NOF, AFZH AND NOMS SLOGANS WITH “STRATEGIC DIRECTIVES” FOR “MASSIVE RETALIATIO

NOF, AFZH AND NOMS SLOGANS WITH “STRATEGIC DIRECTIVES” FOR “MASSIVE RETALIATION”

The advertisement said: Spread our organizations, NOF and AFZH want all Macedonians, wherever they are in every village, every town, quarter, cottage and farm house to join us. No Macedonian man, woman, or child should remain outside of the influence of NOF, AFZH and NOMS. Since June 1st, 1945 these Organizations exhibited warlike symptoms and a year later the Greek Civil War was officially initiated. “Only by being organized can we destroy fascism and obtain our rights and the right to full self-determination,” said one slogan. “Forward! All Macedonian women join the Anti-Fascist Front for Women (AFZH) for the total destruction of fascism, for our freedom and for our rights,” said another slogan encouraging women to tear down their slave chains. This unfortunately was going on after fascism had already been defeated. The entire world knew that victory over fascism was declared on May 9th, 1945 but it seems that no one had told the Macedonians because they continued to use their worn out slogans that they had incorrectly borrowed from someone else’s war. Meaning, this is how the Macedonian people found themselves (standing), dumbfounded and crushed before this last fateful call. They knew that countless Macedonians had already disappeared with the use of the diplomatic trump card and that did not help their cause. Now mass participation was demanded of them so that they could be ground-down into the so-called “revolution”, or as the NOF and AFZH activists called it “the extension of the Ilinden Rebellion”. Who exactly were our allies in the Greek Civil War? No one! Not even the CPM because it was totally subordinated to the CPY. In other words, our involvement was a Macedonian nihilism full of errors and rivers of blood. Let us examine the facts: To achieve this strategic goal, a form of armed struggle was needed to be applied. This became evident when NOF established Macedonian Partisan Units on April 28th, 1945. The establishment of Macedonian forces by NOF and AFZH and the politics of CPM / CPY for amassing the entire Macedonian population were ruthless.

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Here is what Truman had to say about that: “...If Greece falls under the control of an armed minority then the entire Middle East could easily fall under confusion and anomalies. The disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have profound effects on all European countries whose people are struggling... If we do not help Greece at this critical moment, the consequences will be severe, as much for the West as they would be for the East. We are obliged to take immediate and decisive action.” If Markos’s political strategy and tactics were to re-establish the armed resistance using experienced fighters from ELAS, then where do we look for the logic in such a political process? NOF and AFZH used a combination of political demagoguery and sentimental manipulation to attract the villagers and popularize the struggle. And by doing so they created our well-known distorted symbiosis: false beliefs and expectations - flat on promises. Following the strategic aims of the CPM / CPY, NOF and AFZH created 5 provincial, 10 district, 3 urban and 32 regional leadership organizations with 120 professional staff, all members of NOF, AFZH and NOMS. Over 220 villages were organized (half of these villages were destroyed during the Greek Civil War - m.3.), in which 170 rural and urban organizations operated. Also during the same period a number of military formations were created including battalions. From an historic perspective, NOF and AFZH continued to use the same slogans even though they were outdated and even though victory over fascism had already been declared, but it seems that that did not matter for the Macedonians. But as a result of that, the Greek government enacted special laws to violently attack organizations such as NOF and AFZH, creating an unprecedented terror campaign that lasted to the end of World War II. This was done, even before the Greek Civil War was officially proclaimed on March 31st, 1946, as a result of decisions made during the CPG’s Second Plenum held on February 12th, 1946. Instead of facing reality, the leaders of NOF and AFZH, as creators of these Macedonian organizations, were trying to create reality. In other words, they were responsible for creating the conditions which led the Greek government and its institutions to introduce counter measures such as terror, arrests and legitimate migration processes, which eventually resulted in the Macedonian eradication. Many of these conditions were based on official statements made by Marshal Tito like the one he made in Moscow, on April 26th, 1945 for the “New York Times” when he said: “…If the Macedonians in Greece express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes...” This gave the Macedonian people and the CPM Central Committee incentive to continue the struggle but at the same time such statements also gave the forces in Greece, which opposed the Macedonians, incentives to introduce extreme countermeasures and criminal action against the Macedonian organizations and people. There is no doubt that NOF’s and AFZH’s (CPM / CPY) optimal aim was to gain complete control of all the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia and put into operation a national front in order to achieve its program objectives. But many analysts are asking the question, if there was such a strategic goal, acceptable to the CPM / CPY, then why, only three months before, had the highest bodies in Yugoslavia opposed the slogan: “Let us turn our arms towards Solun!” and the slogan “to Solun and not to the Srem Front?” So in short, the unjust agreement imposed in Yalta brought disorder, cruelty and more bloodshed to the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia and to all Macedonians who found themselves divided by four states. After the Yalta Agreement the idea of the communists taking over the world became weaker than ever before. And during that period both the CPG and the government in Athens were against the formation of NOF and AFZH. Here is how the organizations NOF, AFZH and NOMS, created in Yugoslavia - Skopje, were welcomed in Greece by the left forces.

