Front Matter - Part 05

One of many such examples is the FK Hajduk Prilep affair. FK Hajduk Prilep was an organization that Metodija formed and financed. Before the end of 1949 the regime, with a number of like-minded supporters, joined the organization and in Metodija’s absence, called for a hasty assembly, elected a new leadership and called for a complete break with Metodija.

In the memories of the people of Prilep lived the August 2nd Ilinden picnic held at Shatorov Kamen, which, even though it was under surveillance, the organizers always managed to fully accomplish their aims. On that day, by the old tradition, all people named “Ilija” went there to celebrate their name day. Metodija was there to celebrate his son’s name and of course there were many others there who found other reasons to attend. When enough people arrived, Kole Chasule called on Metodija to give a speech, during which, among other things, he said:

“No, we do not need to believe anyone from the other side because their promises are empty and they use them only for their personal interest. We need to fight for our rights and for our freedom alone, by ourselves. Look what Machek did. He promised federal regulation of Yugoslavia and national rights for the Macedonian people that never materialized. Where is Machek now (Vice-President in the Tsvekovikj Government)? Why will he not allow the same volunteers that he supported in sending to the Spanish revolution, return from France? When they left to fight on the fronts he supported them. That’s because he was in opposition then, now that he is in power he does not support them. Our way is the Ilinden way. Long live Ilinden, long live a free Macedonia…”

As soon as Metodija returned to Prilep from Shatorov Kamen the people who attended the picnic descended upon the city and formed an organized column of demonstrators, later joined by more demonstrators. When they arrived at the promenade they listened to a speech given by Borka Taleski. Then continuing on through the city they passed by the Monopoly and shouted out slogans like “Down with the King and the dynasty” and “Long live free Macedonia…” The final speech was given in Trizla by Kuzman Josifovski before the gendarmes and the army arrived and attacked the unarmed demonstrators.

Metodija managed to slip through the crowd and reach his home but the police were not too far behind. When they knocked on the door, Metodija’s sick, old mother told them that she was too sick to come to the door and was unable to open it for them. But the police knew they had Metodija in their hands, so they watched his house all night.

The next morning when Metodija stepped outside he was captured and, together with Borka Taleski, Trajko Tartsan, Kole Chashule and Kotse Kjurchia, was jailed and remained behind bars for weeks. Metodija was only allowed to leave jail the day his mother died. Accompanied by gendarmes he was allowed to visit his mother for the last time before she passed on.

The agitated police spy ring kept a night vigil, meticulously compiling reports about the day’s “unpleasant events”. The next day, on August 3rd, 1940, the Prilep Region authorities recorded the previous day’s activities in a confidential document, describing in detail everything that took place during the Ilinden gathering, including the criticisms leveled against the government by the organizers. Among other things they also warned the government that there were calls for the people to oppose the regime and to avoid enlisting in the army.

The shortest straws were drawn by Talevski, Kurchija, Tartsan and Metodija, who were accused of having broken various laws including violating the law of public safety and order. So for being a danger to society they were imprisoned at the Ada Tsiganlija Prison and at the beginning of September they were surrendered to the local

investigative judge. Four weeks later they were transferred to the Velika Kikinda Prison where they remained until the end of November 1940.

After that they left for home but it was a bitter experience for Metodija, being paraded by the gendarmes, tied in chains, bayonets pointed at him in front of the people and in front of his family, being brought to the railway station to be sent to prison in Serbia…

But in spite of removing the so-called “troublemakers” from the streets, the headaches the authorities suffered in the region not only continued but in time escalated. Headaches provoked by disobedient “nationalists” who “misled” the people to not even want to speak the Serbian language, an act which a police report called “one of the greatest evils”.

The Macedonian intelligentsia, young working shop owners, students, etc., at every opportunity instead of speaking Serbian in public places, spoke the Macedonian language. This was particularly characteristic where the anti-regime movement was strong and had greater influence.

Metodija at that time, even though he had a family with four children from 18 months to 8 years old, was active with his friends in initiating and directing open attacks and violence against the regime and exhibiting intolerance towards the ruling elite.

