IDENTITY UNDER WHICH THE MACEDONIAN CHILDREN WERE TAKEN AND EXILED

IDENTITY UNDER WHICH THE MACEDONIAN CHILDREN WERE TAKEN AND EXILED

One of the most important issues I have come across about the “kidnapping” of our children, which to this day has not been properly addressed, is the difference in attitude taken about the Slavophone and Greek-speaking villages in (Greek occupied Macedonia) Northern Greece.

According to a UNSCOB report the villagers in the Slavophone areas and districts were very willing to allow their children to leave, but it was never officially known how many of the 25,000 to 28,000 32 children belonged to this Slavophone group. This information is nowhere to be found, and it is likely that this question seems to have been completely ignored by Greek sources. The Greek government in Athens emphasized the “Greek nationality” of all these children, though the issue is something less surprising. The Communist side too confidently and literally speaks of “Greek children”, even after the end of the Greek Civil War. On top of that the Greek communists did everything in their power to educate these children in the Greek language in the communist countries where they were settled. In its reports the Red Cross too has provided an abundance of information on “identifying” the children but says nothing about any Slavophone group. It was very clear that all the children, even though they spoke a Slavic language, were presented as Greek by law, both on record and in official opinion. It would have been much

32 The UNSCOB figure was more concrete and more acceptable. According to the August 1949 UNSCOB report (A/935, p. 16): “During that period of time in 1948, around 25,000 “Ελληνοπουλα” (Greek children) emigrated from Greece and were situated in the territories of Greece’s northern neighbour and other countries”. In January 1950, a representative of the Greek Red Cross submitted a report in which he said: “The aggregate number of Greek children who received asylum in the countries north of Greece had reached 28,296 in January 1950”. At the same time, he gave a clear analysis of the aggregate number of children and to which countries they were sent to: “Albania 2,000, Bulgaria 2,600, Hungary 3,000, Poland 3,000, Romania 3801, Czechoslovakia 2,235 and Yugoslavia 11,600.” (See UNSCOB report A/1307, 1950, p. 23) In his book about the children’s education, Thanassis Mitsopulos said: “There were more than 25,000 children…” Vassilis Bardzhiotas said that they moved 25,000 children, but the government in Athens increased that number to 28,000.

more interesting to have found out how many of the children were actually Slavophones.

Identity with the likeness of Markos

“At the Tulgiesh pavilions we moved like a swollen river, walking on the pavement of the big yard. We looked for one another, but the hardest thing was to find our ‘mothers’. There were many children at the dormitory who did not know their last names or their place of birth. They were simply collected as they were leaving and brought here over the border and as such, for years, like shadows, they looked for their loved ones and for their identity...

But to make us all equal, or who knows why, they took away our names at Kalimaneshti. Our names were the last piece of information that identified us and our nationality. After that we wore a metal plate around our necks which was etched on one side with the image of General Markos, and on the other was stamped a unique number which identified each one of us. My name was replaced with the number 521 and when I lived in Romania I had to call out the words: ‘Chinch sute douzech shi uno’ (Five hundred and twenty one) instead of my name.

At the end of 1948 we were sent to Poland by train. At the border we were greeted by Polish authorities and medical staff. While traveling on the train each child was given a medical examination by the physicians and depending what was found the children were directed where to go for treatment. The Polish people were very kind to us and at the same time were astonished how the children of Partisans, who were still fighting in Vicho and Gramos, could not have names?

At the end of 1948 we were sent to Poland by train. At the border we were greeted by Polish authorities and medical staff. While traveling on the train each child was given a medical examination by the physicians and depending what was found the children were directed where to go for treatment. The Polish people were very kind to us and at the same time were astonished how the children of Partisans, who were still fighting in Vicho and Gramos, could not have names?

