GIORGI (DZHODZHO) URDOV (1914-1947) - Part 01

GIORGI (DZHODZHO) URDOV (1914-1947)

Giorgi (Dzhodzho) Urdov was one of the most prominent Macedonian fighters and revolutionaries who dedicated his entire life to the struggle and fought for the national and social liberation of the Macedonian people. He was born to a poor, working class family in 1914 in Voden. Even though his father, Lazo, didn’t have the means to educate his children, he raised them to be honest and respected people. Thanks to his father’s efforts, Dzhodzho, as he was affectionately known, was different from his peers in his honesty, long-suffering virtue and diligence but also in his strictness towards those who showed despondency. Later these qualities manifested themselves in his revolutionary activities and struggle which made him stand out as a good organizer and a brave fighter.

As a child Dzhodzho was engaged in gardening but when he turned eighteen he got a job as a textile worker in Voden, his hometown. There he personally experienced the exploitation of the working class and decided to join the local textile workers’ trade union and, together with other members, began a struggle to improve the living conditions of the working class. 1

Giorgi Urdov joined the OKNE youth organization during the Metaxas dictatorship in Greece (August 4, 1936) and later joined the CPG. He fought against the totalitarian Greek government under the banner of OKNE and CPG under the strictest illegal conditions. 2

When Mussolini’s Italy invaded Greece (October 28, 1940) Dzhodzho, along with hundreds of other Macedonians, was mobilized into the Greek army and immediately sent to the Albanian front to fight the fascist aggressor. He took part in all the battles on Albania’s territory until April 1941, when Nazi Germany invaded Greece. Then, after Greece was occupied by the German army, Dzhodzho returned to his hometown.

1 This was according to Lambro Urdov’s memoirs. Lambro was his younger brother, one of the youth movement organizers in Voden Region and, since the autumn of 1943, the district secretary of EPON in Seres Region. 2 This was according to Vangel Aianovski-Oche’s memoirs “Critical Review of the development of the Worker, Communist and National Liberation Movement in Voden and Voden Region”. Memoirs, kept in INI, pp. 365-367. Dzhodzho was one of the first people in the city of Voden to join the anti-fascist movement in the summer of 1941. Then, in October of the same year, he was elected secretary of the CPG City Committee.3

Dzhodzho wasn’t shy about showing his fighting spirit, devotion and courage. He fought front and centre with his comrades and other citizens from the first days of the occupation and was a leading factor in the resistance movement.

Dzhodzho and his Voden comrades were instrumental in involving many of the Voden residents in the resistance movement in the spring of 1942. Instead of joining EAM, a Greek organization, the people of Voden saw a need to become involved in a special Macedonian anti-fascist organization and Dzhodzho and his comrades made it happen. Pressure on the Party (CPG) in that regard was growing.

According to Angel Gatsev’s memoirs, the Macedonian activists held a meeting at the end of March 1942 in Voden where they discussed the need to create a special Macedonian anti-fascist organization. 4 The situation, place and role of the Macedonian anti-fascist activities led by the CPG were also discussed. The meeting participants stressed the need to establish a special Macedonian anti-fascist organization, in which Macedonians would become involved and work with far greater enthusiasm than as members of EAM in which, for many reasons, they wouldn’t have much trust. If they didn’t join a Macedonian organization, chances were that these Macedonians would join the Bulgarian Vancho-Mihailovist fascist organization which, through its propaganda, accused them of allegedly working exclusively for the Greek national cause.

After agreeing that a special Macedonian anti-fascist organization needed to be created, the meeting participants, which included Vangel Aianovski, Angel Gatsev, Vane Akochkov, Risto Kordalov

3 Again according to Vangel Aianovski-Oche’s memoirs. 4 Angel Gatsev was a resident of Voden. He was an activist and member of MAO in Voden Region and a member of the EAM City Committee. Later he became a member of the Macedonians under Greece Political Commission. as well as CPG City Committee secretary Dzhodzho Urdov, unanimously agreed to urgently seek approval from the CPG District Committee for Voden Region to create the Macedonian organization, given the seriousness of the situation. It was very important that the request to form this special Macedonian anti-fascist organization be expedited so that a general mobilization of the Macedonian masses could be carried out by the Macedonians instead of the Bulgarians. A general mobilization was planned not only for the city but also for the entire Voden District. It was decided that this would be the best weapon to completely eliminate the Bulgarian fascist propaganda, which was skillfully used to manipulate the Macedonian people by telling them that they struggled for the Greek cause because they had no Macedonian organization that was expected to fight for their national and social rights.

