PERSONALITIES - Part 05

Aurick considered that ELAS should confine itself to policing the town, and that for this purposes one hundred was entirely adequate. I therefore interviewed the ELAS officer to give him a more realistic view of his own position, stressing the point that Captain Aurick was the local representative of the Commander-in-Chief, and that he must take orders from him. I also told him that he had nothing whatsoever to do with the disarmament of the Nationalist Bands; that was a matter for the Greek Government and their local representatives, in this case the British troops. No difficulty was being made, however, as to the handing over of the arms surrendered by ELAS, which was due to take place the next day and has since been done. With regard to the disarming of the Nationalist Bands of Anton Tsaous, I found a certain amount of confusion. Two days previously the Officer Commanding H.M.S. “Kimberley” at Kavalla had visited the headquarters of these bands, accompanied by the ELAS officer who had previously commanded the 6th ELAS division at Kavalla, and had told the bands that they must be prepared to surrender their arms the following Sunday, although he had wished in the first place to collect them forthwith. This had caused some perturbation to the Nationalist Bands, who saw themselves disarmed while ELAS still had 200 armed men at their disposal, plus demobilized men who had retained their arms and could be mustered against the Nationalists. Apparently, Captain Aurick dealt with this situation by agreeing that the Nationalists should retain 25% of their arms until ELAS disarmament was completed. Subsequently another British officer, acting independently and on his own initiative, also took a hand in the disarmament of the same Nationalist Bands, but when I left the position was that some measure of co-ordination bad been achieved and the handing over of 75% of the Nationalists’ arms was to take place on the 13th instant. It has in addition since been agreed that, pending the arrival of the National Guards, Nationalists my carry arms north of a given line as a protection against Bulgarian bands. Prior to my leaving Salonica I had sent Anton Tsaous himself and he had raised the question of his return to Drama. I suggested to him that he should remain where he was until such time as Government officials and the National Guard had taken over Drama. This line is clearly advisable, as Anton Tsaous could only return at present under British military protection, which would in itself create a definite impression that we are lending him support. It is in any

case, I think, too much to hope for that there will not be further clashes between Nationa1ists and Communists in the Drama area, were the Nationalists are particularly strong in the country districts and have many reasons for taking revenge on their pollitica1 opponents. For this reason I consider Drama the most sensitive spot of all the places visited, and particular attention should be given to it by the Greek authorities. There can be no doubt that complaints of the conduct of both sides are current here to a greater extent than elsewhere. The Nationalists complain that the EP guards are beating up their sympathizers, cutting off their electric light and carrying on propaganda against the Government. EAM/KKE elements, on the other hand, are complaining of attacks made on their members by Nationalists. It was impossible in the short time at my disposal to investigate in any detail the va1idity or these charges, although in the Municipal hospital I found a follower of Anton Tsaous who had been taken prisoner in a recent clash and almost lynched by the mob when he was brought into Drama. Seated by his bed was an ELAS soldier who had been wounded in the same engagement, together with a number of the EP who had been put as guard over the Nationalist. They had buried their quarrels and were perfectly happy together. When I asked the EP guard why he was in charge of a prisoner who had automatically been released under the recent agreement, he pointed to his cap where, in addition to the EP badge, he was disporting the flags of all the Allies and expressed a readiness to serve whatever authority was now the proper one. Stopping again at Drama on the return journey on March 11th, I attempted to see the Nomark and Demark, but it was Sunday and they could not be found; nevertheless, I had a long conversation with the Demark’s assistant, principally about the economic requirements of the town. Each inhabitant was receiving a daily bread ration of 400 grams, the price per ration being 7.5 levas, which is equivalent, at the rate of 6 levas to 1 drachma, to1.25 drachma or 0.5d. Grain, he said, was in very short supply and would only last a short time. When the Bulgarians evacuated, the authorities had managed to retain a quantity or 2,200,000 okes, but some five or six hundred tons of this quantity had had to be distributed for seed to peasants in the mountains and to others whose farms had been burned down. The Assistant Mayor also complained of a shortage of fats, olive oil and sugar, adding that the population as a whole was suffering severely from malnutrition as a result of

