BANITSA IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE POPULAR REVOLUTION 1941–1944 - Part 01

BANITSA IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE POPULAR REVOLUTION 1941–1944

The Defence of the Country and Capitulation

Banitsa, with its strategic location, was always a base town for the army. There were defensive positions in its vicinity assumed by the British Army in March 1941, ranging some ten kilometres southeast along of the ridge of Bozhanija. The fields were planted with a dozen rows of concealed landmines all the way from the village through to the international roadway of Banitsa-Kozhani and all the way to the mountain of Sinak. The First Greek Army was stationed in Banitsa and surrounding villages of Lerin District from autumn of 1940 and was kept as a reserve for the Albanian Front. It withdrew eastward toward Sorovich and Ostrovo. The populace of Banitsa was evacuated to the tunnels of the Banitsa coal mine, three to five kilometres away, in the locations of Derveno and Bezdoets.They hid severalhundredsofmetres underground. The encampment of the British Army was above them.

Action around Banitsa started on 10 April 1941 and lasted only one day because the German army came from Solun in the east, instead of southward from Bitola as had been expected. The British were attacked from the rear. The division was ambushed while sleeping in its trenches and was destroyed in its entirety. Afterwards, Hitler’s officers, dressed as officers of the General Staff of the British Army, carried out an inspection and left.

As soon as the fighting was over, the villagers returned to Banitsa from the mine, opened the allied army caches and plundered everything.

Also a few train cars carrying food supplies were looted at the train stationandgoods weretakenbacktopeople’s homes. Manyhomes were damaged in the conflict and needed restoration. The population also took weapons and military equipment which had been left behind and armed themselves.

Renewal of the Local Government

With the withdrawal of the Greek governing apparatus before the enemy attack, in Aegean Macedonia there was no organized government for the first two months of the occupation. Following an initiative of the CPG, the villagers of Banitsa held a general meeting in the school at the end of 1941 and elected a local council with Lazo Kochev as president, Dine Robev as secretary, and with Stojan Katronov, Gire Babulov, Ilo Abov, Lazo Vasev and Leko Abov as members-at-large.

The newly-elected council that same evening devised a constitution and an allocation of duties. It also issued an appeal to the local populace for peace and order, with the understanding that the council would attend to their needs. The discharge of weapons in town was banned with penalties stipulated for wrongdoers, including confiscation of their weapons.

The German authorities in Lerin were informed of the elections, for which they gave their approval. Regular night and day patrols of both the town and the fields were instituted by the residents.

10

THE EMERGENCE OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT

The Establishment of the Youth Organization OKNE

Since most of the CPG’s members were incarcerated in camps, there was a period of time when the Party was inactive and waiting for new conditions to re-organize. There was a move toward organizing young people, who were much valued by the Party. A large number of young people who were active previously collecting donations for “‘Red Aid,” took an active role in the revolutionary trade unions of the coal mine, which were led by the Party. On 15 May 1941, at the house of Lazo Vasov, the first youth congress was convened with 36 young people present. The opening address was given by Vangel Kujchev. He spoke about the purpose of the organization and the tasks that lay ahead for the Communist Youth in the long, bloody struggle toward the final victory over fascism, and that the Soviet Union and the International Communist Party was on their side. It was necessary to prepare to resist the enemy by means of sabotage, direct confrontations and diversions.

Afterwards, all members were admitted into OKNE with the pledge: “I, ________, pledge to fight for justice and freedom for my subjugated people and without consideration of my strength and youth, I pledge to lay down my life for freedom. If I break this oath may I be persecuted and killed by my own people.” Then each one approached the table to kiss the two crossed army knives and a pistol placed there. Following the end of the ceremony there was an election of the local committee. The following were elected: Tane Pavlov, secretary; Atanas Katinovski, deputy secretary; with Todor Kochev (Kochevski), Pavle

Pavlev, Pavle Dimitrov, Ruse Dzugomanov and Mitse Dzugomanov, members.

At the end of the meeting there were decisions made concerning their assignments among which were:

First: to immediately expand the organization with the other young people of Banitsa, who numbered between 530 and 600. Every member was charged with creating their own cell of three to five or more young people with whom they would work on ideological and political preparation;

Second: to organize an immediate collection of arms and other war materiel from the area and from families uneasy about keeping arms in their possession or simply responding to the appeal issued by the party;

Third: to immediately start training members in weapons handling and combat exercises. Dimitar Kochev was in charge of training young members and of forming combat squads and assault groups. The first trainingsessionfor theOKNEmemberstookplaceinthehouseof Mitse Dzugomanov with an introduction to pistols, rifles and machine guns. The next day, training in shooting said weapons was carried out at a location called “Urnitsite” (the ruins) of Sotir Gaskov on the ridge of Bozhanija, where a training and shooting range was built. Later on, trainingwas carriedout at thelocations of “DolgiOrnitsi”(LongFields) and “Livajtsa.”(Meadow). Theweapons collectedfromthepeoplewere stored in the tunnels of the coalmine.