And that’s exactly what happened. According to Vangel Aianovski-Oche, Dzhodzho Urdov, who was then serving as Organizational Secretary of the CPG District Committee for Voden District, on April 6, 1942, attended a CPG Regional Committee Meeting, held at teacher Vane Akochkov’s house where, after analyzing the general and organizational situation in the city and the district, he reported that anti-fascist organizations were growing at an unstoppable rate while focusing on the Macedonian situation. 5 Dzhodzho pointed out that even though Macedonians had much trust in the Communist Party, they couldn’t accept EAM as their organization because it had a strong Greek national character. He said that Macedonians would be more willing to join a Macedonian national anti-fascist organization if it had the same rights and obligations as EAM, and they wouldn’t mind if it was run by the CPG. 6 At the same meeting, Dzhodzho pointed out that harmful activities were being conducted against the Macedonians by various Greek nationalist and quisling organizations and by their propaganda. On top of that there were attempts made by the Bulgarian fascist propaganda machine to skillfully use the absence of a Macedonian anti-fascist organization to seduce the Macedonians to join the Bulgarians and to strike a blow to the brotherhood and unity forged between the Macedonian

5 Vangel Ajanovski-Oche, Aegean Storms. The Revolutionary Movement in Voden and NOF in Aegean Macedonia. INI, Skopje, 1975, p. 91. 6 This was according to Angel Gatsev and Vangel Aianovski-Oche’s memoirs... 11 population and the Asia Minor settler and colonist population that was settled on Macedonian lands in the Voden Region after the Lausanne Convention.

After presenting his arguments, supported by all the Macedonian cadres that attended the meeting, Dzhodzho convinced the CPG District Committee to establish a Macedonian organization, but its operations were limited to within Voden and the surrounding area. This was better than nothing and acceptable to the Macedonians who hurried to realize it as soon as possible.

Following the April 6, 1942 meeting, the Macedonian activists held another and more extensive meeting during which Dzhodzho informed everyone of the “good news”, namely that the CPG District Committee had accepted the proposal to form a special Macedonian organization with the right to publish its own newspaper. The organization was to be formed on the same principles as EAM with the same rights and obligations, and it was to be managed by the CPG.

The meeting attendants decided to name the organization “Macedonian Liberation Organization”, known by the abbreviation MAO (Makedoniki Apelefterotiki Organosis). In other words, because of some misunderstanding or inexperience, the acronym of this Macedonian organization was chosen in Greek. But, unlike the Organization’s Greek acronym, the newspaper called “Tsrvena Dzvezda” (Red Star) was purely Macedonian. The meeting attendants also decided to publish an informative bulletin to go with the newspaper, called “Novini Ut Tsrvenata Dzvezda” (Red Star Bulletin). In addition to covering current issues, the newspaper’s role was to deal with Macedonian history, while the Red Star bulletin dealt mainly with the latest events from the fronts and the partisan struggles in Europe and the Balkans, with special emphasis on political and other activities taking place in Greece. 7

According to claims made by Vangel Aianovski-Oche, a MAO District Committee was elected during the same meeting. Vangel Aianovski-Oche was elected political secretary and Angel Gatsev,

7 This was according to Angel Gatsev and Vangel Aianovski-Oche’s memoirs... 12 Vane Akochkov, Dine Papaiankov and Risto Kordalov were elected members. Shortly afterwards the MAO District Committee membership was expanded to include 11 members. 8

After MAO was created, its leadership began to publish the Red Star and its bulletin which soon attracted a growing number of Macedonians. The Macedonian people began to join the anti-fascist Macedonian organization, bringing joy to the MAO leadership. As CPG Organizational Secretary for Voden Region, Dzhodzho Urdov often attended meetings and stressed the need for an even greater Macedonian participation in the struggle against the foreign occupiers and their domestic servants.

As expected, even a larger number of Macedonians began to join MAO’s ranks, convinced that in this way they could best fulfill their national and international obligations.

MAO’s rapid growth and the Macedonian people’s involvement in the mass anti-fascist struggle in Voden Region seriously upset the Voden CPG District leadership and apparently the CPG senior leadership, prompting the CPG to disband MAO in the fall of 1943. The CPG’s explanation was that MAO allegedly had detrimental effects on the Asia Minor settler and colonist population which, because of MAO, refused to join EAM en masse. 9

MAO’s membership, the District Committee, as well as Dzhodzho Urdov himself accepted the CPG’s decision with much indignation. The Macedonian leadership warned the CPG that this kind of action would result in negative consequences for the struggle. They warned that the Macedonian people wouldn’t want to join the struggle because such CPG actions would raise doubts about the CPG’s sincere intentions regarding the Macedonian national question. As expected, Macedonian resentment towards the CPG increased and so did the people’s suspicions about the CPG’s real policy towards the Macedonian people. This was especially true when people found out that several Macedonians, led by Pando Dzhikata from the village Chegan, Voden Region, were liquidated without any serious explanation. It was found out that these Macedonians were

8 Vangel Ajanovski-Oche, Aegean storms... p. 92. 9 Ibid: p. 99. 13 liquidated because they maintained ties with the Macedonian partisans from the Republic of Macedonia, who belonged to the “Strasho Pindzhur” battalion and at that time frequented Mount Kaimakchalan. 10

Despite these warnings, the CPG leadership remained adamant. Having no other choice, the Macedonian leaders accepted the CPG’s decision and warned that this was going to lead to opposition and would split the joint Macedonian-Greek struggle in Voden District.11