the Bulgarian occupation when the bread ration had been only half of what it is now and of lower quality. Scabies was said to be rampant among the children due to lack of sugar. My informant considered that the Agreement of Varkiza had been generally welcomed, that the security position in the town was good, but that Anton Tsaous’ followers were responsible for disorders outside. I asked him whether he had heard of any complaints about the conduct of the Indian troops in Drama (having heard from Captain Aurick that the communists were beginning a propaganda campaign against them) but he declared that nothing of the sort had came to his hearing. I should add that the report of communist propaganda against the Indian troops is correct, Drama is the only place where this has occurred. In Western Macedonia the communist policy is to welcome the British and Indian troops, whist turning a comparatively cold shoulder to the National Guard. Subsequent reports received from the military authorities indicate the situation at Drama is developing favourably. British troops are increasingly warmly welcomed and the unco-operative ELAS officer in charge of the EP Company has vanished from the scene. Kavalla presented a scene of unwonted activity. The advance party of the 7th Indian Brigade had arrived the previous day to arrange accommodation for the Brigade Headquarters and Battalion that are to follow. On the day of our advent officials M.L. and UNDRA had arrived. The following day, March 9th, H.M.S. “Sirius” and the Greek destroyer “Ierax” entered the port, where H.M.S. “Kimberley” was already moored. The next afternoon an M.L. convoy of 50 trucks arrived, followed on the 11th instant by a food ship, an oil fuel ship and the Governor Genera1 of Eastern Macedonia. It had been intended that the National Guard should arrive on March 13th, but their movement has been subjected to some delay, and the Governor General, rather unwisely, has decided he cannot take over until he has their support. The population of Kavalla showed every sign of friendliness and satisfaction at the turn of events. As elsewhere, they are obviously anxious to resume their ordinary life, and the small minority who still retain a taste for turbulent politics are at present quiet. EAM/KKE have undoubtedly suffered a more than partial eclipse in this communist stronghold, helped by general dissatisfaction at their administration and the accompanying corruption and unfair discrimination. The communist organization, however, is here as elsewhere by no means broken, and will certainly make its presence

felt as soon as events present a favourable opportunity. On the morning of March 9th the American Consul-General and I attended a conference between representatives of M.L., UNRRA and the local authorities, represented by the Nomark and Demark. The purpose of the conference was to arrange for the resumption of the distribution of M.L. supplies. The Nomark and the Demark fell in with all suggestions made to them, promised their full support in every direction and self-sacrificingly stressed the point that the country districts were in worse need of help than Kavalla itself. In the course of the conference they mentioned that a delegation had been sent the previous day to Salonica to request the early arrival of Government officials and National Guards to take over the administration of the town. They contended that grain was in very short supply and would suffice the population for a few days only. Up to the present the peasants had been induced to make contributions for feeding the town, but now with the arrival of M.L. and new authorities they would no longer feel under the same obligation. They stressed, too, the need for clothing, a need which was obvious to the most casual observer. To introduce a little reality into the a1most unnatural friendliness of the proceedings, I enquired as to the whereabouts of three previous employees of M.L. who were known to have been arrested by the ELAS police in December last. The Nomark confessed that two of them had been shot while trying to escape, adding that if we had not intervened in Greek affairs such things would never have been necessary. He was obviously very worried about asking about the third man, Constantine Vardakis, an interpreter who had been arrested in the M.L. office itself, and showed great agitation. After considerable hedging the Demark gave the game away by whispering to him audibly that Vardakas had been shot. I understood that these three persons were members of a group of eleven persons known to have been killed by the EP in December last. I explained to the Monark that there was no comparison between conditions in Kavalla and Athens, and that the shooting of these persons would doubtless be investigated by the Creek judicial authorities, as it might well disclose a common law offence. A visit was then paid to the offices of the Administrative Committee for Eastern Macedonia and Thrace to explain, if need be, the altered circumstances of their existence, but the head of the Committee, Grimbas, had already realized the position for himself. He was prepared to hand over his office immediately to M.L., which