Re-establishment of the CPG in Banitsa

After the return of the leadership from internment, the Party held a meeting in the house of Micho Velikin on 20 May 1941. Three topics were discussed: the military-political situation, the new conditions of theoccupation,and the division ofGreece into three military occupation zones. The western part was under Italian control, the northeastern part under Bulgaria, and the remaining part, central and western Macedonia,

where most of the Macedonian population lived, over 200,000 citizens, was left under the jurisdiction of the Greek quisling government of the General Cholakonglu, which was called “Eliniki Politia” (Greek State Administration), and was underthe direct control of the Germans. Other points of discussion were the world situation as well as future actions of the Communist Party. Comrade Micho Velikin presented a detailed overview of the plans and the assignments for the young members of OKNE and reported on the elections for its local committee.

Afterwards, a local committee of the Communist Party was formed and the following members were elected: Vangel Kujchev, miner, as secretary, and Micho Velikin, intellectual and merchant, as a member. Other elected members were the miners Vangel Zabrtski, Pavle Mangov, Makile Evgin, Dafo Dafov, farmer, and Gjorgi Janin, merchant.

By the end of the meeting, decisions were made about the upcoming activities of the members and their involvement in the youth wing. They also wanted to form a Women’s National Front and to establish a military staff to lead and organize reserve army units and to take care of all preparations for military activities. They were to link the organization in Banitsa with the neighbouring villages, to re-organize the coal miners’ Party structure, and to add new members to the revolutionary unions and the leadership. The election was approved by the local authority and it was agreed that at the next meeting a review would take place of the progress on these matters, local peace and order, and the restoration of the village and the community. These issues were addressed later in June 1941.

At the beginning of July 1941, the Party’s organization in Banitsa received a visit from Comrade Lazo Trpovski, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece. The meeting was held in the house of Vangel Zabrtski. Present were the secretary of the local committee, Vangel Kujchev, and members Vangel Zabrtski and Stavre Kochev. Comrade Trpkovski was informed of the measures and activities undertaken to that point in time and the preparations for armed resistance. Trpkovski informed them of the position of the Party and the

decisions made at the 6th Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPG held on 1 July 1941. There a resolution was brought forward for the CPG to appeal to the Greek people to unite in one national front for liberation of the country. He also spoke of other upcoming tasks for the party and of the stance of the CPG on the Macedonian Question.

Resistance to the Restoration of the Old Greek Administrative Authority

At the beginning of July 1941, a gendarme (police) formation of 100 men with two trucks arrived in Banitsa in order to station itself in the barracks of the village. The guards on duty stopped the formation at the entrance of the village at the place called “Tambulkite” (the drums) and immediately informed the population with a pre-arranged signal, and within few minutes, villagers started to arrive with guns and other objects such as axes, pitchforks and anything else they could grab. Over 500 villagers gathered and some of them fired guns into the air to let the gendarmes know that they were neither wanted nor needed.

The threat of danger forced the police to turn the vehicles around and go back toLerin. Thenextday, thepresidentofthelocalcommittee, Lazo Kochev, was summoned by the occupying authorities to appear in Lerin. There he was told to convince the villagers that the gendarme detachment intended for Banitsa needed to be stationed in the village. Kochev assured them that there was no need for Greek gendarmes, that the people wanted German units instead, who would be well received. He was told, however, that he and the villagers had three days to comply.

The president, on his return, summoned the local council and informed them of the situation. However, the council did not support the position of the German Command and stood firm that the Greek gendarmes must at any price be stopped from stationing themselves in the village.