When we arrived at the ‘Barburka’ dormitory we were given new robes to wear. We tossed our old clothes in a pile and left them there. Life was often full of cruelty and fierce playing. We called the Poles ‘good uncles’ but most of all we liked Pan Piotr Pshezhinski. He liked us too and called us ‘descendants of a dead army’. He was an old, experienced Pole, a former businessman and philanthropist, who served in the camps for many years. He felt sorry for us and told us that we all had the same fate, because he too was issued a number when he served time in the camps, but his medal did not have the face of a leader. ‘Your fate is more difficult,’ he used to say, ‘because you have to carry General Markos around your necks’…”

(For additional information: See Fani Butskova 1998/76) “... The metal plate to be worn around the neck, issued to the children in Romania, had General Markos’s face imprinted on one side and a number on the other. The metal plates issued in other countries had only a number. The shape of the plate was round which could be worn around the neck or on the wrist. Some of those who wore these ‘medallions’ remember their numbers even today, more than fifty years later. Some even have photographs of them, testimony to their existence. For example, Ahil Petrovski was photographed in Czechoslovakia and had the number 288, which is clearly shown in the photograph from May 1948. Dimitra Karchitska was issued the number 1048 and her brother Ilia was issued number 1053. Towards the end of 1948, when they went to Poland, their metal identification tags were taken. Surrogate ‘mother’ Tomia Tsutsulova was issued a tag in Hungary with the number 112 and her young baby daughter was issued the number 111. Olga Petkova in Poland was issued the number 555 and Slava Petkova was issued the number 425. The only thing that remains alive from these ‘medallions’ now are the memories, both good and bad.”

What a shame that Macedonian children in that day and age, found themselves numbered like slaves in the heart of Europe! (See: “Nezabarav” no. 15, p. 7 June 1998 Featuring “Authentic testimonials from the displaced Macedonian children from Aegean Macedonia” in “Vecher”, May 20, 1986

IN WHOSE SPIRIT WERE THESE CHILDREN RAISED?

Here is what Clars Barentzen had to say:

“...I admired and respected those people, perhaps because they have a subtle kindness; an aristocratic nobility. And how can I not admire those people who, at the most difficult moments in the children’s homes, listened to their voices in the crowded “dining rooms”, in the children’s lounges and gave us unmatched moments of joy and vitality. In perfect silence and discipline, I remember in 1949, we entered a row, in the children’s lounges: Toulgesh, Sinaia, Oradea, Roman and Cluz of the Republic of Romania, and listened insatiably to the chronographs of Apostolis Spiliou, who was transcribing a brave voice from all my friends. At the end of each broadcast we burst out with a strange devotion and shouted:

“Long live DAG!” “Long live Markos!” “The enemy will not set foot on Gramos and Vicho!” “Who’s is Markos?!” someone would shout, and we responded in one voice: “Markos is ours!” “Who do we belong to?!” “To Markos!” we all replied in unison.

After Markos Vafiadis was removed from his position as commander in chief of DAG General Staff and replaced by CPG Secretary General Nikos Zahariadis, we continued our calling with the same excitement and vivacity for Zahariadis as we did for Markos... that is in our daily prayer. The Party, for us children and for ordinary party members became a fetish, giving us magical and supernatural powers. I remember that we did not differentiate the Party from the leadership. For us they had unbelievable power and wisdom... for us the Party was the Politburo leadership with Nikos Zahariadis as their chief god...”

After the above-mentioned changes were made and after DAG was liquidated everything became about “the struggle of our people” (meaning the Greek people)!

“...Everything was changed… even the name of the radio program was changed... From now on you will hear clear and plain but not the ‘Voice of Free Greece’, that is gone, now your will hear the ‘Voice of Liberty’…”

DID THE CPG TAKE THE CHILDREN TO TURN THEM INTO CHILD SOLDIERS? WERE THE CHILDREN THE NEW HUMAN RESOURCES FOR DAG?

In March 1949, UNSCOB launched numerous petitions against the CPG and DAG leaderships for coaxing the children to become child soldiers for DAG. In 1948 when the children were taken it was assumed that the war would continue for many years and so many of the children who left would have to return to fight in Greece. Was this true? Perhaps the people of the top leaderships might have the answer.

Here is what the second most senior man, Vasilis Bardzhiotas, member of the CPG Central Committee Politburo and DAG political commissar, had to say:

“...In the winter of 1949, while we were returning from an assignment in Gramos, we noticed a group of little girls from afar that made a great impression on us. It was snowing and we were entering a snowstorm and a blizzard. It was quite cold. We approached those girls to see what was happening to them. There were about 55 - 60 girls between the ages of 10 and 13, dressed in old overalls and their feet were wrapped in towels. They had no shoes. They were shaking from the cold so we took them to the nearest DAG camp and the women fighters offered them hot tea and dressed them in casual clothes. One of the women asked what they were doing here in Gramos barefoot at this time of year. What had happened to them? One of the girls said we came to join the partisans and fight. When I spoke to them in a soft voice and with a sense of pain in my face and told them they were too young to join DAG and serve as fighters, they protested. I told them that they had to be over 16 to be fighters and offered to send them to some school to study, to learn for now, and a few years later we would give them guns to fight. Again they protested and questioned my authority. One of them asked loudly, who are you to tell us that we can’t fight?