had previously occupied them as its headquarters, and produced a declaration which he had already prepared, informing the population that the Committee were handing over their functions to the Governor General and thanking the people for their support. Grimbas also made no difficulty about leaving the house of the manager of the Commercial Tobacco Company, which he and his colleagues had occupied as residential quarter. He gave the impression of a man who was both disappointed and disillusioned, and confessed that previous lack of administrative experience likewise made him little desirous of remaining in office. He took the opportunity, nevertheless, of complaining that the National Guard had searched the house in Salonica occupied by his wife and child, and subjected them to certain rough usage. At Xanthi we were received by the Nomark and Demark and other officials with bouquets of laurels, gifts of their best cigarettes and an invitation to a civic banquet, which time, however, obliged us to decline. They were all quite reconciled to handing over to the Government authorities, and as in other places complained of the delay that was occurring. Politically, they said, the bulk of the population was republican, and there was a movement on foot to form a United Republican Front in conjunction with EAM, to include both Liberals and Progressives. The officer in charge of the EP/ELAS Guard informed us that security in the town was good, but that there had been some cattle stealing in the country districts owing to the absence of any police, and small bands of demobilized Nationalists (others called them demobilized Elastites) had been terrorizing certain villages. He said he was having difficulty in keeping his guard together; they were all anxious to go home without further delay. The food situation in Xanthi appeared from all accounts to be bad, particularly in the mountain districts which were appealing to the town for help. The bread ration was 400 grammes per day, 60% barley. I enquired as to the number of prisoners held, and was told that there were at present 42 in the local gaol, 20 of them on charges of collaboration, amongst whom were some Bulgars and two Bulgarians of Greek nationa1ity. It was said that all hostages had been released after a few days’ detention. The police officer asked for my advice regarding two demobilized Bulgarian soldiers whom he had arrested a few days before. They had been found wandering about the countryside, and were in danger of being lynched by the local population. I advised him to hand them over for disposal to the

first troops that arrived, considering them prisoners of war. Of all the places, Komotini made the happiest impression. The local officials seemed on excellent terms with the Liberals, a delegation of whom called on us in the Nomark’s office. The Nomark confessed to being a member of KKE, but c1aimed that out of eighteen members of the Prefect’s council only two belonged to this party, the remainder being Republican. He also talked about the formation of what he called a “Liberal Republican Party”, to include EAM and all Progressive elements. It was proposed, we heard, to hold a protest meeting the next day, to complain of the delay in sending Government officials and the National Guard, but the Liberals we saw said that they had dissociated themselves from this demonstration. Security in the town, we were told, was excellent, though there was some thieving going an outside. The Nomark stated that there were at present 60 prisoners in the local gaol, including six charged with collaboration with the Bulgars and two or three Bulgarians; the rest were common criminals. He also mentioned that one Bulgarian war criminal had been shot. According to him, ten or twelve persons had been arrested preventatively during the recent troubles, all of whom had now been released. The food situation seemed better than elsewhere, although there was the same acute shortage of imported goods and particularly clothing and footwear. From reports received at Komotini it appeared that the situation in the Alexandroupolis and Demotika areas is very similar. Complaints were also made to us of the hardships caused by the inability to trade with Turkey and Bulgaria. Local efforts to renew commercial relations had failed as the present officials were not recognized by those Governments, nor could the question of payment be solved. Throughout the journey one everywhere felt that EAM/KKE is in varying degrees very much on the defensive. It is anxious to prove itself respectable, moderate and patriotic, loyal to the agreement of Varkiza and anxious to co-operate to with republican and liberal elements in forming a common front against monarchists and other so-called reactionaries. But the KKE organization remains in the background unimpaired. The turbulent spirit that animates it is but temporarily repressed, and is ready to assert itself again when conditions are favourable. The demobilization of ELAS has been carried out with the greatest willingness. Most arms have been handed in, though there are many stories of hidden dumps and ultimate designs. Between Serres and

Drama we saw a group of seven or eight demobilized ELAS soldiers on the road, and stopped to talk to them. It appeared that they had been disbanded some weeks previously and were then merely returning from a carnival celebration at a neighbouring village. They were extremely friendly and full of pacific intentions. It was noticeable though that EAM – appointed officials were very sensitive to any suggestions of collaboration or even relationship with Bulgarians. They were anxious to appear first and foremost as good Greek patriots, even when their previous association with Bulgarian communists had been matter of common knowledge. There are two aspects of the economic situation that deserve special mention. In the first place, an early decision should be made or the question of currency, for east of the Strimon the leva is still the only circulating medium. To refuse to exchange at least limited quantities of leva into drachma at a reasonable rate will involve a great part of the population in considerable hardship, although even a reasonable rate from the point of view of the Greek Government will cause complaints, as all prices in terms of leva are unreal, the leva enjoying a purely fictitious value owing to its scarcity. Whereas in the rest of Greece currency has undergone a considerable devaluation, here the value of the leva has to a great extent been maintained in a closed economy. It would also seem essential that the Bank of Greece should as soon as possible establish branches throughout the area and make arrangements to give advance on a generous scale against merchandise during the transitional period. The second questions relates to a stock of some 8.5 million kilograms of processed tobacco now ready for sale at Kavalla and elsewhere. This tobacco was bought by the Bulgarian Government from producers at unremunerative prices, and will now presumably be considered the property of the Greek State. Nevertheless, if the proceeds of its sale (and the United States is at the present moment a very interested purchaser) are paid into the Greek treasury there will be considerable local discontent, the producers complaining that they are now being robbed by the Greek Government instead of the Bulgarian Government. A reasonable suggestion for solving this problem has been made by the newly appointed Governor General for Thrace, M. Papathanassis. He suggests that part of the proceeds should be paid as compensation to the producers, and that part should be retained to form a fund for the repatriation and resettlement of refugees from Thrace now temporarily living in