The Greek gendarmerie, not waiting for a response from the local council, the next day sent two trucks of Greek gendarmes from Lerin back to the village. When they reached the entrance of the village around 10 in the morning, they were stopped. Hundreds of villagers immediately opened fire on the trucks, which then retreated for a second time, heading towards the railway station of Banitsa where they stationed themselves.22

The president went again to Lerin to complain to the Germans about the unwelcome presence of the Greek police units in the village and to make his case. The Germans threatened to burn down the village and kill everyone there should the stationing of the Greek gendarmes be obstructed again, and warned that an order had been issued for two artillery brigades to be stationed at the crossroads by the village of Rosen near Banitsa ready to act when required. The president was ordered out of the chambers and on the way back he was assured that two batteries of ten artillery weapons were trained on Banitsa. The villagers agreed not to make any further problems but wanted the Greek gendarmes to remain at the railway station. The occupying powers in Lerin did not share their view, and in the afternoon hours of 29 July 1941, sent the two trucks of Greek gendarmes with an escort of motorized German police units to the barracks. The people shouted: “We do not want Metaxas’ Greek tyrants and spies” as well as more abusive words directed against the quisling authorities and their gendarmes.

The president of the council, Lazo Kochev, ran and reached the villagers about 200 metres from the barracks. There he stopped them and told them of the threat by the Germans that if something happened to the gendarmes or if their placement in Banitsa were to be obstructed, the village would be burned to the ground and the population killed. The people changed their minds and returned to their homes.

A group ofyoung people underthe direction ofDimitarKochevski, accompanied by Lazo Gjergev, Atanas Katinovski, Gjorgi Dajkov,

22Evan Mallin disputes this and says the townspeople did not fire on German or Greek trucks at all.

Pavle Pavlev, Blazhe Katronov, Mihail Harishi and Stojan Robev, attacked the barracks at 9 p.m. using detonators and hand grenades in order to scare the gendarmes into leaving the village.23 This sabotage group was reprimanded for its action because it was performed without the knowledge of the Party. The attack lasted almost half an hour until the village guards came and ordered the group to cease.

On 30 July 1941, around midnight, the village guards noticed the movement of German units coming from all sides towards Banitsa, accompanied by tanks and other motorized vehicles, and near the village, they were unloading and encircling the village. The local council, after deliberation, issued orders to inform the village with the usual signal, the ringing of a church bell, that the population was to withdraw toward the nearby mountain of Bozhanija. It was done and the people started to leave their homes in the early hours of the morning without any panic. Nevertheless, the German Army had completely surrounded the village and turned the people back towards their homes. Around 4 a.m. the German Army entered the village and stationed their tanks both at the crossroads and in the centre of the village. At exactly 7 a.m., the commander of the occupying forces forLerin District arrived in the village in an armoured car accompanied by other high-ranking German officers and their quisling interpreters. The president of the local council was summoned and was ordered to gather, within thirty minutes, all males over the age of 14 at the front of the church of St. Dimitrija near the monument. Anyone found outside this area after the deadline would be shot on the spot. The population peacefully obeyed the order and, by the appointed time, everyone there was there, surrounded by the army which was armed to the teeth. Everyone expected the worst since there were over 1,000 people gathered. The women and children started crying and wailing.

The Komandant of Lerin District gave a threatening speech praising the German fascist powers and saying that everyone must obey the orders of the Reich. Anyone refusing to obey would be publicly shot

23This did not occur, according to Evan Mallin. They may have thought about it but were forbidden by the Party.

along with the rest of their family, and their house burned down. He ordered everyone to surrender any weapons they had and those doing so would be set free to go home without sanctions. The quisling interpreters translated this into Macedonian for the population, and on their own initiative, made threats and claimed that they were designated with keeping peace and order in the village. A house-to-house search was started, lasting for two days, and everything that the enemy wanted was taken (gold, necklaces, money); fearing the consequences, no one dared complain about what was taken for fear of reprisals.24

In the fenced-in area where the population was gathered, many were tortured, Gele Petkov the most.25 The torture lasted two days and a night. Without food and water, people collapsed in the hot July sun, which caused them to be beaten even more because of it. On 1 August, around 1 p.m., the commander ordered around 28 men to be taken and loaded onto a truck. He ordered the army to withdraw to Lerin and the rest of the people to be set free. The following men were taken, as hostages: Dine Lakov, Fote Olev, Kitse Mangov, Kole Malinov, Boris Malinov, Ilo Dajkov, Petse Malinov, Gligor Popdimitrov, Leko Abov, Slave Katin, Mitse Vasev, Ilo Janin, Mitse Mangov, Dine Kachorov, Tase Kochev, Natse Vasev Tsarot, Kalo Dzogov, Gire Babulov, Risto Popalev, Pando Kujchev, Mitse Laev, Dine Kirev, Ilo Dafov, Kitse Apchev, Gjorgi Popdimitrov, Stojan Katronov, Tole Mangov and Tsile Dzugomanov.