On December 8th, 1940 the National High School in Prilep was full of people. At that time about 200 parents were invited for a very serious discussion, a discussion which turned out to be orders and threats, ordering parents of the children attending that school to forbid their children to speak the Macedonian language anywhere, not even at home. On top of that, no one in the audience, not even the parents, was allowed to speak in their defence.

But even with the hard days at Ada Tsigalija and Velika Kikinda prisons fresh in his mind, Metodija could not just sit there and let this injustice pass without a challenge. So he jumped into the fire with both feet and was ready to be engaged in new battles. He

accepted a nomination from Joska Jordanovski of the Local Committee to participate in the affairs of the Gymnasium.

The scandal in the Prilep high school was, without precedence at the time, a typical example of the tough and relentless stand people took to uphold their ideals and beliefs and without much care for the revenge, cruelty and torture the authorities would inflict on them.

Metodija Andonov Chento died on July 24, 1957.

By Fidanka Tanaskova, translated and edited by Risto Stefov

Delchev - Gotse Delchev (1872-1903)

Gotse Delchev, the son of Macedonian patriots Nikola and Sultana Delchev, was born on February 4th, 1872 in Kukush, a town 35 km north of Solun. His parents had been instrumental in raising rebellions directed against the Patriarchate and had been active in the Razlog and Kresna uprisings in 1878.

Gotse completed his elementary education in Kukush, then attended high school in Solun where he studied literature and social studies. He then entered the Sofia Military Academy in July 1891 where he furthered his knowledge in military and scientific discipline. He was expelled from the Academy for his social tendencies and returned to Macedonia in 1894.

He was always keen to learn and kept up with Macedonian national affairs. He played an active role in the political clubs of Solun and Sofia and kept in close contact with others like himself, especially the socialists. They greatly contributed to Gotse's involvement in IMRO and helped shape the course of the Macedonian national liberation movement. The years 1894 to 1903 represented the final revolutionary stage of Gotse’s short life. His career as a teacher took him to Novo Selo (near Shtip) and Bansko from 1894 to 1896. Later he became involved with the revolutionary cause, preparing the Macedonian people for the armed uprising. While teaching in Novo Selo he met Damian Gruev the leader of the IMRO central committee. The two men shared similar ideals and became close

friends. In 1895 Gruev convinced Delchev to join IMRO. It wasn’t too long afterwards that Delchev became IMRO’s undisputed leader. Gotse was a realist as well as an idealist who loved people, hated tyranny and saw the world as a place of many cultures living together in peace. The international and cosmopolitan views of Delchev were far ahead of his time and could be summarized in his proverbial sentence: "I understand the world solely as a field for cultural competition among nations".

As a realist Gotse knew that in order for a revolution to be successful it had to be a “moral revolution” of the mind, heart and soul of an enslaved people. They needed to feel like people with rights and freedoms, not like slaves. With that in mind Gotse set out to build a revolutionary conscience in the Macedonian population, thus setting the revolutionary wheels in motion.

The inclusion of rural areas into the organizational districts contributed to the expansion of the organization and the increase in its membership, while providing the essential prerequisites for the formation of the military power of the organization, and had Gotse Delchev as its military advisor.

The primary question regarding the timing of the uprising in Macedonia implicated an apparent discordance among the representatives at the Solun Conference in 1903, with Delchev opposing the uprising as premature. Since then he tried to oppose an early uprising. He met with Gruev in Solun and convinced him to delay at least long enough to get organized and prepare for it. He would have had a chance to speak to the entire leadership during the Smilevo Conference, scheduled to start on May 3rd, 1903, but he never made it.

Delchev was killed on May 4, 1903 near the village Banitsa, Seres Region in a skirmish with Turkish forces. Delchev's remains were transferred to Bulgaria in 1923. Then, after the Second World War, on October 10th, 1946, they were transferred to the People's Republic of Macedonia. The following day they were enshrined in a marble sarcophagus, which to this day is displayed in the yard of the Sveti Spas (Holy Savior) Church in Skopje.

