. There is no middle ground. To end the struggle, the infernal plans of all the military geniuses and warlords must be broken through the corpses of their mournful tools. The Macedonian revolutionaries have already started that fight and, to put it bluntly, they have all our sympathies. We aren’t the ones who will regret the consequences, those who raised the current committee through daggers and terror will regret it, as well as those who continue to help it through their transient silence...”

The Organization’s leadership first tried to use “words” to convince the Supreme Committee detachments that their work was anti-Macedonian and criminal, but without success. It was difficult for them to meet the supremacist detachments because they systematically avoided meetings, especially with the Organization’s detachments.

The basic message the supremacists tried to spread in Macedonia was as follows:

1. The Macedonian people can’t liberate themselves through the Internal Organization but will be liberated by the Bulgarian army.

2. They should not listen to the Organization’s leaders because they are “vagabonds”, “gamblers”, etc.

3. An uprising should be launched as soon as possible so that the Bulgarian army, aided by the Russians, can intervene and liberate Macedonia, etc. etc.

The Organization had to make special efforts to suppress this anti-revolutionary Greater Bulgarian propaganda, spread by the supremacists. According to Iane Sandanski: “The plan was to explain to the people… show them how the supremacists differed

from us. We told them they were people who belonged to the palace (Bulgarian), that they wanted to capture the Organization’s leaders so that they could take over our work... We told them that in our opinion, an uprising could only be started if everyone was ready, and without relying on promises from outsiders...”

Supremacist anti-Macedonian activities caused a series of clashes between their detachments and the Organization’s detachments. Sandanski, for example, clashed several times with Zlatkov’s, Sarakinov’s and Captain Stoianov’s supremacist detachments. Zlatkov attacked Sandanski’s detachment to claim Miss Stone. The supremacists not only betrayed the Macedonian detachments to the Ottoman authorities, but also made attempts to poison the Organization’s troops.

What the enemy couldn’t achieve with the help of weapons, it achieved through another means. Namely, in order to more effectively hinder the Macedonian revolutionary movement, in 1897, the Exarchate formed its own organization in Solun named “Beneficial Brotherhood” (later renamed “Revolutionary Brotherhood”), which was composed of Exarchate circles led by Ivan Garvanov, a Bulgarian, who served as a professor at the Exarchate Gymnasium in Solun. The “Brotherhood” made a decision to assassinate Damian Gruev, Pere Toshev and some others. The “Brotherhood” became attached to the Supremacist Committee in Sofia, from where it received orders to join the Internal Organization. That took place in 1900 with help from Matov, Tatarchev and H. Nikolov, but without getting permission from Delchev, Petrov or Gruev. The “Brotherhood’s” entry into the Organization proved fatal to its future.

After most members of the Internal Organization’s Central Committee in Solun were arrested in January 1901, Garvanov was invited to join it. Hadzhi Nikolov, another Central Committee member, under the pretext that he too would soon be arrested, handed over the Organization’s seal, codes and the connections to Garvanov. It isn’t known if Hadzhi Nikolov knew that this would be a betrayal of the Organization. Two of the three Central Committee members were supremacists. Taking advantage of the situation at the time, when almost all of the prominent and legitimate leaders of

the Organization were in prison or exile, the supremacist agents from Sofia took over the Organization’s Central Committee. Shortly afterwards, the new and supremacist populated Committee decided to relieve Gotse Delchev and Giorche Petrov of their duties as the Organization’s representation outside of Macedonia. On top of that, Sarafov was dispatched to assassinate them because they were deemed the most dangerous opponents of the supremacists. Garvanov sent five white letters to the Supremacist Committee in Sofia, stamped by the Organization’s stamp to serve as powers of attorney for the Bulgarian officers, who were to be sent by the Supremacist Committee to Macedonia to serve as instructors, with the right, if necessary, to stage an uprising. With Garvanov and his like-minded people serving in the Organization’s Central leadership, the supremacists were able to impose their will without any major obstacles and to work to start an uprising in Macedonia as soon as possible.