The German occupying forces imposed a fine of 300,000 drachmas on the village for its act of resistance, which the people of Banitsa duly paid.26 The same night a meeting of the local council was held where it was decided that the population should stop using weapons at celebrations. It was also decided that a group of council members and respected villagers would go to Lerin to plead with some influential people and former members of the Greek parliament, especially

24The editor’s great-uncle Petse’s wife, Lazenka, lost her best shoes. 25EvanMallinsays this old,dishevelled,fair-haired moustachioed man had apistolputin hismouth by a German soldier but he was not shot. 26Evan Mallin does not confirm this. He was out in the sheep pens, with others, avoiding trouble and keeping out of the village.

Dragumis (a Vlach), for the release of the hostages, and, if needed, to engage lawyers in case a lawsuit was opened against any or all of them.

On 1 August, this group travelled to Lerin and visited everybody who could help in some way to get the German authorities to free the hostages. Some of the people visited distanced themselves and didn’t want to deal with the German authorities; others promised that they would do everything in their power to free the hostages.

The lobbying pressure of the council and villagers was seen by the German government as an organized revolt against it, and that is why it decided on the fourth day to send an army unitto arrestfourmore people as hostages: Dine Robev, Kole Stamatov-Kovachot, Risto Rapov-Ezho and Kitse Kochev.27

The large group of hostages held up bravely in Lerin prison and managed to withstand all torture and threats. Three people managed to escape while the guards were asleep. Those three, Fote Olev, Kalo Dzogov and Gjorgi Popdimitrov, fled to Bulgaria. The others, with firm resolve, forcedtheenemytofreetherest of themafter 30days of torture, except for Slave Katin, who was sentenced to many years in prison and sent off to Edikule prison in Solun. Dine Lakov, found to have a gun in his garden which he refused to admit as his, was brought to court and sentenced to death by shooting.28

This execution was carried out on 29 August 1941. Other patriots from Lerin District were also executed on this day. The first to be shot was a revolutionary miner, trade union member, and party worker. The murder of Dine Lakov was a threat and warning to the people, but at the same time it united them into organized action, preparation for armed

27According to Evan Mallin, Kitse Kotchev actually managed to escape arrest. He was at the barber shop getting a haircut when they came looking for him. When he himself was asked by the search party about the whereabouts of Kitse Kochev, he told his would-be captors that Kitse had just left. An Italian soldier with the Germans who knew Greek gestured to those present to keep quiet, thus helping in the escape. 28Evan Mallin describes him as a peaceful man and wonders if someone had it in for him.

resistance and boosted recruitment into the National Liberation Army (NOV).

At the order of the CP of Banitsa, OKNE joined in the drive to collect weapons and de-activate the landmines which were buried in eight to ten rows along seven kilometres. In April and May 1941, under the supervision of the miners Dimitar Kochevski and Pavle Kochev of Banitsa, with the help of other experienced miners including Pavle Pavlev, Kitse Apchev, Mire Babulov, Natse Olev, Slave Katin, Ilo Katin, Tane Pavlev, Blazhe Tasev and Atanas Katinovski, around 20,000 mines were de-activated, then transported and stored in Pavle Kochev’s yard. People from other villages also took part in this project. The mines presented a danger to the population, and even though it was thought that they had gathered them all, this sadly was not the case as those few left in the field were hiding in wait for future victims.

First Land Mine Victims

In May 1941, the family of Kole Kochev (first cousin to Krishe/Chris/HarisiosKotsopoulos)sufferedatragiclossbecauseofthe land mines. While working in their vineyard, Kole’s son Mitse and daughter Lena were killed.29 Another son, Tase, was injured, underwent surgery and survived. The whole village went to the funeral of the two young people.30

The family would forever mourn the loss of their beloved son and daughter.31

29Evan Mallin heard the explosion and saw bloody clothes being thrown 200 metres away. He recalls Lena as a beautiful, fair young woman. 30They were cousins to Steve/Stefo Aptsis of Toronto. 31Evan Mallin reports that there was a rumour that a K.K. had earlier killed a surviving British soldierforhispossessions.Apparently,somevillagerswerehiding awounded survivorofthebattle between the Germans and the British Empire troops in their sheep pen and were looking after his injuries hoping to turn him over to the Red Cross. Desperation and hunger forced many people into crime to survive those years.

A couple of days later, another tragedy occurred. The young shepherd, Zafir Abov (Dzafe), born in 1922, stepped on a mine and was killed instantly by the explosion. He had been watching over the family’s flock near the area called Nerezite. OKNE lost many young lives.