Following the directives issued by the CPG Macedonian Bureau and the CPG Central Committee, the CPG Voden District leadership, during the winter of 1943-1944, after SNOF (Slavo-Macedonian National Liberation Front) was created in Lerin and Kostur Regions, no longer pursued resurrecting MAO in Voden, even though many Macedonians felt there was a need. However, pressure from the Macedonian people to bring back MAO never stopped. So, in order to placate the Macedonian people in Voden Region the CPG, during their Plenum, appointed Dzhodzho Urdov member of the CPG Provincial Committee for Aegean Macedonia. However, the appointment was only on paper, Dzhodzho in fact was never given the position and remained as CPG Organizational Secretary for Voden District. Knowing the true wishes of the Macedonian activists in Voden, the CPG decided to keep a close eye on them. The CPG was well aware that many of the Macedonians in Voden not only longed to belong to Macedonian organizations but also wanted to maintained contact with the Macedonian partisans from the Republic of Macedonia, including the activists in the CPM Central Committee, the National Liberation Army and POM, which at the time were frequenting Meglen and Voden Regions. The CPG didn’t want the Macedonians from Voden to have contact with any of the Macedonians from the Republic of Macedonia. Those who did, such as Dimitar Leskata from the village Chegan, Gele Popov

10 For more information on the murder of Pando Dzikata and his six comrades, see: Todor Simovski, “Moments from the Aegean Macedonian National Liberation Struggle”. Published under: “The Liberation War and the Revolution in Macedonia”. Published by MANU and INI, Skopje, 1973, pp. 224-225. 11 Vangel Aianovski-Oche, Aegean Storms ..., p. 98. 14 from the village Vladovo, Voden Region and others who ventured out of Voden in the summer of 1944 paid with their lives. 12

At the initiative of Wehrmacht, in May 1944, Vancho Mihailov’s Bulgarian fascist propaganda intensified and, with help from the Germans, succeeded in forming armed Macedonian quisling counter bands. They called themselves autonomous Macedonians and operated in Voden and in some of the surrounding villages. Using their propaganda machine, the Bulgarian fascists were able to seduce various Voden Region adventurers into working for them. They even managed to seduce some honest Macedonian villagers who also joined them. To strengthen these counter bands, adventurous elements from Bulgaria and other parts of the fascist world were brought to Voden. The Bulgarians also brought Macedonian autonomist Giorgi Dimchev from Bulgaria to lead the counter bands.

In time the CPG Voden District leadership found itself in a precarious and unprotected position. Its bad policies were well exploited by its enemies. Once formed, the counter bands were difficult to destroy. To completely eliminate them the CPG District leadership had to convince the counter bandits to leave the counter bands and join the Macedonian struggle. For that CPG Voden District leadership needed to create an all Macedonian anti-fascist army. The Macedonian army’s task would be to dismantle the counter bands and carry out a general mobilization. At the same time the Greeks in the District CPG leadership were worried that once created, the Macedonian army might decide to follow its own narrow Macedonian nationalist policies. But having no other choice the District CPG leadership decided to ask the CPG Macedonian Bureau if it could create such an army but only on a temporary basis. The army would be disbanded after it completed its task.

After the CPG Macedonian Bureau accepted to hear the CPG Voden District leadership’s recommendation, the Voden CPG District Committee scheduled an extended meeting to present its case under the emerging situation. The meeting took place on May 27, 1944, at the “Sveta Troitsa” (Holy Trinity) monastery just below Voden in

12 Todor Simovski, “Moments from the Aegean Macedonian National Liberation Struggle”... p. 235. 15 the L’got locality. Included among those who attended the meeting were the Macedonian cadres from Voden District. The meeting was chaired by Takis Papadopoulos (Barba Nikos), CPG Political Secretary who, after the discussion, given the general situation officially accepted the Macedonian request to create an all Macedonian army with its primary task to completely liquidate and eliminate the Macedonian counter bands. 13

It is interesting to note that the May 27, 1944 extended meeting and decision to create an anti-fascist army in Voden coincided with the time when the SNOF organizations in Kostur and Lerin Regions were banned. The banning of SNOF naturally upset many Macedonian activists and fighters in Kostur and Lerin Regions causing them to abandon the ranks of the CPG and ELAS and join the Macedonian partisans in the Republic of Macedonia. 14 Takis Papadopoulos (Barba Nikos) as well as Dzhodzho Urdov, who supported the need for a Macedonian army in Voden, said nothing about the banning of SNOF in Kostur and Lerin Regions. We suspect Takis Papadopoulos knew about it but not Dzhodzho Urdov, who simply wasn’t informed.