other parts of Greece. This proposition merits serious consideration, and it is to be hoped that something on these lines can be arranged. Finally it may be said that, in general, all conditions favourable for the resumption of complete authority in Eastern Macedonia and Thrace by the Greek Government. The only question is whether the Greek Government can rise to the occasion. The principle dangers lie, firstly, in delay, secondly, in the quality of officials who are to assume office, and, thirdly, in the attitude and behaviour of the National Guard. Any ill-considered action on the part of the latter body would strengthen the hands of the extremists and seriously perturb the majority of the population who are now only too anxious to see normal life re-established on a peaceful, orderly basis. Here, as elsewhere, law must once more be made supreme and legal firms observed. Sir Reginald Leeper, K.C.M.G., C.B.E., His Majesty’s Ambassador, Athens.

1945 – March 17. In the first attack on Dobrolishta the robbers were armed Madzhiri (Christian Turkish colonists from Asia Minor settled in Greek occupied Macedonia by the Greek government) from the village Papratsko. Here is what they stole. They plundered Andon Kalimanov’s house and stole 38 sheep. They robbed Hristo Kalimanov’s house and stole 31 sheep. They stole 35 sheep from Spiro Vlahov, 20 sheep from Dimitar Vlahov, 28 sheep from Nikola Gapkovski, 25 sheep from Andon Poplazarov, and 12 sheep from Nikola T. Kalimanov. They also pillaged the Nikola T. Kalimanov home and brutally beat Nikola’s mother and wife. They stole 8 sheep from Paraskeva Kotorkova, pillaged her house and brutally beat her. They stole 6 sheep from Kosta Hadzhiev, 5 sheep from Tome Hadzhiev, 5 sheep from Atanas Hadzhiev, 4 sheep from Zizo Kalimanov and pillaged his home, 7 sheep from Micho Kalimanov, 4 sheep from Sterio Kalimanov, 4 sheep from Iane Kalimanov, 14 sheep from Anastas Dimovski and pillaged his home, 10 sheep from Vangel Kalimanov, and 8 sheep and 15 chickens from Pavle Mitkovski and pillaged his house.

1945 - March 24. “Elinikos Voras” in fact was so obsessed with the so-called phantom “Macedonian autonomous movement” and the so-called “Slav threat” from the north that it made it its most endearing theme to vilify the Macedonians by continuously publishing adventure stories and hypothetical scenarios of a non-

existent enemy attempting to “grab” their Macedonia. In one of its columns on March 24, 1945 “Elinikos Voras” wrote: “We have information from a reliable source that Captain Amintas Avgerinos (I. Papadopoulos from the village Pesoshintsa) of the 28th ELAS (National Liberation Army of Greece) brigade, in larger part composed of Slavo-Macedonians, does not recognize the Varkiza agreement, and has formed an armed group which now roams around the villages Pesoshintsa, Leskoves, Popozhani, Vrbenik, Kamenik and Voshtareni, where he is terrorizing the residents and forcing them to cross over to Bitola and to join the ranks of the Bulgarian detachments commanded by Ilia Dimovski - Gotse, who is fighting for Macedonia’s autonomy…” “Elinikos Voras” did not care to know or report the facts. All it cared about was to propagate hatred against the Macedonian people by continuously publishing fantasies. Contrary to “Elinikos Voras’s” allegations, Amintas Avgerinos, did not send Macedonian fighters to join Ilia Dimovski – Gotse’s Macedonian brigade in the Republic of Macedonia. In fact Amintas Avgerinos was a disciplined ELAS officer and trusted member of the Communist Party of Greece (CPG) who obediently followed the party line when the CPG itself was taking a stand against the Macedonian Liberation Movement Organization, the same organization that fought side by side with the Greeks to liberate Greece from the Germans and Bulgarians. “Elinikos Voras” took it upon itself to label the Macedonian detachments as “having autonomous tendencies” knowing full well that the very same Macedonian detachments fought bloody battles against the autonomist counter-bands in Kostur and Lerin Regions and against the Bulgarian sponsored “Ohrana” in Voden Region.