Two months after NOF’s formation the CPG leadership, during the CPG’s Twelfth Central Committee Plenum (June 1945), made a resolution declaring Greece’s northern border unchangeable: “We firmly oppose any territorial claim against Greece by any party. Preserving the territorial integrity of the state is a first task of every Greek patriot.” See: (DO KKE APOTO 1931-1952, pp. 110). Further down it says that England is a “great friend” of Greece. In other words Britain’s military and political presence is accepted as an essential service in insuring the Greek position regarding the border to the north. So this should be quite clear to everyone regarding how and by whom we accepted the rhythm of global indoctrination which offered no turning back. And as a result we lost our historic opportunity to achieve national rights in Greece, which were defined by international law. Was all this a foreign double standard for the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia? NOF AND AFZH WERE FORMED ON APRIL 23rd, 1945. THEY WERE ORGANIZED AND LED BY THE CPY / CPM PRIOR TO THE GREEK CIVIL WAR, AND BEGAN PREPATION FOR WAR THUS INFECTIOUSLY LEADING THE MACEDONIANS TO FALL PREY TO FOREIGN INTERESTS.

(Review of looming events in 1946)

Severe persecution of leftists by the Athens government reshaped the development of left forces (CPG and EAM) and political events in early 1946. Being deprived of their political avenues, thousands of former fighters, officers and supporters of the CPG and ELAS resorted to rising against the new government in Athens in an armed resistance. Under the leadership of the CPM / CPY, NOF on the other hand, in 1945, began to carry out mass mobilization of the Macedonian people who had become members of these organizations. This shows that there must have been something planned for the future of the Macedonian population even before the Greek Civil War started, which eventually, through a carefully planned strategy and tactics of strangers, led the Macedonian population to its eradication.

(Athens-Prague-Moscow-Belgrade)

(The following facts represent crucial moments in the history of NOF and AFZH - from the military archives: USSR, Yugoslavia and CPG).