The Macedonian cadres who attended the meeting didn’t object to the recommendation to create a Macedonian army in Voden and thought it was the right thing to do. Even though it was long delayed, they accepted the task and showed readiness to do their best to eliminate the counter bands which, at the time, were seen as a black mark on the Macedonian struggle. But soon afterwards the same cadres began to realize more and more that something was

13 For more information see the letter written by Evrepidis Kapetanos, CPG Macedonian Bureau instructor, addressed to Alekos Stringos, CPG Macedonian Bureau Secretary. Here Evrepidis Kapetanos talks about the formation of the Macedonian Communist military organization in Voden. “CPG and the Macedonian national question 1918-1974”. “Party documents about Greece’s position towards the Macedonian National Question 1918-1974”. Selection, editing, commentary and translation by Dr. Risto Kiriazovski. Macedonian Archives, Skopje, 1982, doc. 71, pp. 195-197 and doc. 88, pp. 223-224. 14 For more information see “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War 1944-1945”, T. I. Documents on the participation of the Macedonian people from the Aegean part of Macedonia in the anti-fascist war 1941-1945. Edited by Risto Kiriazovski, Vasil Peiov and Todor Simovski. Macedonian Archives, Skopje 1971, doc. 105, pp. 118-119, doc. 106, pp. 119-121, doc. 107, pp. 121-122, doc. 112, pp. 126-128 and doc. 116, pp. 130-133. 16 wrong in the ranks of the CPG leadership which made concessions in favour of the Macedonian movement only when it was in a tight spot and when there was no other alternative solution.

In fact the idea of creating a Macedonian army was just a clever CPG maneuver to deceive the Macedonians and calm their spirits while the CPG’s basic strategic goal remained the same.

Despite the urgent need for such an army, and after much hesitation on the part of the CPG senior leadership, it was finally decided to create a special Macedonian army unit which was to be part of the XXX ELAS Regiment. 15

According to Pavle Rakovski who at the time served at the Voden District headquarters where the Macedonian battalion was created, the building of the army unit was initiated in mid-June (June 16, 1944) which received massive support from the Macedonians. But when Macedonian fighters began to join en masse, a limit was placed on its growth. Dzhodzho Urdov was appointed political commissar and as the army unit began to act, the Macedonian quisling counter bands began to disintegrate. 16

At the same time, Pavle Rakovski-Gotse, member of the Macedonian Battalion Headquarters, wrote a proclamation in the Macedonian language which also received a wide response from the Macedonian population. Among other things, the proclamation said:

“Brothers!

Please know that this struggle is not a struggle between Greeks and Bulgarians, between Bulgarians and Serbians, or restricted here to the Balkans. This is a general struggle between all the people fighting against the damned fascists. The same struggle is being

15 For more information on the ELAS Macedonian Voden Battalion see Tashko Mamurovski, “ELAS Voden Macedonian Battalion, Thirty-eight years since its formation”. INI Gazette, Skopje, 1981, XXV, No. 2-3, pp. 185 -197. 16 For more information on this see Pavle Rakovski, “Looking towards the Historical Truth”. Views (Magazine for Social Issues), Skopje, 1980, XVII, No. 8, pp. 171-172. Also see Pavle Rakovski “CPG, EAM, ELAS and the Macedonian National Liberation Movement”. (Contribution to the perception of the historical truth.) INI Gazette, Skopje, 1982, XXVI, No. 2-3, pp. 243-267. 17 waged all over the world. All nations together with the Red Army have risen to wage a life-and-death struggle against the tyrannical fascists. The people’s forces here in the Balkans fought to repel German and Italian fascism, but as the fascist hordes took root they armed the Greek and Bulgarian dogs, the likes of Kalchev, Dimchev and others, to seduce our children to follow them. They gathered several of our children and lied to them. They gave them weapons and turned them into scoundrels working for the German fascists...

...In the same way, the Greek fascists have also deceived our children to take up arms and fight for the fascists alongside the Greek gendarmes... Kalchev, Dimchev and the other deceivers are united with the Greek gendarmes under German fascism and are fighting not for Macedonia but for fascism against the Macedonian people’s army, against the Macedonian people!

...Children of Macedonia!

Forward in the ranks of the Macedonian People’s Army against the cursed tyrants, against the Greek fascists, against all fascists! ...Raise the rifles of our old fathers and become soldiers of the Macedonian people. We should have our own people’s army as a separate nation.

Forward! ...Rifle in the hand and forward!... ...Death to the fascists - freedom to the people! Long live the Macedonian name!...

Macedonian Army General Staff:

Dzhodzho, Blazhe, Gotse, Gushi, Sotir... 17 18

17 Dzhodzo - Giorgi Urdov, Blaze - Giorgi Atanasov from the village Prebdishte, Meglen Region, Gotse - Pavle Rakovski from the village Dolna Kleshtina, Lerin Region, Gushi - Giorgi Iakata from Voden and Sotir - activist from Solun. 18 See Hristo Andonovski, “Macedonians under Greece in the struggle against fascism (1940-1944)”. INI, Skopje, 1968, p. 179. See Pavle Rakovski, “In the deep night dawn is born” (memories, thoughts, knowledge). Skopje, 1976, pp. 29-30. Memoirs, kept in INI. 18 The proclamation received wide response in Meglen and Voden Regions. This is what Hristo Andonovski, an activist, wrote:

“...The first call to join the Macedonian battalion, outlining the goals of the anti-fascist struggle in the Macedonian language, was met with great response from the Meglen and Voden Region population... There is no memory in history of such a massive turnout as was the case with the Meglen Region villagers, especially from Baovo and Pozharsko. These two villages alone produced over one hundred armed fighters. They rushed to join with weapons in hand. The weapons, now relics, had been left behind by their grandfathers from a past era. They were hidden and preserved for such an occasion.” 19

The formation of the Macedonian battalion created quite a stir in the ranks of the so-called “Ohrana” organization. 20 The birth of the Macedonian battalion became worrisome to Giorgi Dimchev, commander of the Voden “Ohrana” formations. Worried about his own fate, Dimchev made inquiries on how to get in touch with ELAS Voden Macedonian Battalion headquarters. 21

A meeting was held in the village Teovo, Voden Region sometime in the first half of September 1944, where Giorgi Dimchev and Dzhodzo Urdov met to decide what to do next. 22

Dzhodzho proposed the following:

1. Dimchev to disband his “Ohrana” military formations;

2. “Ohrana’s” weapons to be handed over to the Macedonian battalion;

19 Hristo Andonovski, “Macedonians under Greece in the struggle against fascism (1940-1944)”..., p. 178. 20 “Ohrana” was a Bulgarian military organization created in Voden in May-June 1944 by Bulgarian agents and emissaries in order to attract misled Macedonians to join the service of the occupiers. 21 Hristo Andonovski, “Macedonians under Greece in the struggle against fascism (1940-1944)”..., p. 180. 22 See Dragan Kliakich, “General Markos”. Globus Edition, Zagreb, 1979, p. 74. Also see Pavle Rakovski, “In the deep of night dawn is born”..., pp. 33-34. 19 3. The Macedonian people seduced to join “Ohrana” be allowed to return to their homes or join the ranks of the Macedonian battalion;

4. Those in “Ohrana” who committed murders to be handed over to the people’s court for punishment. 23

Not seeing any guarantee for his own safety in Dzhodzho’s proposal, Dimchev had a counter-proposal. He proposed that his “Ohrana” units remain intact and armed with all their weapons while they join the Macedonian battalion. Dzhodzho Urdov didn’t accept his proposal.

There was no way the Voden Macedonian Battalion leadership or fighters would accept or allow intact “Ohrana” units to autonomously operate within ELAS. No agreement was reached. A little later, when the “Ohrana” fighters found out the reason why Dimche’s units didn’t join the Macedonian battalion, they voluntarily left Dimchev 24 and in groups joined the ranks of the Macedonian battalion. “Ohrana” was liquidated without firing a shot.

The Greek CPG and ELAS leaderships became deeply disturbed as more and more young Macedonians enlisted in the ranks of the Voden Macedonian Battalion. Faced with its growing popularity and explosive growth, the Greek leadership began to fear that the Macedonian Battalion would grow into a real armed Macedonian force. For that reason they decided to stop any further mobilization.

This, however, was nothing new. Kostur and Lerin Districts faced the same situation and for the same reasons the CPG and EAM leaderships disbanded the battalions. Also it was a precondition for entering George Papandreou’s coalition government. At the end of September 1944, the CPG Central Committee disbanded all Macedonian battalions. The official reason given for this, as explained by the Greek leadership, was to ease Greek concerns. The special Macedonian units apparently had allegedly awakened

23 Giorgi Dimchev, Doklad, 10.IX.1944 collection: “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War”, K. 1944, AE: 241/1. Hristo Andonovski, “The Truth about Aegean Macedonia”. Misla, Skopje, 1971, p. 13. 24 Dragan Kliakich, General Markos ..., p. 75. 20 “nationalism” and “separatism” in the ranks of the Macedonian people, which were detrimental to the common Greek-Macedonian struggle. 25

The explanation given for disbanding the battalions wasn’t believable and completely transparent. The Macedonian leaders knew that the CPG and ELAS Greek leaderships wanted to destroy the Macedonian army so, in order to avoid a clash, the Macedonians decided to withdraw from ELAS. A decision was made to leave ELAS altogether and around mid October 1944 the battalions crossed over into the Republic of Macedonia. 26 The Voden Battalion was led out by Battalion headquarters headed by Dzhodzho Urdov, its political commissar.

It would appear that the CPG didn’t want the battalions to leave. At least not the Voden battalion because in the afternoon of October 14, it sent Takis Papadopoulos, CPG District Committee Secretary for Voden District, and Iraklis Meletiadis (Kiriakos), CPG District Committee Secretary for Meglen District, to the village Vatasha in Kavadartsi Region, where the Voden Macedonian Battalion was temporarily stationed, to convince Dzhodzho Urdov to bring the battalion back. Dzhodzho Urdov, however, gave them a worthy answer and refused to listen to their advice. He also accused the CPG of leading narrow nationalistic and counter-revolutionary policies, especially with regards to the Macedonian national question.