1945 – April. First Macedonian government in the Republic of Macedonia founded with Lazar Kolishevski as its first President.

1945 – April. The CPG Central Committee held its 11th Plenum

1945 – April 4. Armed Madzhiri (Christian Turks) from the village Papratsko and some from the village Sveta Nedela, led by spies Antonis and Giorgos, plundered Stavre Mirkovski’s house and stole 15 sheep and all his furnishings. They then mercilessly beat his wife and aunt.

1945 – April 15. Madzhiri from the village Zhelegozhe stole 7 sheep and 1 ox from Vasil Tashalukiv. They plundered Ilo Gubidenov’s house and stole 6 sheep. They plundered Mihali Gubidenov’s house and stole 5 sheep. They plundered Andrei Timiovsk’s house and stole 8 sheep, 50,000 drachmas, 40 Albanian Napoleons, 2 lires and 500 kilos of tobacco. They stepped on and completely destroyed the tobacco on location. From Panaiot Timiovski they stole 5 sheep and 7 from Mihali Timiovski. They robbed Hristo Gapkovski’s house and completely trashed it. They stole all of Katerina Evangelova’s utensils and clothing and took her ox. They took everything from Damian Kirovski’s house. They pillaged Nikola Petrovski’s house and took his ox. They took everything from Iani Mirkovski’s house. From Barbara Mirkovska they stole 6 sheep and all her furniture and clothing. From Todor Mirkovski they stole 13 sheep. They plundered Vasil Hristovski’s house. They plundered Giorgi’s house and stole 19 sheep. They stole 11 sheep from Nicholas D. Kalimanov and plundered his house. They stole 4 sheep from Argir Hristovski. This time they completely robbed Mihail Kalimanov’s house and tossed a hand grenade into it, wounding his son. They also beat Mihail, his daughter Kiratsa and his son Ziso. All the stolen livestock was appropriated by the Madzhiri from the village Zhelegozhe. The household items and everything else was appropriated by the Madzhiri from the village Sveta Nedela…

1945 - April 23, NOF (People’s Liberation Front) is formed along with the Women’s Anti-Fascist Front (AFZH) and the Youth organization (NOMS). The ELAS fighters who earlier had left Greek occupied Macedonia and went to Yugoslavia came under the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Communist Party of Macedonia (CPY/CPM). It was from these fighters that, in Skopje on April 23, 1945, the organization NOF was formed under the initiative of the CPY/CPM and sent to organize the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia in preparation for a new conflict - the Greek Civil War. From the day it was formed to the day it was handed over to the CPG as part of the so-called “brotherhood and unity” formation, NOF acted under CPM/CPY directives. After that it was placed under CPG command until it was disbanded. NOF never acted independently. The NOF organizational leadership, named in the documents as the “NOF Main Board” or the “NOF Senior Leadership”, was made up of six members that

included Paskal Mitrevski, Giorgi Urdov-Dzhodzho, Atanas Koroveshovski, Mihailo Keramitdzhiev, Pavle Rakovski and Mincho Fotev. The leadership was appointed on May 21, 1945 in Skopje, in the “Matsura” building on “Ortse Nikolov” street. Paskal Mitrevski was appointed Political Secretary. Atanas Koroveshovski was made responsible for military affairs. Mincho Fotev was appointed Secretary of NOMS and SKOJ. The NOF leadership functioned under the body of the CPM (Communist Party of Macedonia). During NOF’s constitutive meeting, discussions took place to determine responsibilities for the various organs and functions of people’s Boards as well as the responsibilities of the AFZH Secretary. However, the answers to these questions were deferred to the next meeting. After NOF was established, British and American agents in Greece initiated a strong propaganda campaign in support of Vancho Mihailov, creating an autonomist movement under the slogan “united and independent Macedonia”. Their real goal was to create spy and sabotage centres to combat the people’s liberation movement in Greek occupied Macedonia and to work against the People’s Republic of Macedonia with “espionage and subversive activities against the people’s democratic Balkan countries, but primarily against the SFRY”.

1945 – April 25. Every day from April 25 to April 30, 1945, there were multiple reports of looting and other crimes committed by the armed Madzhiri (Christian Turks) and the spies from the villages Chetirok, Sveta Nedela and Grleni. The Madzhiri attacked villages and turned them into wasteland. Leading the Madzhiri in these robberies and raping of women were Parharidis and Lazaridis. Apart from the Madzhiri committing crimes there were also the “Burandari” (Greek soldiers and policemen fighting for the Greek government against the people). The following women and girls were raped: 1) Maria Argirova, 2) Sofia Vlahova, 3) Constantina H. Vlahova. They tried to rape other women but failed.