In the words of ∆ΙΜΙΟΥΡΓΩΣ, author of the book “The Greek Civil War” (30/31 March 30/31, 1946 to August 30, 1949), on March 20th, 1946 Zahariadis left Athens and went to Prague. He used his time while traveling to talk with communist leaders from whom Zahariadis also sought support for his armed insurrection. But, as it turned out, almost no one gave him their support or approval which made his move look foolish. The most important leaders he spoke to, which included Torres of France and Toliati of Italy, told him that “it was dangerous to resort to arms.” Georgi Dimitrov also pointed out to him that “the international situation does not allow for a new outbreak of armed conflict, which in fact would directly interfere in the affairs of the Western allies in the BALKANS.” But all these leaders knew that Zahariadis, who after being imprisoned for nine years in the Dachau concentration camp in Germany, had returned to Athens in May 1945 for a reason, which left a strange impression with them. Zahariadis arrived in Greece on a British aircraft and soon after took over his former duties as General Secretary of the CPG and immediately began to work. During his meetings in Prague Zahariadis had learned much about Marshal Josip Broz - Tito and the “success of his guerrilla movement in Yugoslavia and about Tito’s aims to expand his ‘revolutions’ throughout the BALKANS.” Zahariadis, especially upset about this, on his return from Prague visited Belgrade and upon his request was received by Marshal Tito. During their meeting they exchanged the occasional Russian word without a translator and when Tito toasted him, he asked: “What do you think about the future of the Balkans?” To which Zahariadis replied: “Marshall, that’s exactly why I come to you at the urging of many leaders who respect you for your success with your guerrilla movement in Yugoslavia.” Tito explained his political position to Zahariadis in detail and told him that the people are willing to fight and take power away from the Anglo-American imperialists. Tito was unable to conceal his satisfaction and in the presence of his comrades Rankovich, Kardelj, Djilas, Tempo, Kolishevski and others, said: “Life does not go back. Revolutions bring progress, development of societies and productive forces. I, on behalf of the Communist Party and the people, promise to give you extensive assistance and whatever else you need to organize a people’s army. You know, during World War II we thought that such a revolution should be taking place in Aegean Macedonia and it is not by accident that precisely such a revolution is taking place today. Forces of Greek citizens – Macedonians are currently led by our very experienced centres which have a long revolutionary tradition. We are preparing these forces and the forces in the camp in Bulkesh to place them under your command.” Tito then turned to Kolishevski and said: “Lazo, write down the following and do everything to make sure that the forces under the slogan “brotherhood and unity” are placed under the command of the CPG to be used for the revolution. a). NOF and AFZH to be connected to the CPG and to break with you (CPM). Do not interfere and do not order them when and how to fight for a united Macedonia - now is not the time before this revolution. And of course change their struggle program goals and objectives to reflect those of the CPG; b). NOF to establish a central authority and to be accountable to the CPG Regional Committee; c). All armed Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia to be placed under the command of the CPG military leaders; You see how the English and Americans do it in Greece. But all this, Comrade Nikos, will have to be approved by the old man - Generalissimo Stalin, for such an act of revolution to be enacted.”

But Tito knew Stalin’s position very well: “Let them muddle in capitalism,” and was pretty sure that he would accept Zahariadis’s proposal. Zahariadis at that point excitedly said: “I am ready and willing to take this to the Generalissimo and seek his support.” Then Tito toasted the next revolution and said: “Be determined, don’t be afraid, don’t be afraid of any casualties and conquer all difficulties and you will succeed in your intentions. The revolution requires it of you. Everything needs to be firmly held in your hands and you can count on us with great certainty!”

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Towards the end of March 1946, after his stay in Yugoslavia, Zahariadis left for Moscow where he had talks with the Soviet leaders. During one of his meetings, Stalin, Molotov and Andrei Zhdanov approved Zahariadis’s proposals, which he made on behalf of the CPG. After that Zahariadis had a secret meeting with Stalin during which Stalin instructed him to “gradually begin the armed action from the villages towards the cities in order to prevent a premature military intervention by the British and to give him time to work on a means of finding a compromise”. Stalin, while filling his pipe with tobacco, looked at Zahariadis directly in the eyes and asked: “Do you see Marshal Tito as the future leader of a Balkan Federation?” Confused, Zahariadis wanted to avoid the question but replied anyway: “The Marshall is a great strategist and an internationalist,” he said. “And I have received a promise from him that he will give me 20,000 armed and ready fighters who were ‘hunted by the Monarcho-Fascist armies’.” Stalin then said: “According to my information, Marshal Tito, in only a year, has organized the Macedonians for a heroic struggle in Aegean Macedonia, in Greece and has established successful Macedonian organizations. Examples of these are NOF-National Liberation Front, and AFZH – Macedonian Women’s Anti-Fascist Front which are directly led by the CPM / CPY. All these fighters were pursued by Markos after World War II. All those fighters who constituted the ‘Aegean Brigade’ are now in Greece and are struggling for a united Macedonia. What are you going to do with all these Macedonian military and political formations? The old sense of a united Macedonia will persist in them until ‘the socialist revolution in Greece’ prevails and after that they will be fine. Socialism is the same everywhere...” concluded Stalin. Zahariadis then took out a sheet of paper that read: “Agreement between the CPG and representatives of the Macedonian state.” According to this agreement “the Slavo-Macedonians from Greek Macedonia, on the one hand, have pledged to support the CPG during the elections in its bid to gain power. With this power lies the only hope for a favourable resolution of the Macedonian