Delchev will be remembered as the undisputed leader, strategist, ideologue and diplomat of the original IMRO. He was a man who almost single-handedly sowed the seeds of resistance amongst the Macedonian peasantry, through foresight, popularity, tactical skill and enormous enthusiasm.

References: Pages 35-37, Macedonian Almanac, 1972. Pages 4-6, Macedonian Magazine, # 421, May 1998. Pages 269-270, Michael Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question.

Georgievski - Petre Georgievski (1923-1947)

Petre Georgievski was born in village Oshchima in 1923. In 1928 Petre’s father left Oshchima for Australia to seek work as a pechalbar and never returned. Petre, the eldest of three brothers, was five years old at the time and was left in the care of his mother and grandmother. After finishing grade six in public school, Petre assumed responsibility for managing the household and farm. His family was poor and on many occasions Petre had to seek work outside the home to make ends meet. Prior to the occupation (before 1941), Petre took on odd jobs including road construction work. During the occupation he regularly traveled in and out of Albania, purchasing and selling fabrics.

Petre was a bright young man and did not agree with the injustices of the Greek Fascist regime; especially the inequalities created between Macedonians and Greeks. It was no surprise that he and a friend, Lazo, were the first from Oshchima to sign up with the Partisans. The promise of equal rights inspired the duo to take a trip to Malimadi to make contact with the Partisans. Unfortunately soon after their trip, Lazo had a severe attack of appendicitis, which ended his life. Petre went on to join the political wing of the workers revolution and worked hard to fight exploitation. During the occupation Petre joined the antifascist uprising and organized the collection of arms and ammunition and recruited members for his organization. During the spring of 1943, in the Lerin and Prespa Regions, when the first Partisans began to organize Petre was one of the first to volunteer his services.

During the conflict Petre proved himself to be brave and decisive. He was an excellent organized and able leader, both politically and militarily.

During one of his missions Petre was severely wounded but was lucky to escape with his life. A mortar hit the barrel of his rifle and exploded on contact. The rifle was completely obliterated and he received severe burns to his hand and a gushing wound through his throat. He was taken to a hospital in Yugoslavia where, after several surgeries, he recovered.

By 1945 Petre was back on his native soil and ready to fight for what he believed. During the Greek Civil War he was one of the first to enlist and became one of the first organizers in the region. He became a member of the Peoples Freedom Fighters and joined the Presidency of the Youth Organization for the Lerin Region. He was well liked by all Oshchimians and moved freely in and out of his home, even in daylight, without any fear of being betrayed.

Unfortunately this fearless, battle hardened fighter and volunteer took too many risks during his missions and one day he fell prey to the enemy. After blowing up several trucks on the railroad connecting Lerin to Solun and successfully completing his mission, Petre ran into enemy fire. During the skirmish Petre was severely wounded. With both legs broken he lay immobilized awaiting his fate. When the enemy approached he agreed to surrender but the enemy’s enthusiasm was cut short when he pulled out his Thompson, cutting them to pieces. He then shot himself.

Near the village of Tserevo on March 23rd, 1947, to avoid capture, Petre took his own life and became the first Oshchimian of the Greek Civil War to die for Macedonia. Even in death his enemies did not let him rest. The Monarchist Fascists took him to Surovich and hung his body in the City Square, in full view as a reminder of what would happen to Macedonians who dared stand up and fight for their rights. With heavy hearts the people of Surovich paid Petre their last respects.

Reference: Page 22, Macedonian Magazine, # 265, May 1975.

Ginova - Mirka Ginova (1916-1946)

Mirka was the most outstanding Macedonian woman freedom fighter, organizer and leader of the Greek Civil War. She was a teacher and an outstanding fighter for national, political and cultural equality of the Macedonian people. She was the first woman to become a victim of Greek monarcho-fascism in Greece.

Mirka was born in 1916 in the village Rusilovo, Voden Region. She was not even two years old when she lost her mother to influenza.