1945 – April 26. Macedonian villages in the district of Kostur were attacked daily by local armed bands whose most frequently-employed methods were maltreatment, force and theft. Thus on April 26, 1945 the village Kumanichevo was attacked by a gang of up to 60 armed bandits, led by Dimitar Minelis and Athanasios

Psalmodakis, 60 houses were plundered and, among other things, 1,000 sheep and 110 head of cattle were carried off.

1945 - April 26, Tito hints to Macedonians uniting. This may have been as a result of Tito’s following statement made in Moscow on April 26, 1945, when he gave an interview for the “New York Times” during which he said: “If the Macedonians from the Greek regions of Macedonia express desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their aspirations.

1945 – May. Captain Pat Evans reports from Lerin on “a general lack of confidence... a number of people have been remarking in cafés and other public places: ‘There is no State’. ‘The Communists did at any rate make things run, whatever else they may have done.’ ‘The present Government is useless’!”

1945- May 4. A group of armed bandits from the village Loshnitsa, led by the Monarcho-Fascist Giorgos Douflas, stole 1,500 sheep and 50 cattle. After invading Kumanichevo they raided the houses and stole wine and rakia and helped themselves to the people’s food. They then took what was left and began to intimidate the unprotected population with their knives and swords yelling, “We will kill you filthy Bulgarians and you will not be able to escape to Bulgaria and Yugoslavia…” The village was severely devastated... Doors and windows were broken… right in front of the people as they were watching. Many of the residents fled their homes and hid in the mountains.

1945 – May 5. Douflas’s gang returned to the village Kumanichevo and stole about 750 kilos of grain. After that they smashed the grain bins and storage barns, stole a number of chickens and eggs and left. A few days later they came back and went straight to the house belonging to Metodi, Toma and Giorgi Samara and plundered it. This house had not been plundered before.

1945 – May 8. The war in Europe ends with Germany signing its surrender.

1945 - May 17. A National Guard band from the village Inon (Tsakoni) attacked the village Polipotamos and severely beat most

of the villagers. After beating him to near death, Zhivko Poptraianov was taken to Kostur for interrogation.

1945 - May 19. A band of around 200 armed nationalist bandits from the villages Shiiaki, Chetirok and Gorno Paprechko attempted to enter the village Polipotamos in order to plunder it. The villagers however did not succumb to fear and fought back with sticks and stones as they met the gangsters before reaching their village. The village came out victorious with only a single casualty. Lazo Antonopoulos was wounded.

1945 - May 23. The villages Shiiaki, Chetirok and Gorno Paprechko were blockaded by the National Guard. The guardsmen detained and beat many residents accusing them of being communists. Fifteen people were beaten to near death and the entire village was plundered and three flocks of sheep were stolen.

1945 – May 29. When the war (WWII) was over, Zahariadis found himself in London, a guest of the English intelligence service. After spending two or three weeks in England, on May 29, 1945, Zahariadis was flown from England to Greece on a special British military aircraft, wearing a British military uniform. The English delivered him to Athens. The Siantos CPG leadership welcomed him back and immediately gave him his old position - CPG Secretary General, the function he served during the war...

1945 - May 31. Andreas Papadopoulos with a group of 15 residents from the village Zagorichani, armed with rifles and wearing military uniforms blockaded the Macedonian part of the village and summoned all the Macedonians. Some were tied to a post and severely beaten with whips as they were forced to run like horses around a post and humiliated. Mitse Popiovanov, the village mailman, was beaten so badly that his life hung by a thread.

1945 – May. Asia Minor Turkish settlers and colonists deposited in Greek occupied Macedonia after the Greko-Turkish war attacked the Macedonian population in the village Brest and stole a flock of 1,200 sheep. They stole all the flocks of sheep from the village Dolno Papretsko and about 300 sheep from the village Setoma. When the people from the robbed villages went to the Regional

Governor in Kostur to complain, he kicked them out of his office and told them “to go to hell”. In spite of EAM numerous attempts to publicize the terror in an attempt to curb it, the ultra-nationalists continued to commit crimes unabated.