The CPG Greek leadership’s pursuit to have the battalions returned didn’t end there. CPG leaders from Voden, as well as those who’d arrived from Kostur, decided to talk to the CPM Central Committee, to the National Liberation Army General Staff and to POM in Gorno Vranovtsi, emphasizing the need to have the Macedonian battalions returned. They also talked about other issues related to the Macedonian national question. But in the end, the Greeks accepted the suggestions offered by the CPM leaders as well as their opinions

25 Pavle Rakovski, “Towards perception of historical truth”..., p. 172. 26 Ibid. 21 and position on the Macedonian national question and returned empty-handed, without the battalions. 27

About a month later, a new brigade was created from the Macedonian fighters who had fled ELAS. The brigade was created on November 18, 1944, in Bitola just after that territory was liberated. It was named the First Strike Aegean Brigade. It enlisted the Macedonian battalion fighters and newly arrived fighters from the Aegean part of Macedonia. After it was created it engaged the occupier and domestic traitors until the Republic of Macedonia was completely liberated.

After the Macedonian battalions transferred to the Republic of Macedonia, there was a need to create a political body to support them. There was also a need to assume responsibility for developing a program and platform on how to continue the struggle under the new circumstances back in their own homeland, especially after the British intervened in Greece and after the Varkiza Agreement was signed. 28 While Greece was occupied by the British and under their domination the Greek political right organized and planned terror attacks against the entire Macedonian population with the intent to physically liquidate it or drive it out of Greece’s borders.

After the Macedonian political body “Political Commission of the Macedonians under Greece” was created to lead the struggle in

27 CPM Central Committee Archives, box 232, item no. 2 / 7-3 to 11-3. A photocopy of the document is with Todor Simovski, expert advisor at the Institute of National History - Skopje. Part of this document was also published in the INI Bulletin in an article written by Pavle Rakovski entitled: CPG, EAM, ELAS and the Macedonian National Liberation Movement, (Contribution “Towards perception of historical truth”). INI Bulletin, Skopje, 1982, XXVI, 2-3, pp. 265-266. 28 The Varkiza Agreement was signed on February 12, 1945, in Varkiza near Athens. The Agreement was signed between representatives of the Greek government and representatives of the CPG and EAM to end the Greek Civil War, which began on December 4, 1944 in Athens. With this Agreement, ELAS commenced the demobilization of its fighters and surrendered its weapons. But immediately after the Agreement was signed, the Greek government mobilized its police and gendarmerie forces and confronted the democratic movement in Greece. (See “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War 1944-1945”, T.I. doc. 200, pp. 298-301. 22 Greek occupied Macedonia, Dzhodzho Urdov was appointed Deputy Secretary. 29

ELAS was finally liquidated just after the armed conflict in Athens and the signing of the Varkiza Agreement. With ELAS out of the way the Greek reactionaries, with British help, became masters of the country usurping the government and imposing a terrorist regime. The reactionaries fought with all their might against the democratic movement and, above all, against the Macedonian people. Their aim was to physically exterminate the Macedonians, not only because of their national identity but also because they sided with the anti-fascist forces in Greece during the People’s Liberation Struggle during which they resolutely fought for their national and social rights. Day by day the terror against the Macedonian people intensified. After the reactionaries consolidated their power they began to harass, arrest, persecute, rape, rob and murder people. Living conditions became so difficult that something had to be done to save the Macedonian people. For that purpose, on April 23, 1945, i.e. before Hitler’s Germany capitulated, NOF for the Macedonians under Greece, a national liberation organization, was formed in which Dzhodzho Urdov was one of the leaders. NOF was purely a Macedonian organization.

From this moment on, Dzhodzho Urdov resumed his patriotic duty and became even more engaged in his revolutionary activities with zeal and devotion. He organized and coordinated the Macedonian people’s struggle against the Greek Monarcho-Fascists and Anglo-American imperialists. There is ample evidence of this from the numerous reports he sent at that time to the NOF Main Board leadership. 30

29 Hristo Andonovski, “Macedonians under Greece in the struggle against fascism (1940-1944)”..., p. 203. 30 See “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War, 1945”, Vol. II. Documents on the participation of the Macedonian people from the Aegean part of Macedonia in the Greek Civil War in 1945. Translated and edited by Risto Kiriazovski and Todor Simovski. Macedonian archives, Skopje , 1973, doc. 103, pp. 193-194, doc. 113, pp. 207-208, doc. 114, pp. 209-210, doc. 130, pp. 245-246, doc. 131, p. 247 , doc. 135, p. 258, doc. 201, p. 378. doc. 203, pp. 383-384, doc. 215, pp. 406-407 and doc. 241. pp. 462-464. “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War, 1946”, Volume III Documents on the participation of the Macedonian people from the Aegean part of Macedonia in the Greek Civil War in 23 In November 1946, the Macedonian NOF partisan units combined forces with the ELAS Greek partisan units. (A meeting was held on November 21, 1946, in the village Bapchor, Kostur Region, on Mount Vicho. The meeting was between NOF and CPG representatives who were given the task to implement a previously reached agreement to unify the Macedonian and Greek partisan groups and place the Macedonian partisans under DAG command for a joint struggle against the Greek Monarcho-Fascists. 31