Supplies of Grain and Other Products

People were afraid of the land mines especially as harvest time was drawing near. The local council addressed the occupying powers in Lerin several times requesting special units with mine sweepers to be sent to examine the fields. However, the occupying forces were deaf to their pleas both before and after the tragedies.

There were two dangers looming over the villagers. One was to step on a forgotten mine, and the other was not to reap a harvest at all. The German authorities issued an order that no one was to harvest the grain by hand; they would bring threshing machines and also designate places to gather the sheaves. However, many farmers, instructed by the local council, harvested their corn at night, thrashed it and hid the grain in barns and elsewhere. The next day, they would plough the fields, planting small grains and removing the remains of the corn.

Because of a lack of seeds, the autumn planting of 1941 was a failure as the harvest the following year was only 40 to 50% of the usual yield. Everyone had just enough to satisfy their own family’s needs.

In 1942, the villagers approached the Germans and explained they could not contribute grain to them, owing to the shortage. The Germans, seeing the yields, agreed, but gave a new demand—ten tons of meat were to be provided. The local council could only gather five to six tons as farming had not been successful. That was the first and only delivery to theGermans.32

32Evan Mallin reports that Vlachs from the south had come to buy wheat at black market prices and had loaded their purchases on horseback. Some villagers had sold their wheat but come spring had nothing to process into flour and bread.

Macedonian Language Renewal in the Church and the Ilinden Celebration

Embittered by the many years of oppression by the Greek government, especially the Metaxas dictatorship, the people of Banitsa felt that the time had come to end things with the Greek government, to join the call for a National Liberation Struggle for economic, social and ethnic freedom and, together with the Greek people, seek liberty where the Macedonian people would find their place and obtain full ethno-national freedom. In order to break free from Greek authority, and especially from the Greek Church, the local council and the local committee of the Communist Party, at a meeting in June 1941, decided that prayers and masses in the church of St. Gjorgija would, in the future, be held in the Macedonian language, using the Old Church Slavonic books and the Gospel that the priest Filip Popov had kept.

On 20 July 1941 (according to the new calendar), on the celebration of Ilinden, the priest Filip held the first mass in Macedonian in St. Gjorgija Church. Before the prayer, he gave a fitting speech in which he explained the historic development of the Macedonian Church and the struggle for its recognition by both the Patriarchate and the Exarchate.

The Secretary of the Local Committee, Dine Robev (Editor’s note: a handsome man according to a local lady), pointed out the historical importance of that particular day in the struggle for recognition of national and religious identity, and freedom of worship in the mother tongue. He gave special attention to the Ilinden Uprising and those who laid down their lives for freedom, and discussed the period of action by the Greek andartes, the Balkan Wars and the First World War. At the end, he spoke of Greece’s occupation, the suffering of the Macedonian people and the complete assimilation to extinction of Macedonian villages. He called on the people to continue their struggle to final national liberation and not to succumb to provocations by either Bulgarians or Greeks who wanted to cause a fratricidal war.

Forming Partisan Staff and Reserve Units

The local committee of Banitsa’s Communist Party, at the September meeting, decided to form a military command which would train people, especially young people, to handle weapons. Dore Janin (Janev) led this group, which also included Boris Malinov and Krishe Kochev [Ed. note: Harisios Kotsopoulos, the future father-in-law of Evan Mallin]. The command staff started working right away. In just one month they compiled a military roster which also included all single young women over 16 years of age.

On 16 January 1942, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece, an analysis of the military staffs’ field work was carried out, and preparations for fighting were made. They worked on the formation of partisan units, including reserve members, and declared the need to form a National Liberation Army which would unite all partisan units in Greece.

ELAS (Ellinikós Laïkós Apeleftherotikós Stratós)—The Greek People’s Liberation Army—was formed, in which the following goals were proclaimed: to liberate the country from foreign invaders, to protect the enslaved people and their struggle for freedom, and ensuring orderuntilfree and fairelectionscould be organized in which the people could freely express their will.

ELAS would accomplish these objectives by coordinated acts of partisan warfare, gradually growing into a nation-wide armed resistance against the occupation and its collaborators. They would launch continuous armed assaults on the enemy to destruction and expand liberated territory across the countryside, turning it into a military base for ELAS and then shifting military actions to the main urban centres and the occupying forces’ basic communications networks.

On 2 May 1943, at a joint meeting of both the Central Committee of EAM (Greek National Liberation Front) and the General Staff of ELAS, the supreme command of ELAS was formed. Colonel Stefanos Serafis was appointed Commander-in-Chief.