1945 - Terror committed in Greek occupied Macedonia. Between 1945 and early 1946 terror was the rule of law in Greek occupied Macedonia where beatings and atrocities were committed daily against democratic citizens. Not only the jails but barns and stables everywhere were filled with people who supported the resistance movement. According to official statistics in 1945 there were 17,985 people jailed of whom 15,596 were jailed without a trial. Another 18,401 were accused of various crimes and 48,936 were accused of being members of EAM and ELAS. About 80,000 people in total were pursued by the Greek government in 1945. The terror, as a means to break the movement, took frightening measures with each passing day. This is how the situation was described on July 5, 1945: “After the December incidents terror became the rule of law with the arming and unprecedented growth of the extreme Right. Every day life for the non-royal citizens became unbearable. This is a sad affair and the state cannot be without responsibility. The terrorist organizations of the far right most of which were armed by the Germans and cooperated with them, now cooperate with the government to extinguish the democratic spirit. It was the government that enlisted the skills and services of these terrorists and is allowing the atrocities to multiply daily. Therefore the government is responsible for the lockups, imprisonments, the raping of women, the hangings, the beatings and humiliations carried out against the free citizens. This represents a black spot on our civilization.” Here is how the Regional Governor of Kozheni Region described the situation in a letter to the Minister of Internal Affairs: “From a standpoint of public order the district is finding itself in a savage situation. Disgusting things are happening; multiple hangings, known criminals are being freed from jails, etc. These acts are carried out by known collaborators of the Germans, under whose leadership they developed these blood thirsty skills.” Regarding the bloody Greek Monarcho-Fascist terror, perpetrated against the Macedonian people, the NOF organizational leadership at its first meeting, held on May 21, 1945, decided to take a stand and, along with the other factors of the resistance movement, formed

armed groups to confront the extreme Monarch-Fascist gangs and traitors who were persecuting the Macedonian people to no end. The NOF armed groups were instructed to only attack the armed terrorist gangs if they attacked the Macedonian villages and to stop them from looting and terrorizing the Macedonian people. Given that the Monarcho-Fascist armed gangs and Greek gendarmerie squads crossed the grounds on a daily basis, the NOF armed groups responsible for their safety, along with the safety of the NOF, NOMS and AFZH leaders and activists, had their hands full. The NOF armed groups and their actions were managed by the NOF district and regional board secretaries. At that time there was no other way to protect the lives, honour and properties of the Macedonian people from these Greek terrorists. The evil needed to be prevented with organized countermeasures. Unfortunately, the CPG strongly condemned NOF’s armed group activities even though in practice they confirmed that they played a positive role in preventing terrorist waves. No Monarcho-Fascist gang attack on the innocent Macedonian population was left without the proper punishment. Another benefit from this armed self-defense was that it encouraged more people to join the revolution and bolster its militant actions.

1945 – June. British soldiers kill Macedonian. After receiving information from informant Hristo Petsi, British soldiers went in pursuit of Petar Stamenitov from the village Pendalofos and had him killed in the chestnut grove above the village Kriva.

1945 – June 16. Four tanks, one armoured car carrying a number of Englishmen and three armed Greek civilians inspected the border at Kaimakchalan. On their way back they blockaded the village Zhervi, on the Ostrovo Region side, and arrested and took one person with them. The person was charged with allegedly delivering supplies to the “autonomist armed groups”.

1945 – June 19. An armed unit of reactionaries from Lerin arrived and blockaded the village Ostrovo. The Burandari began to discharge their firearms from all sides, terrorizing the residents. Then after they searched the houses and plundering them, they gathered the people in the village square and one of the officers, in an intimidating tone of voice, among other things, said: “If those

people who left the village and joined the Macedonian army do not return to the village within ten days, their property will be confiscated. Tell them to desert from there and come back here...” After leaving a platoon of soldiers in the village, the armed unit left and took the road along the border towards Kaimakchalan. With much protest the people managed to recover some of their things that were plundered but most of the gold items, including their jewelry and gold coins, had disappeared and were never returned.

1945 – June 20. During the night English and Greek soldiers stationed in Subotsko, Tresino, Vladovo and Chegan were sent out to liquidate “autonomist groups”.

1945 - June 20. Voden NOF holds regional conference at a place near the city Voden. The conference was attended by 125 city and countryside delegates. Pavle Rakovski, member of the top NOF leadership, presented a report outlining the ideological content and form of the struggle. Vangel Ainovski – Oche, NOF Trustee and District Secretary reported on the organization’s financial status. The delegates, among other things, called for the liquidation of the rural guards causing terror in the countryside.