One of them said my mother was killed in front of me. Another one spoke about both of her parents being murdered. Each and every one of them had one or both parents killed and demanded to be registered and see the DAG Headquarters Political Commissar, because only he could understand their pain.

When I told them I was the political commissar they calmed down a bit, but still we could not convince them to leave. As a result we organized them in a small company near our headquarters and began to train them to operate our communication equipment. Unfortunately several of these girls left their training voluntarily and joined our combat units. They were certainly not allowed to fight so we saved them all. When I mention this story to other people - the hungry, barefoot and poorly dressed girls who trembled in the cold – I find it difficult to hold back my tears. These heroic girls wanted to join DAG and fight so that they could avenge the death of their parents! This is why our struggle was justified and this is why DAG fought for the people, for democracy against Fascism. When we talk about the partisan heroes, we have to look back at the DAG youth participation, which was very interesting. At that time 70-80% of the fighters were young men and women, who were distinguished by their bravery and fighting skills and fought the most difficult battles DAG encountered.

Besides having separate military units consisting of young men armed with machine guns, automatic rifles and cannons, there was also the Democratic Youth Regiment under the command of young Shumadi, who boldly raced into battle at the most critical times during the struggle.

DAG consisted mainly of young men and women. Those older than 25 - 30 were very few and less than 15 - 20% of the entire DAG force. Most of those men were older fighters...

DAG consisted mostly of young men and women and they had such vitality that we were all proud of them and eager to go forward and fight with pleasure and we were confident that we would come out victorious. That is why I am not going to write a separate chapter

about the young. Everything I have written, it seems to me, is about the young…”

Vasilis Bardzhiotas, DAG Political Commissar

I don’t know of any country in the world which drafted children, armed them and sent them to the front line to fight and die.

Here is what Paskal Mitrevski, first NOF secretary, said in a letter addressed to the CPG Central Committee Politburo regarding the questions of mobilizing underage children:

“Comrades,

We are seriously preoccupied with the issue of you bringing children back from the people’s republics and mobilizing them. We understand that you have brought back 12 and 13 year old male and female children, as well as other children under the age of 12, who are now in the recruitment centre in the village Shtrkovo. We understand that you brought back a total of 35 children, most of whom are from the village Zhelevo.

Their arrival in the countryside has created a serious ethical problem, especially since the children, both male and female, are only 12 to 13 years old. We checked their ages and they truly are of that age.

We have been preoccupied with this question before but in consultation with you we found a solution.

Of course, this is not about the difficulties the Question has created for us. With the great work our organization is doing we will surely overcome all problems. But there is that ethical question, that we are forced to look into. It has created a morally-political situation for the people, and has raised the question of negative moral impressions which have made it difficult for us to widen the activation and development of our movement. Understandably, 10 to 15 children cannot solve the problem and meet our needs.

Also, there is the mistreatment of children by those in charge at the boarding homes where these children came from. And worse, their attitude towards children is not good.

Specifically there is the case of Timios who is in charge of the Tulges home in Romania. His attitude cannot be characterized as good. He exerts inappropriate psychological and physical pressure on the children, creating a difficult atmosphere.

Here is what some children told Comrade Malios sent there by NOF to visit them:

Timios gathered the children in the home and violently and inappropriately shouted at them: “Go back and fight. If you don’t want to go tell me and I will tattoo a cross on your forehead so that everyone will know what kind of bastards you are.” He was saying this to children aged 12 to 15.

He also threatened the children with the words: “I will teach you. What you are doing makes you look like Truman’s sharks...” etc.

He is totally against children writing letters to their parents in Macedonian and would not allow them. On top of that he withheld the money and cheques sent to the children by their parents and relatives from America and other countries. The children say that he spent their money on himself.