The reason for combining Greek and Macedonian units was so that they could jointly carry out actions against their common enemy. And, as previously agreed, Dzhodzho Urdov was to be appointed member of DAG Headquarters for Southwest and Central Macedonia and representative of NOF at DAG Headquarters. (As previously agreed, Paskal Mitrevski, NOF Secretary for Aegean Macedonia, was co-opted into the CPG Bureau for Macedonia and Thrace Secretariat, Giorgi (Dzhodzho) Urdov was to be appointed member of the CPG Provincial Committee Plenum. 32 But as it turned out, the Agreement wasn’t implemented. Dzhodzho was appointed NOF Representative at the DAG Headquarters for Southwest and Central Aegean Macedonia. Mincho Fotev, former NOMS Secretary for Aegean Macedonia, was appointed member of the EPON (National Greek Youth Organization) Secretariat for Aegean Macedonia and Thrace.

Giorgi (Dzhodzho) Urdov was put in charge of DAG operations and growth until June 21, 1947, when in a fierce battle with the enemy in Pieria, Mount Olympus, he was surrounded and, so as not to fall alive into enemy hands, committed suicide. 33 34

1946. Translated and edited by Risto Kiriazovski and Todor Simovski. Macedonian archives, Skopje, 1976, doc. 91, pp. 216-217, doc. 155, pp. 353-354, doc. 164, p. 366 and doc. 179, pp. 395-396. 31 See November 21, 1946, DAG Headquarters “Vicho” Proclamation to the people and the Greek state armed forces in Lerin District. “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War, 1946”, Vol. III ..., doc. 189, pp. 418-419. 32 See AM, “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War 1945-1949” collection, AE: 445/1/46 33 According to Mincho Fotev’s unpublished work entitled “The National Liberation Front (NOF) development path for the Aegean part of Macedonia, pp. 40-42. 24 This is how the life of Giorgi (Dzhodzho) Urdov, a devoted Macedonian revolutionary, ended. His merits for the Macedonian national liberation movement were undoubtedly remarkable.

DAG General Staff posthumously promoted him to lieutenant colonel.

34 See statements made by Giorgi Petrichevski (Gogo) to the DAG General Staff political commissar about the CPG and DAG’s incorrect attitude towards NOF and the Macedonian people in Voden Region. “Aegean Macedonia in the National Liberation War, 1948”, T.V. Documents from the Macedonian people’s participation (from the Aegean part of Macedonia) in the Greek Civil War in 1948. Translated and edited by Dr. Risto Kiriazovski and Fani Butskova -Martinova. Macedonian Archives, Skopje, 1981, doc. 201, p. 385. 25 MIRKA GINOVA (1916-1946)

The Macedonian women occupy a prominent place in the long-standing Macedonian people’s struggles for national and social liberation. Women fought heroically side by side with the men and made many sacrifices for the freedom of their homeland.

Mirka Ginova is standing tall in the constellation of prominent Macedonian women fighters, organizers and leaders of NOF, the Macedonian liberation organization for Aegean Macedonia, who laid down their lives in the struggle for the Macedonian people’s national and social liberation. 35 Mirka Ginova was born to a Macedonian revolutionary family in 1916, in the village Rusilovo, Voden Region. 36 Mirka was left without a father at age two and was looked after by her mother until she died during a major flu epidemic. 37 After finishing primary school in the village Katranitsa, Voden Region, 38 Mirka still longed to learn so she enrolled in a practical school for advanced home economic studies in the town Voden, 39 and after graduating from there she moved to Lerin to continue her education at the local home economics school. Later she moved to Kostur where she finished her education to become a

35 Much has been written about the revolutionary activity of Mirka Ginova in the Macedonian press. But the most important articles published so far were written by Hristo Andonovski entitled “Irina Ginova - Mirka”, published by Voice of the Aegeans, Skopje, 1952, July 2, III, 24; “Mirka Ginova”, published by Nova Makedonija, Skopje, 1971, July 26-30, XXVII, 8804-8808, 16; “The Teacher from Rusilovo” (On the occasion of International Women’s Day), “Nova Makedonija”, Skopje, 1967, March 7, XXIII, 7323. Other articles included Vangel Aianovski-Oche’s “The Aegean Iovanka Orleanka” (Memories), Nova Makedonija, Skopje, 1970, August 5-9, XXVI, 8455-8459; “The heroic daughter of Aegean Macedonia” - Irina Ginova Mirka, Nova Makedonija, Skopje, 1951, October 11, VIII, 2124; “Our unforgettable Mirka”. 27 years since Mirka Ginova’s execution. According to Sofia Poptraianova-Kalpaka Spis’s memoirs, “Macedonia”, Skopje, 1973, July, XX, 243. 36 Mirka Ginova’s father, Kosta Ginov, was a participant in the Ilinden Uprising. See Hristo Andonovski, “Mirka Ginova”, 25 years since her death. “Nova Makedonija”, Skopje, July 26, 1971, p. 2. 37 Vangel Aianovski-Oche, “The Aegean Iovanka Orleanka.” “Nova Makedonija”, Skopje, 1970, August 5, p. 8. Vangel Aianovski-Oche was one of the NOF leaders in Voden District, Aegean Macedonia, who remembered Mirka Ginova’s life and struggle. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 26 teacher. 40 Mirka Ginova endured much difficulty during the years she attended school.