1945 - June 25. Aris Veluhiotis found dead. Aris Veluhiotis, commissar of the main headquarters of ELAS, along with about one hundred Partisans who had no faith in the Varkiza agreement, detached themselves from the battalion and took to the mountains. The CPG Central Committee naturally responded by calling Veluhiotis a “deserter” who on June 25, 1945 was found dead on Mount Pind. Circumstances surrounding his death to this day have not been explained. Historians that support the political right, leave it to be understood that Veluhiotis was killed by people from the CPG, claiming that only they know his whereabouts and movements. In view of the disagreements between the various resistance leaders, the CPG purged Petsopulos, Orestis and Zaharias from the ranks of the party and took measures against the leadership of the Macedonian battalion by initiating a campaign of slanderous propaganda rivaling that of Gables. Macedonian leaders opposing the Varkiza agreement were automatically labeled “autonomists” and “sell outs to the Intelligence Service”. A flyer released in Voden on October 10, 1944 referring to Veluhiotis’s splinter group puts it

this way: “Those are autonomists and anarchists and with their own brand of adventurism are solely responsible for bringing hardship to the Slavo-Macedonians. They claim to be your protectors but far from it, they are provocateurs who by their actions have provoked the fascist elements to new and more brutal acts against you Slavo-Macedonians.” Anyone from the CPG or from the national liberation front who spoke up in the defense of the splinter group was labeled a traitor. The CPG high leadership openly suggested to people who harboured such thoughts that they were better off going to jail then going to the mountains. In reference to Veluhiotis fleeing to the mountains, Zahariadis said “it was an attempt to pass with yesterday’s expired ticket”. Attempting to explain what happened, Zahariadis blamed it on a misunderstanding by putting it this way: “A large number of our membership had difficulty comprehending what it is that we are trying to do and where we want to go with the Varkiza Agreement. The confusion comes from a number of members who have a small difference of opinion. Some, like Veluhiotis for example could be dangerous that is why the party had to take decisive action. Party members like him wanted to hold on to their guns and to continue the guerilla war.”

1945 – June 25. The CPG Central Committee held its 12th Plenum from June 25 to 27, 1945

1945 - June 28. CPG sees NOF as threat. The CPG Central Committee, during its 10th Plenum, made the following decision: “NOF with its rapid promotion of its military formations is dangerously threatening the Greek character of Macedonia. It is threatening Greek interests and the territorial integrity of the Greek state.”

1945 - June 29. Decree denouncing NOF is issued by members of the CPG District Committee for Voden Region and by the people of Voden Region.

1945 - Law 543/45 is passed by Greek legislature against the organization NOF, AFZH and NOMS. I.e. “Against NOF and all persons working for the secession of Greek territories.”

1945 - Macedonian homes looted, people abused, women raped by Greek murderous bands and by the Greek National Guard. In the summer of 1945 a band of well known occupier collaborators from Drama Region appeared in Lerin Region. Lead by the murderous Andon Chaush the band of nationalists took control of entire villages and sealed the doors of the Macedonian homes with wax so no one could get in or out. Macedonians were placed under house arrest overnight for at least 12 hours without an explanation. No one dared break the seal for fear of what might happen to them. Members of the National Guard roamed the streets during the nights and broke into the houses of those jailed and abused and raped their wives and daughters. In the village Setina, National Guardsmen raped the young wives of two brothers. Another young woman was then taken to the barracks and repeatedly raped overnight. The next morning she was taken and surrendered to her relatives, half dead. One particular woman from the village of Petoratsi was targeted, because of her activities in the United Panhellenic Organization of Youth, and raped.

1945 – July. English and Greek soldiers raided the village Tsrna Reka in Gumenidzhe Region. While searching the mountains looking for partisans, the soldiers came across four villagers, Mino Chatkov, Risto Zharov, Giorgi Durchov and Ivan Popov, who at the time were carrying wooden beams back to the village on their ox-cart. The soldiers arrested the men, took them to the village and locked them up in one of the village taverns where they subjected them to terrible torture. After causing some havoc in the village the soldiers took the prisoners and left for Gumendzhe.

1945 - July 1. Andreas Papadopoulos’s band of nationalists attacked the village Breshtani, summoned all residents and began to indiscriminately beat them. Many, including three women, fell unconscious from the beatings. Lazar Panduli’s wife was purposely undressed in public and while bare naked was raped by 4 of the bandits. Afterwards they carried her off and locked her in a room until they found a donkey and then as she rode the donkey she was paraded through the village and further humiliated. When she was returned to lockup, the man responsible for guarding her felt sorry for her and let her escape.