The Formation of EAM

On 27 September 1941, at the 7th Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece, the organization Ethniko Apeleftherotiko Metopo (EAM), or National Liberation Front, was formed, in which several political parties took part, including the Communist Party of Greece, the Agricultural Party, the Socialist Party, the National-Democratic Party and the National Solidarity Organization, together with representatives of the scientific and cultural life of Greece. Later, the progressive wing of the Liberal Party joined. EAM became the umbrella organization for these groups. A Central MilitaryCommitteewasalsoformed, theSupremeMilitaryStaff, which in December 1941 developed the organization and the partisan tactics for warfare. In the beginning of October 1941, a chapter of EAM was formed in Banitsa and a local board was elected. People of all ages, men and women, who wished to fight for national freedom were included in EAM.

On 18 October 1941, a meeting of EAM was held in the school in Banitsa with over 200 people present. After the agenda was approved, Vangel Kujchev, secretary of the local committee of CPG, gave a talk on the goals and objectives of EAM. His speech was applauded. An election of the local board of EAM followed with the following results: Nune Vasev,33 president; Metodi Anchev, secretary; members Metodi Gaskov (Mangov), Mitse Toshev (first cousin to Dzole Mallin), Dzole Vasev (another first cousin to Dzole Mallin), Dore Janev and Tone Lulov, member. (Tone later died in Yugoslavia.) This organ of EAM in Banitsa was among the first and foremost in Lerin District.

33He had returned in 1938 from time spent in the USA.

Terror and Imprisonment by the Enemy

Because of the activities of all the organizations in Banitsa, the German authorities, in order to intimidate the population, blockaded the village on 30 January 1942, and gathered the villagers in the churchyard of St. Dimitrija. They started with announcements and threats to the effect that they knew everything, that the villagers should stop all resistance activity, be submissive, and then nothing bad would happen to them. They called for everyone to hand over any weapons and military equipment they might have, i.e., bring them to the centre of the village. The people remained calm and did not respond to the call, nor were they swayed by the threats. Only the president of the local committee, comrade Lazo Kochev, communicated with the Germans and their underlings. The people had full confidence in him and supported his decisions fully. Another general search was conducted of the houses by SS troops. During a search, a landmine was found on the threshing floor of Pande Katin (Kochev). He stepped out of the group when summoned and took the troops directly to the cache with the mines, because he thought they had found him out. It was a misunderstanding. The Germans were stunned at how conscientiously and carefully such a large quantity of dynamite, linings, and explosive caps of 20,000 mines were stored. When asked why he had so many mines, Pavle, without feeling nervous, answered that while serving in the Greek army he was a miner and that he had collected them from the fields with the intention of using them for extracting rocks, and for making ploughshares and other agricultural tools for the needs of the household. However, nobody believed him. They started beating him on the spot, demanding he confess who had organized the mine collection and storage, but it was in vain. Pavle Kochev stood firm and did not betray his accomplices in the de-activation of the mines. The Germans loaded three trucks with explosives from the cache.

The night when the Germans left the village, they took Pavle Kochev, Pande Katin, Kotse Veshov and Mitse Mangov to Lerin, and later to the Solun prison, “Pavlos Melas”.

Pavle Kochev and Kotse Veshov were sentenced to death and shot at the end of January 1942. With that, Banitsa lost two revolutionaries and fightersforthe liberation ofMacedonia and the Macedonian people. Pande Katinand Mitse Mangovservedtimeandstayedinthecampuntil

the autumn of 1944 when the Germans departed; they were then able to return to their homes.34

Reorganization of the Youth Organization OKNE

On 15 February 1942, new elections of the local committee of OKNE were conducted with the following result: Atanas Katinovski, Secretary; Pavle Pavlev, Vice-Secretary; and members Lazo Gjergev, Gjorgi Dajkov, Stavro Pavlev, Kiro Dzugomanov, Natse R. Malinov, Gele Krishe Kochev and Pavle Dimitrov.35

At the meeting, the activities of the organization were discussed, and AtanasKatinovski, theSecretary ofthe LocalCommittee ofOKNE, gave a report on the goals and objectives of the organization. During this period there were 80 members in the organization, and they were sub- divided into neighbourhood groups, with each having a member of the organization as a leader.