After finishing elementary school in Katranitsa she applied to the school of home economics in the city of Voden but was not accepted. Failing that, she enrolled at a similar school in Lerin and was accepted. Later she went to Kostur and graduated as a schoolteacher. Although she enjoyed learning, Mirka’s experience in school was not very pleasant.

After graduation and placing numerous applications, Mirka was unable to get a teaching job for the next six years. The reason: she was Macedonian.

Given her revolutionary family background, the Greek authorities found it very dangerous to have her as a teacher in any of the Macedonian speaking villages. Fortunately, just before the start of WW II, Mirka was finally given a teaching job in the village Kutugeri, in Voden region.

Later Mirka found a teaching job in the Macedonian-speaking village Vlkojanevo, in Voden Region. In view of the outbreak of the Greek-Italian War and later the German invasion, she felt compelled to return to her own village and together with her neighbours she joined the underground movement against the occupation.

In the spring of 1943 Mirka joined the newly-formed youth organization EPON (National All-Greek Youth Organization) and became a committee member in the organization. Soon afterwards her talks of patriotism caused her popularity to rise not only among the Macedonian youth but also in the entire general public in Ostrovo region.

During the summer of 1943, Mirka joined the CPG (Communist Party of Greece) and EAM (National Liberation Front) and began campaigning against the German-Bulgarian occupation and organized resistance movements in the Macedonian villages of Ostrovo Region.

Around the end of 1943 Mirka came into contact with the Macedonian Partisans, in the now Republic of Macedonia, who during that time were stationed in the mountains Kozhuf and Kajmakchalan.

With the formation of the Voden Macedonian Battalion in the summer of 1944, within the ranks of ELAS (National Peoples Liberation Army) Mirka worked very hard as a recruiter of young Macedonians. She was very patriotic, charismatic and a big influence on the Macedonian people. As a result of her efforts many joined the Voden Battalion in Kajmakchalan.

During the battle of Muaren-An, at village Ostrovo near Voden, on August 2nd, 1944, when the Partisans attacked a German compound filled with troops and munitions, Mirka, with a rifle in hand, was at the forefront fighting the enemy face to face.

After Germany’s fall and the capitulation to ELAS, according to the Varkiza Agreement, Mirka did not surrender her arms. She went to the Macedonian people and continued the war against the new reactionary Greek government which, with greater fanaticism continued to terrorize and murder the Macedonian population.

In March 1945 Mirka, through Vangel Shamardanov-Ilindenski, came into contact with the leadership of TOMO (Secret Macedonian Liberation Organization) the newly formed Macedonian organization in Voden and became a valuable and active member. TOMO was created to defend the Macedonian people against acts of aggression from the Greek Monarchists and their nationalistic henchmen.

On July 20th, 1945 in the Tupchesto Region, between the villages Krontselovo and Vlkojanevo near the city of Voden, TOMO held a

regional conference. Among other things, the work in progress with regards to TOMO’s districts was reviewed and a decision was made to change TOMO’s name to NOF (Peoples Liberation Front) for the Voden Region.

During the same conference a new ruling body was elected and sworn in to run the newly formed NOF for Voden Region. The new ruling body members consisted of: Vangel Ajanovski-Oche political secretary, Vangel Shamardanov-Ilindenski organizational secretary, Risto Kordalov in charge of military matters and of the Partisan detachment of NOF; Petre Popov in charge of propaganda and campaigning; Risto Bukavalov, in charge of financial matters; Tashko Hadzhijanev leader of the youth movement and Mirka Ginova in charge of the women’s movement.

From this moment on Mirka worked even harder and together with her associates formed two new NOF associated organizations, the NOMS (Peoples Liberation Youth Alliance) and the AFZ (Women’s Antifascist Front) for Voden Region.

Mirka, besides being a devout patriot, was also a charismatic leader and knew how to arouse people’s emotions. She quickly became very popular with the youth and with all the Macedonian people with whom she came into contact. In no time she became the most famous fighter in Voden Region.