According to Hristo Andonovski 41 and to statements made by her fellow villagers, Mirka was unable to find employment for six years. The reason for that was because she was Macedonian. The Greek authorizes rarely ever employed Macedonian teachers in their school system in Macedonian villages, particularly in Voden Region where the people supposedly spoke “Bulgarian”.

According to Vangel Aianovski-Oche, Mirka Ginova got a job as a teacher in the village Kutugeri, Voden Region, just before World War II broke out. 42 The village Kutugeri is located in Voden Region and was inhabited by Christian Turkish settlers and colonists from Asia Minor deposited in Greek occupied Macedonia in the 1920’s. According to Hristo Andonovski however, Mirka Ginova was first appointed teacher in the village Vngeni, Voden Region. 43 But most likely Mirka worked in both Kutugeri and Vngeni at the same time because those villages are close to one another.

During the start of the occupation when fascist Italy and later on Hitler’s Germany 44 attacked Greece, Mirka Ginova was working as a teacher in the Macedonian village Vlkoianevo, Voden Region. 45 Because of the tense war situation she was forced to return home and, together with her villagers, immediately joined the People’s Liberation Movement against the occupiers.

After the youth organization EPON was created in the spring of 1943, Mirka joined the EPON Regional Committee. In her role she

40 Hristo Andonovski, “Mirka Ginova”, 25 years since her death. “Nova Makedonija”, Skopje, July 26, 1971, p. 2. 41 Hristo Andonovski, “The Teacher from Rusilovo”. On the occasion of International Women’s Day. “Nova Makedonija”, Skopje, 1967, March 7. 42 Vangel Aianovski-Oche, Aegean Iovanka Orleanka. Memories... August 6, p. 8. 43 Hristo Andonovski, Mirka Ginova 25 years since her death, Nova Makedonija, Skopje, July 26, 1971, p. 2. 44 September 6, 1941. 45 Vangel Ajanovski-Oche, Aegean Iovanka Orleanka. Memories... August 6, p. 8. 27 became a favorite among the population in the Island district and, above all, among the Macedonian youth. 46

In 1943 Mirka also became an active member in the Party and a prominent CPG and EAM agitator and organizer in the Macedonian villages in Ostrovo District. Her revolutionary character became stronger day by day as she fought in the struggle against the German-Bulgarian occupiers and the domestic traitors. 47

Her determination to fight against the occupier to the end came to full expression at the end of 1943 when she came into contact with Macedonian partisan units from the Republic of Macedonia, which at that time were patrolling the Kozuv and Kaimakchalan mountains. 48

After the formation of the Macedonian Voden Battalion within ELAS, in the summer of 1944, Mirka Ginova tirelessly agitated the Macedonian youth to pick up a rifle and join the Macedonian Battalion en masse and fight against the occupiers and domestic traitors. Thanks to her tireless effort, a large number of Macedonian young men and women from Ostrovo District joined the ranks of the Voden Macedonian Battalion at Mount Kaimakchalan. 49

Mirka Ginova also showed special courage and heroism on August 2, 1944, during a battle fought near Muaren-An located between the villages Ostrovo and Voden. Here ELAS partisan units attacked a German army depot loaded with ammunition. With a rifle in hand, she was among the first ELAS fighters to attack the enemy. 50

Before the fascist occupiers were expelled from the country and after ELAS capitulated as a result of the Varkiza Agreement, Mirka Ginova not only didn’t surrender her weapons, but with great optimism and deep patriotic feeling stood on the side of her people

46 For Mirka Ginova’s revolutionary activities during this period see Todor Simovski’s, “Memories of Mirka Ginova”. Memoirs, kept in INI. 47 Ibid. 48 Hristo Andonovski, Mirka Ginova, 25 years since her death..., July 26, p. 3. Also see Todor Simovski, Memories of Mirka Ginova... 49 Todor Simovski, Memories of Mirka Ginova... 50 Hristo Andonovski, Mirka Ginova. 25 years since her death... July 26, p. 3. 28 and fought against the new Greek reactionary authorities who, with even greater fanaticism, continued to terrorize and murder innocent Macedonians in this part of Macedonia.

In March 1945, Mirka Ginova, through Vangel Shamardanov-Ilindenski, 51 got in touch with the leadership of TOMO, 52 the new Macedonian liberation organization in Voden.