34Evan Mallin and his girlfriend, Vassa Kocheva, were both there in the yard and had looked for each other. Lazo Kochev was related to the editor’s grandfather, Krishe Kochev. Pande Katin and Mitse Mangov probably escaped execution by claiming to be Bulgarian and, according to Evan Mallin,werereleasedearlier.ThetwoexecutedhadclaimedtobeGreek,accordingtoEvanMallin. Pavle Kochev was married to Melisa Malinova. 35According to Evan Mallin, in the case of his brother-in-law, Gele Krishe Kochev (Angelo Kotsopoulos), he reports that when a brigade of partisans came, he followed them and joined them on Kajmakchalan, but his sister and parents put pressure on him to return from the partisans. He pretended illness or injury to return to the village. He had been involved in distributing propaganda leaflets for them previously.

Formation of the People’s Court

Since a number of offences and property disputes had taken place in the village, EAM’s local board decided that a People’s Court should be formed to deal with all disputes in a peaceful manner and, if the parties could not reach a mutual agreement, the Court would engage in compulsory arbitration. In March 1942, the first People’s Court of Banitsa was elected, consisting of Krishe Rapov, president; Risto Nichev, court reporter; and members Gligor Popdimitrov, Gjorgi Dzugomanov, and Blazhe Nedelkov36. The People’s Court had a lot on its plate and represented the executive power in an effective manner during its existence until the summer of 1945.

This Court reached two historic decisions. First, in April 1944, a decision was made to take over the coal mines inthe villages of Banitsa and Krushoradi and to assign supervisors to lead the production process as follows:

• State Boglev, an old revolutionary and honourary member of the Party, was assigned to supervise the Banitsa mine.

• In Krushoradi’s coal mine, Vangel Kujchev, a hardened fighter and organizer of the movement, was selected to lead.

The decision was announced to the existing business owners and they were asked to give up all the real estate and possessions which belonged to the mines as they had declared it as the property of the people. The people would direct each mine and benefit from the profit.

The entrepreneur Elefteris Palis owned the Banitsa coalmine. He refusedtogiveit upand threatened to use weapons. However,thatsame night he left the mine, and along with his family, went to Athens.

The coalmine of Banitsa was raided by a saboteur group led by Lefter Olevski and Dimitar Kochevski (the latter was an engineer and became a partisan officer), and consisting of 15 young people of

36His sister Gika married a Kiriakou, also known as Olev.

Banitsa. The raid took place on 3 April 1943, and large quantities of food supplies, dynamite, detonating caps, blankets, canvas, etc. were seized. The foodstuffs were given to the population of the village of Banitsa, with one truck of grain sent to the village of Gornichevo, two trucks tothevillageof Negovanandonetrucktothevillageof Zabrdeni.

From April 1944 until the beginning of 1945, these coalmines worked as public mines and benefited the movement. The German occupying authorities did not try to regain the mines at all, knowing that they could not maintain or exploit them.

In April 1944, another decision was reached as well—all of the police and other official records from the former Greek regime in Banitsa were destroyed to prevent them from falling into German hands.37

Women’s Antifascist Front (AFZ)

Since a large number of women participated in all the organizations, a special organization of women was formed in September 1942, with the election of a local board and two neighbourhood divisions. The following women were elected to the board: Mitra Zabrtska president, with Menka Dzugomanova, Grozda Kostova, Gina Lakova, and Sofika Dzugomanova,38 members.

In the neighbourhood division on the left side of the village stream, the following entered the leadership: Zhana Apchija, president, with Marika Jancheva, Magda Jancheva and Matsa Katina as members.

In the division on the right side of the stream the following were active: Marija Kujcheva, president, with Ljuba Olevska and Lena Tasheva, members.

37According to Evan Mallin, at the time there were roaming bands of thieves stealing stock and selling it at a distance. Several villagers were also involved, according to my father. 38Sister to Stefo Gergev’s wife.

During the election of the leadership, brief speeches were given by the members of the local board of EAM who explained the goals and expectations of the organization.

The women equally participated in all field activities, especially in collecting clothes, food, bandages and medicines, performing messenger duties, looking after incoming partisans, tending to the wounded, washing, cleaning, sewing and many other activities.

Formation of ETA, the Organization for Partisan Protection

In February 1943, an organization was formed to protect the partisans, especially the partisan units of ELAS, and also those in the liberated and partially-liberated areas, and to gather intelligence needed by the movement. Appointed to the local committee were: Pando Dzugomanov, president, with Gjorgi Kalpakov, Tsile Hrisafov, Pavle Malinov, Slave Kostov and Petse Malinov, members. Comrade Nune Vasev, President of EAM’s Macedonian unit, spoke of the purpose of the organization at the meeting.

Actions of the Reserve Unit

In March 1943, a diversionary group under the leadership of Lefter Olevski attacked a police station and disarmed the police of the village of Voshtarani, Lerin District.