NOF for Voden Region soon began its actions against the Greek Monarchists who terrorized the Macedonian population in the region. Its armed wing, remnants of ELAS fighters, first attacked the Monarchist gendarmes in the villages Lukovets, Pozharsko and Sarakinovo. Then they attacked the Greek army watchtowers in Jankulovi kolidi, Kajmakchalan and in the village Gorno Rodivo. They also liquidated a number of traitors who collaborated with the Greek police.

Mirka Ginova, member of the district committee of NOF and secretary of AFZ for Voden Region, was by now deeply involved with organizing serious resistance against the Monarchists and former supporters of the Fascist occupiers. That is why the Greek police and gendarmes pursued her with all their strength.

A series of event started taking place which eventually led to Mirka’s demise. The first was on June 28, 1946 when two NOF couriers Vangel Goglev-Bezandako and Tashko Bobev, going from the village Vlkojanevo to the village Krontselovo unexpectedly ran into a Greek patrol and had a skirmish. The encounter tipped off the Greek army that there might be a Partisan presence in the region around the village Vlkojanevo.

A little later the same soldiers grabbed a couple of goat herders from Vlkojanevo and under extreme duress forced them to reveal the position of the NOF detachment in the Pochep woodlands. Fortunately the NOF contact Vani Barev from Vlkojanevo got wind of the situation and was able to warn the NOF fighters, avoiding the ambush.

On July 30, Risto Kormanov (commander of the NOF detachment for Voden region) and Captain Adamidis Filotas-Katsonis (commander of the CPG Partisan detachment in the Voden region), received orders to go to Mount Karakamen to retrieve arms and ammunition from the warehouse under the command of Captain Hristos Palamas-Mavros.

On July 4, 1946 Dimitar Limbov, Tashko Sapundzhiev-Kuliman and Vangel Goglev-Bezandako were ordered by Risto Bukovalov-Zhikov to go to Dupen-Most, located between Vladovo and the city of Voden, to liquidate the informants Giorgi Panchev and Giorgi Bapka-Daskalot who were expected to arrive in Voden from the village Vladovo.

Unfortunately they didn’t follow orders on the belief that Dimitar Limbov could resolve the situation without killings. Mr. Limbov, who was also from the village Vladovo, was confident that he could stop the informants from informing and would in fact convince them to join the Partisans. So the informants were allowed to enter Voden unabated. Unfortunately, Dimitar was very wrong and as future events would show, his mistake would have consequences for the Partisans.

The same day a group of fighters, under Risto Kordalov and Captain Katsonis’s command, after finishing their duty on Mount Karakamen, returned to Voden and camped at Kusa and Dolga Livada.

The following day Risto Kordalov wrote a letter to Risto Bukovalov-Zhikov, asking him to take his troops to a pre-designated place. He arrived at base camp around midnight.

Earlier the same day the leaders of NOF, among them, Mirka Ginova, Giorgi Atanasov-Blazhe, Vangel Shamardanov-Ilindenski, Lazo Kamdzhev and others arrived.

The political leaders of CPG, Georgios Mustakides-Aleko who was responsible for the ELAS reservists in Voden during the German occupation; his wife Hrisula a member of the regional committee of CPG for Meglen region; another person named Tarzan from the village Orizartsi and the Nun-Nurse Irina from Voden, had also arrived.

The purpose of this gathering was to get the NOF leadership together with their Greek associates to discuss organizational issues as well as examine options for opening a Partisan hospital on Mount Kajmakdzhalan.

By now a whole week had passed since the initial discovery of the Partisan base camp by the Monarchists on June 28th. Unfortunately none of the fighters or the leadership of NOF or CPG was aware that they had been discovered.

On the morning of July 6th around 8:00 AM, courier Giorgi Mitrev-Gunush, from the village Pochep, arrived panting and soaked in sweat. With great difficulty he made it through an approaching group which he believed were enemy soldiers. They were coming from the village Dragomantsi and were advancing towards the Pochepska wooded area. At rough count he estimated there were about 600 of them and they were well armed.