Question. On the other hand, they pledged to help the CPG in cases where incidents between the left and right may arise during the elections.” Stalin then said: “Macedonians are heroic fighters known to be strong people.” But Zahariadis confirmed that, “They can easily be manipulated and are victims of history.” Zahariadis also informed Stalin that all military formations and political organizations known as “brotherhood and unity” belonging to Marshal Tito will now be placed under CPG control. “Marshal Tito has international insight in the struggle against Anglo-American imperialism,” said Zahariadis, to which Stalin replied, “So, you have agreements regarding the revolution! That’s good. Then proceed as you think it necessary. Now go and prepare a draft resolution of your decision for the CPG Central Committee.” With that Stalin wanted to appear as a moderate, good, unobtrusive and generous leader giving the impression that he was an admirer of the revolutionary thoughts of other leaders in the camp of socialism. After the meeting Zahariadis said: “The CPG has ceased to seek a peaceful solution to the Greek issue and now will devote itself to seize power by force of arms!” Stalin was well aware of Tito and Zahariadis’s agreement: “Tito’s main concern was to protect the new federation.” From this new development Tito’s position became clear to Stalin. Tito knew that Yugoslavia was 50% influenced by the West and strongly endeavored to keep the Yugoslav federation intact, as was emphasized many times by the Yugoslav Security Service and by the Yugoslav Army General Staff: “...it is best to keep the war out of Yugoslav borders and to wholeheartedly assist, than to have it inside Yugoslavia.” This was acceptable even to Stalin because it preserved the socialist camp created after World War II. But neither Stalin nor Tito were prepared or willing to take action to bring victory to the Greek communists or to reunite Macedonia. Stalin in fact could not foresee providing “strong military action” to Greece in the near future and made no particular promises of support but he did recommend to Zahariadis that when it comes to forming a People’s Liberation Army it is best to respect Tito’s advice. The next day Zahariadis went to Belgrade to work out organizational details with Tito regarding assistance and cooperation. He also asked Tito to define all problems, characteristics and prospects associated with the Democratic Army and measures to be taken to prepare for a future war. Zahariadis was received in Moscow as a bold revolutionary leader. Stalin sat in the great hall on a hand-knitted chair, puffing on his pipe with a smile on his face while the other leaders, including Molotov, Zhdanov, Malenkov, Mikoyan, Kaganovich, Suslov, Baria and Bulganin, members of the Communist Party of the USSR Politburo, drank “Pertsovka” vodka. The waiters busied themselves offering the guests all kinds of snacks. Stalin, at one point, looked at Zahariadis and, with a smile on his face, wished him success in his upcoming revolution. Zahariadis then calmly and obediently stood up in front of the Generalissimo and, in broken Russian, uttered the following words: “Glubokovazhaemi tovarish Iosif Visarionobich, bolisoe spasibo. Zhelaiu Vam krepkoe zborovie i ushte mnogie leta da ne vodite vo sotsialismot kon pobeda na komunizamot. (Deeply respected Comrade Јosif Visarionovich, many thanks. I wish You good health and may You, for many summers, lead us in socialism towards the victory of communism.) Your advice will be our roadmap that will lead us in our struggle against Anglo-American imperialism, until the working class in the world achieves its final victory.”

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On April 8, 1946 Zahariadis returned to Belgrade and was received by Tito. When he stood before the Marshal, awe stricken, Tito told him: “If we are already revolutionaries and internationalists, our duty is to help ‘revolutions’ and I don’t see any reason why we should be against the revolution in Greece, which you have taken measures to realize. For that I can only congratulate you, Comrade Nikos. Gather everyone who can hold a rifle. That is normal in every revolution and the people want that.” Tito then lit a cigar and continued walking through the spacious room and when he returned to his table he asked Zahariadis: “What is the mood of the youth?” Zahariadis replied: “Great!”