In April 1943, sabotage was committed at the Banitsa coal mine under the leadership of Olevski and Dimitar Kochevski. The following fighters from Banitsa were involved: Ruse and Kiro Dzugomanov, Gjorgi and Blazhe Dajkov, Atanas Katinovski-Goche, Blazhe Katronov, Lazo Gjergev, Mihail Harishi, Mitse Nedelkov, Kirche Malinov39, Kole Malinov, Nanche Dzogov, Tane Jovchev and Lazo Popdimitrov. All were members of OKNE, but of them six later

39Kirche was May Mallinos’ uncle.

perished while in the ranks of ELAS or DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) fighting for the freedom of their people. EAM had a presence in every town, but in Banitsa the entire population was caught up in the activities of the organization with the hope for economic, social and ethno-national freedom for the Macedonian people. This high degree of organization also needed new forms of governance, but Banitsa, despite being at the crossroads of enemy powers’ activity, remained a semi-free territory; all partisan groups moved freely without fear and were able to remain overnight there because the village guards were always vigilant and well-organized.

Formation of the NOO (National Liberation Boards) and their Activity

In the liberated territories, by order of EAM, a new government was created and national liberation boards emerged as local government in each village. Such a committee was formed in Banitsa in February 1943, and by secret ballot with over 300 EAM members present, they elected Mitse Lazarevaspresident,VangelZabrtski, vice-president,and Natse Janchev, Metodi Apchev and Nune Vasev, members.

Petar Pilaev and Gjorgi Turundjev, members of the regional EAM leadership, were present. Pilaev spoke of the role and significance of the new government. The advice given to the local government was that it had a large role to play in the current struggle against the enemy, domestic traitors and Bulgarian provocateurs such as Kalchev and others who tried to arm the village and turn it against the National Liberation Board. Banitsa stood as a model of resistance to all provocations, wherever they came from, and all villages in Lerin District looked to it for leadership. With every appearance of Kalchev in Banitsa, the Communist Party and other groups led the inhabitants up into the mountains. Diversionary groups laid traps for Kalchev, but he

escaped many times. German troops stepped on mines placed on a road that were meant for Kalchev and they paid the price on his behalf.40

In the spring of 1943, a local committee of the CPG was elected, with Tone Lulov as secretary, Vangel Zabrtski, deputy, and with Mitse Nedelkov and Mitse Laev as members.

In the summer of 1944, secretary Tone Lulov was selected as a regional instructor for the CPG in Banitsa District, which comprised 15 villages. He was replaced as secretary by the deputy, while the members remained the same.

New members were accepted into the CPG on a daily basis as they had the desire to advance the struggle against the occupying army and domestic collaborators. By the end of 1944, the local party membership numbered about 120.

Under the orders of the reserve team of ELAS and under the leadership of Dimitar Kochev and Lefter Olevski, on 20 May there was an attack on the Lerin-Solun train line at Banitsa Station. The aim was to free the political prisoner and leader Harolambos Haralambidis, alias Atanatos, from captivity while he was being transported on the train. (After his liberation he lived in the town of Ostrava in Czechoslovakia.) The action was completed successfully. A couple of partisans jumped on the locomotive and another few climbed aboard the first two carriages where the prisoner was located. Some distance away from the station, at a pre-arranged location, the train was ambushed and overwhelmed. Four Germans were killed and a Greek spy was severely wounded. A quantity of arms and military materiel was seized. The prisoner was freed and led in the direction of Sinak Mountain near Vicho.41

40Kalchev led Bulgarian irregulars against ELAS-EAM groups. He was born in the Kastoria area (Kostur) of Aegean Macedonia. 41This escapade was also mentioned in Risto Stefov’s book, Macedonians in Greece (2008). This event was not, however, confirmed by some witnesses of the time.

According to the leaders of the raid, the participants were Pavle and Tane Pavlev, Atanas Katinovski, Lazo Gjergev, Blazhe Katronov, Pavle Dimitrov, Leko Nichev, Gjorgi Abov, Gjorgi Dajkov and Ruse Dzugomanov.

InJune1943, Germantroops andpolicecametoBanitsaandseized about50 youthswith the excuse thatthey were to be used to fightagainst the partisans in Albania. They were put into a compound surrounded by barbed wire and under the watch of guards. Among the prisoners were Pavle Pavlev, secretary of the Macedonian Communists in OKNE, and member Todor Kochevski. They organized an escape the same night. They cut the barbed wire in the poorly-lit compound and vanished one by one into the darkness.