The leaders of both organizations immediately reacted and began to analyze the situation. They should have taken defensive measures

sooner, however they had no confirmation that the approaching group was indeed the enemy. For example none of the villages, Vlkojanevo, Teovo, Lukovets, or Krontsevelo, in the immediate vicinity had reported enemy activity in the area. The conclusion was that the Group must have been local riflemen known to frequent the area. They did however take precautionary measures just in case.

The fighters decided to move out and retire at Staro Vlkojanevo. Defense of the headquarters was relegated to headquarters. Risto Kordalov and his group of fighters were made responsible for the defense of the NOF and CPG delegates.

Unfortunately before any of these plans could be put into action, the enemy arrived within firing range. The fighters immediately opened fire and proceeded with the evacuation.

Among the 60 or so armed Partisans there were another 30 political leaders, NOF administrators, Communists from the city Voden and some new recruits who had not yet been armed.

The battle was intense. After a three hour bloody firefight the enemy made headway and squeezed some of the Partisan fighters out. Due to the intense firefight, ten Partisans had to abandon their position and flee. The enemy took advantage of the situation and rushed the camp. During this critical time, while attempting to escape, a judgment error was made. Whoever was leading the NOF and CPG delegates to safety took a wrong turn and ended up face to face with the enemy.

When Captain Katsonis with his group met up with Risto Bukavalov and his group they realized that the camp was left unguarded and there was a high risk that the enemy would capture some of the delegates. They decided to return and set up position around the hills of Kusa and Dolga Livada in wait. Unfortunately the enemy did not return that way so they eventually left.

Before dawn Bukavalov and Katsonis sent Toli, one of their fighters, to the village Vlkojanevo to find out what the villagers knew. The moment he returned he gave them tragic news. Mirka Ginova, Tome Mihailov from the village Gugovo, regional activist

of NOF, Dimitar Limbov from the village Vladovo, activist of NOF, Giorgi Proiov from Voden, activist of NOF, Petre Popdimitrov-Direkot from Voden, activist of NOF, Risto Stojanov from the village Karasinantsi, Gumenchisko Region, activist in CPG in Voden Region, his wife Hrisula, member of the regional committee of CPG for Meglen Region and Irina, the Nun-nurse from Voden had all been captured.

As soon as it became dark, Bukavalov and Katsonis, along with about 20 fighters, left and traveled overnight to Kronchelsko. They spent the day hiding in Momin Grob and during the evening they left for Bunarot, the main NOF base in Rodivsko place. When they arrived they met Risto Kordalov, Vangel Shamardanov-Ilindenski, Giorgi Atanasov-Blazhe, Lazo Kamchev and about 20 other fighters who had succeeded in penetrating the enemy ring and had escaped.

According to eyewitness accounts the group, consisting of NOF and CPG delegates, was led by Mirka Ginova and Georgios Mustakidis during the final moments before their capture. Before entering Kusa and Dolga Livada it seems that instead of taking the path towards the NOF detachment they took an entirely different path. Obviously whoever led them did not know the terrain well so instead of escaping the ambush they literally fell into enemy hands. Mirka was the only one in the group that was armed and only with a handgun. She held off the enemy as much as she could but when all her rounds were gone the enemy subdued them in hand to hand combat. Enemy soldiers immediately began to abuse and beat their captives, treating Mirka the worst.

A little later the prisoners were transferred to lockup in the Vlkojanevo Monastery just above the village Vlkojanevo. The moment they were locked-up the Monarchists began interrogations to uncover the captives’ identities.

They suspected that one of the females they captured was the infamous Irini Gini (Mirka Ginova) but they needed verification. Since no one would confess, even after extreme torture, the Monarchists brought in some of Mirka’s former co-workers to point her out. They did the same for the other captives.

After establishing their identities the prisoners were brutally tortured for days. They were beaten with rifle-butts, punched and had their hair pulled. The Greek Monarchists endeavored to break the prisoners’ spirits and then paraded them through the streets of Voden. They wanted the people to see them for the wretches they were. The people however did not see them that way. Instead they saw the Monarchists for the monsters that they were and could hardly contain their hate for them.