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On August 24th 1946, a number of CPG Central Committee Politburo members, led by Ioannis Ioannidis, transferred from Athens to Belgrade. Markos Vafiadis, who in June 1946 was appointed General and organizer and leader of the partisan groups by Zahariadis, also left Greece and moved to Belgrade where he received instructions from the CPG Central Committee Politburo. In September 1946 they all returned to Aegean Macedonia and on October 28 of the same year, established DAG’s Headquarters. At this point the leadership of NOF and AFZH was terribly confused (like sold slaves). Their bright faces turned dull and obediently committed themselves to the Party, promising that they would do everything in their power to enlist all the Macedonians in the ranks of the Democratic Army. At one point one of them said: “We will awaken the dead if necessary and let them also join this holy revolution so that we can all charge together, living and dead!” In his speech in Bitola, Kolishevski opposed the idea of a United and Independent Macedonia outside of Yugoslavia or as a protectorate of the Great Powers. That, according to Kolishevski, would constitute “the destruction of the current Macedonian federal unit.”

Sometime after the CPY and CPG came to an agreement (October 14, 1946) Lazar Kolishevski, the CPM Central Committee secretary, invited all NOF Board members and told them: “Now you go down there (in the Aegean part of Macedonia). The CPG is your leader. Have faith in it. Its policy on Macedonian issues is clear. Any question that may arise will be handled by the CPG Party leadership. Be mindful and do not splinter within the Party, remain under its leadership. Fight to strengthen your unity with the Greek people and fight with all your might against chauvinism, separatism and localized tendencies.”

Tempo with his new political message

In his campaign speech in Kumanovo on October 16th, 1945, Svetozar Vukmanovik, a candidate of the Kumanovo District, resolutely opposed all those who viewed the unification of Macedonia outside of Yugoslavia, or a Macedonia united under the auspices of the Great Powers. According to Tempo, all those who supported this idea were the same people who were responsible for the Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia from 1941 to 1944. In other words, the Macedonian factor was removed so that everything was in agreement with CPY politics, which had a lot of influence on Macedonian communists in the Vardar part of Macedonia... So a Macedonian movement with a pro-Yugoslav orientation was now born in this historic evolutionary process. In other words, the Yugoslav position for a United and Independent Macedonia was now NO! But uniting the other parts of Macedonia (Pirin and Aegean Macedonia) within Yugoslavia (as a mother country) was still YES! Meaning the Vardar part of Macedonia was to declare itself the Piedmont in the unification but within the composition of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia. This was Yugoslavia’s position?! Meaning, now someone wanted to turn the ‘primordial national Macedonian charge’ into a ‘national wound’.

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SO CLOSES THE TRIANGLE BETWEEN: STALIN, TITO AND ZAHARIADIS. FROM A POLITICAL GAME TO A MILITARY DISASTER. BUT WHY COULDN’T WE MACEDONIANS, FROM 1945 TO THIS DAY, HAVE ESCAPED FROM THAT MOST TERRIBLE AND DISASTROUS COMMUNIST TRIANGLE? For as long as I listened to Bogdanov, I relaxed my muscles. I now realize that I was a slave for so many years without knowing it. I closed my eyes and whispered to myself: “I should have known this a long time ago! The Macedonian people should have known this a long time ago! This should have been told to the generation that participated in DAG and to the later generations. Without this truth the Aegean Macedonian people and all Macedonian people will remain stuck in the dark street of history with no end…” Alien gods have led their own world politics and interfered in other people’s affairs, constantly planning revolutions and strikes, but we, even after the genocide, became the only victims - World WANDERERS.

3.

We traveled all day and all night. It was Friday. The train had just entered Subotitsa and stopped on platform 4. A Yugoslav Army officer, all decked out in a military uniform, accompanied by two adjutants, entered our compartment and said: “Which one of you is Professor Pavle Bogdanov?” “I am!” answered Bogdanov. There was silence. Everyone in the compartment remained breathless as they watched the officer and his armed adjutants. The officer stared at Bogdanov with a long and sharp look and said: “There is a car outside waiting for you.” “Why is there a car waiting for me?” asked Bogdanov. “It is not my job to inform you about your political sins!” the officer snapped sharply “You were an officer of Tito’s army and not of Stalin’s!” Pavle nodded his head on his way out of the compartment, knowing very well that the spirits of his past would haunt him for years. I reached out and said: “I don’t believe we will be seeing each other any time soon…”