The parades unfortunately were only the beginning of the indignities Mirka and the others would suffer before they were put to death.

Mirka was hated the most and as a result suffered the most. According to eyewitness accounts, Mirka was taken outside of Vodev several times and tortured. In Giavaliochitsa she was buried underground alive and shot several times in the forehead with blanks. For three days and nights a motorcycle was left idling under her window to mask her screams while they shoved needles under her fingernails, tightened a metal band around her head and placed boiling hot eggs under her armpits. But nothing could break Mirka and in the end she was as hard as granite.

A few days later, on July 23rd, 1946, the prisoners were transferred to Enidzhe Vardar, where they were tried by a military tribunal and sentenced to death in accordance with law 509. They were accused of being traitors, of having autonomist and separatist desires and of committing treasonous acts against the state. They particularly wanted to ruin Mirka Gineva’s good name and reputation.

During the trial, which was held at the first elementary school in Enidzhe Vardar behind closed doors, the Monarchists made every effort to paint NOF and the Macedonian freedom movement in Aegean Macedonia as nothing more than an autonomous movement aspiring to partition Aegean Macedonia from Greece.

No one besides military types and gendarmes were allowed to enter the court during the trial but some accounts of the trial did manage to leak out. Mirka’s trial was unforgettable. Friend and foe alike admired her. She was fearless and spoke the truth. In response to the trumped-up charges, in part she replied “I am a leader of NOF.

During the occupation (German, Bulgarian and Italian) I fought against the Germans and the henchmen Kalchev and Dimchev and hit them with the same fanaticism as I fought against the German occupier. NOF is not a military but a political democratic organization fighting for equal rights for the Macedonians within the confines of the Greek State. We fight for freedom and democracy…”

Mirka Ginova and associates Tome Mihailov, Dimitar Limbov, Giorgi Proiov, Petre Popdimitrov-Direkot, Risto Stojanov and Georgios Mustakidis-Aleko were found guilty of all charges and condemned to death by execution. Hrisula and Irina were sentenced to hard labour and life imprisonment.

Three days after the verdict Mirka and her associates were taken to the Enidzhe Vardar cemetery and placed in front of a firing squad and shot. Mirka met her death singing the international hymn. This heroic act was even recognized by the enemy.

A report to headquarters of the regular army, among other things said, “The seven executed were in good spirits and refused blindfolds. The greatest bravery among them was shown by the teacher Irini Gini (Mirka Ginova) who sang the international hymn and called out slogans of freedom.”

Mirka’s trial received a great deal of publicity both inside and outside of Greece and inspired many young people to join the Partisans.

Associated press, on the same day of the execution, wrote the following: “26 July Solun. Early this morning the execution of Irini Gini and her six associates was carried out. A military court in Andes Vardar found them guilty. Gini is the first woman in Greece to be executed for political reasons”.

The most glittering testimony of Mirka’s heroic death however, came from an anonymous letter sent to her father by a military reporter from a Greek newspaper.

The letter in part said, “At six o’clock this morning, sadly, Irini lost her life. My respects for your daughter who faced her end with a smile on her face singing courageously to the astonishment of everyone present. She was amazingly heroic and showed no fear in the face of death. It was the same for the other six but mostly for her. I am not writing you to compliment your daughter but to tell you the truth as I witnessed it…”

Mirka Ginova gave her life for the freedom of Macedonia and the Macedonian people. She suffered immensely but died a hero, that is why in the hearts and minds of all Macedonians she will forever be remembered as a fighter and a legend.

References: Hristo Andonovski, Vistinata za Egejska Makedonia, Misla Skopje, 1971. Tashko Mamurovski, Svetli Likovi Od Egejska Makedonjia (1945-1949), Skopje, 1987. Makedonija Magazine, Number 519 VII 1996, Page 48.

Glavinov - Vasil Glavinov (1869-1929)

In 1893 Vasil Glavinov established the Macedonian Socialist Party amongst emigrants in Sofia. He had been influenced by Blagoev's "What is socialism and is there any basis for it in our country?" and was drawn into progressive circles at an early stage. His followers, including Nikola Karev, spread socialist literature throughout the Balkans, most notably in the form of newspapers such as Political Freedom, in 1898, and Socialist Dawn in 1903 to 1908.

Glavinov was active in workers' organizations within Macedonia, predominantly in the Veles Region, and maintained a close relationship with the leftward trends of the Organization (IMRO).

“It is clear that the revolution and the realization of the Balkan federation can only be accomplished by a proletariat that is conscious and powerful, and by a revolutionary social democratic party. That’s why solving the task of the Balkan federation will only be possible when the proletariat of all the Balkan states organizes itself separately from the bourgeois and petit-bourgeois parties, into

an independent class organization, imbued with the teachings of its class, and with a socialist spirit.” Vasil Glavinov (1869-1929)

Reference: Page 271, Michael Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question.

Gligorov - Kiro Gligorov (1917-2012)

Kiro Gligorov was born on May 3, 1917, in Shtip, Kingdom of Serbia (then controlled by Kingdom of Bulgaria) and died on January 1, 2012 (aged 94) in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia. He was a Macedonian and belonged to the political party Socijal Demokratski Sojuz na Makedonija (SDSM). He was an Atheist.

Kiro Gligorov was the first President of the Republic of Macedonia, serving from 1991 to 1999. He held various high positions in the political establishment of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, including as Secretary of State for Finance in the Federal Executive Council, a member of the Yugoslav Presidency, as well as President of the Assembly of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from May 15, 1974 to May 15, 1978.

Gligorov graduated from the University of Belgrade's Law School and was a participant in the National Liberation War of the ethnic Macedonians from 1941 as a secretary of the Initiative committee for the organization of the Antifascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) and a finance commissioner in the Presidium of ASNOM.

After achieving parliamentary democracy in the Republic of Macedonia in 1990, he became the first democratically elected president of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia on January 27, 1991. On April 16, 1991, the parliament adopted the constitutional amendment for removing the "Socialist" adjective from the official name of the country, and on June 7 the same year, the new name Republic of Macedonia was officially established, hence Gligorov continued his presidency as the President of the Republic of Macedonia.

He served for two terms, from January 27, 1991, to November 19, 1999. He was re-elected for his second term in office on November 19, 1994. He led his country to independence proclaimed after the referendum held on September 8, 1991, and tried to keep it out of the Yugoslav wars, a task made difficult by disputes with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Albania, Bulgaria and Greece who all faced separate issues with the Republic of Macedonia.

On October 3, 1995, Gligorov became a target of a car bomb assassination attempt in Skopje. While en route from his residence to his office, the vehicle carrying Gligorov was blown up by an explosion from a parked vehicle, killing his driver and injuring several passers-by. Gligorov was seriously injured above his right eye and was immediately conveyed to the hospital.

Since the incident there have been no suspects brought to book and no progress has been made in the investigation of the case. However, there have been short-lived speculations as to who could be the culprits. Shortly after bombing, the Minister of Internal Affairs Ljubomir Frchkovski publicly claimed that “a powerful multinational company from a neighbouring country” was behind the assassination attempt, with the Macedonian media pointing at the Bulgarian Multigroup and the Yugoslav KOS as possible suspects. During a meeting between Multigroup head Iliya Pavlov and Gligorov in Ohrid, Pavlov assured Gligorov that his organization was not involved. All investigations were futile.

Gligorov was incapacitated until November 17, 1995. He was permanently blind in one eye as a result. Stojan Andov was acting president during Gligorov's recuperation.

Gligorov died in the early hours of January 1, 2012, in his sleep. It is known that his request was that the funeral be private with only his closest family in attendance. He was buried in Butel Municipality, Skopje.

Kiro was the father of Vladimir Gligorov, a re-founder of the Serbian Democratic Party.