There was also the case of 12-year-old Leko Stefov, who, with tears in his eyes, told Malios that one day, because he had not cleaned the yard, Timios stripped him and left him standing outside for 4 hours naked, wearing only his underpants, in the terrible cold in December. He also left him hungry for 24 hours. The same child told Malios that Timios beat him and kicked him with all his strength. The child mentioned that Timios’s hands were swollen from beating the children.

One time Timios undressed a number of children and forced them to walk around naked. He also left them hungry.

Children can sometimes make up stories but it seems there is a pattern associated with Timios which has created a negative atmosphere for the upbringing of children.

Worst of all is that when these children return they tell their parents about their negative experience and that in turn is discussed among the villagers.

As soon as we received this complaint from our people here we immediately dispatched Comrade Malios to investigate and, on the basis of his findings, take action in order to limit these negative experiences.

In our opinion you need to become involved and investigate these cases yourself, particularly the one about Timios and have him removed as soon as possible so as not to cause further damage. We also suggest all underage children brought back be immediately returned.

In all such cases we consider it necessary to notify parents by special notice, orally or otherwise.

We also believe that in the future no children less than 15 years old should be brought back from the People’s Republics.

Comrade Koichev, with whom we spoke yesterday, will certainly update you on that issue.

Please look into this as soon as possible, or if necessary we are prepared to further discuss it so that we can all better deal with it and with other issues related to the boarding homes, including the placement of Slavo-Macedonian staff which, in practical terms, will take care of any Slavo-Macedonian issues. 33

33 Was it by accident that the communists in Greece gave the Macedonian people a new name; “Slavo-Macedonians”? No! The Greeks from the entire political spectrum, including the communists, did not want to publicly admit that Macedonians existed in Greece so, after Greece acquired Macedonian territories, the Greeks began to refer to Macedonians living in Greek occupied Macedonia as “endopii” (locals or indigenous). Then, when the Greek communists needed Macedonian assistance they, out of the blue, ambiguously began to refer to them June 14, 1949 With a friendly greeting, Paskal

(See: AM, collection: “Aegean Macedonia in NOB 1954-1949”, AE: 47 / b. The manuscript is available in the Greek language, Published in the edition: “Aegean Macedonia in NOB 1949”, T. 6 ..., doc. 100, p. 211-213.)

(Information regarding the recruitment process provided by the CPG and DAG leaderships can be found in the: “AM, Collection” Aegean Macedonia in NOB 1945-1949 “, AE: 476/49 and AM, C-7/108.)

According to available information: “The recruitment of children was carried out with widespread propaganda and pressure. Appropriate directives, orders, and special envoys were issued for that purpose. Child recruitment was performed not by age but by height, and thus children were recruited at 12 - 13 years of age. Several hundred children were recruited from Romania and Czechoslovakia. Training centres for children were also organized and after several days of training the children were sent to the front line, where most were killed.”

as “Slavo-Macedonians” meaning “Slavic speaking Greeks who lived in Macedonia”. The word “Macedonians” in the reference “Slavo-Macedonians” was strategically placed to fool the Macedonian people into believing that the communists had recognized them as “Macedonians”. For the rest of the world the word “Slav” was purposely place there to make the Macedonian people look like they were from a Slavic stock not indigenous to Macedonia and not related to the Ancient Macedonians. This became obvious when the Republic of Macedonia became independent in 1991, during which time Greece made it clear to the world that the Slavic speaking Macedonians in the Republic of Macedonia had nothing to do with the Ancient Macedonians from 2,300 years ago. In fact, Greece went as far as calling the Turkish Christian colonists and settlers it deposited in Greek occupied Macedonia in the 1920’s “the real Macedonians and descendents of the Ancient Macedonians” while maintaining that the Slavic speaking Macedonians were a creation of Tito and were not Macedonians at all. But the question is why did the Macedonians in NOF (Paskal Mitrevski) accept to call his people “Slavo-Macedonians” during the Greek Civil War when the communists were promising those same Macedonians human rights?

The above-quoted information was also confirmed by Tome Miovski, an exiled child, in his memoirs entitled: “Mobilizing Macedonian children from Czechoslovakia”. (See: Newspaper “Nezaborav”, p. 7, July 1, 1995.)

“Exactly one year after our departure from our native villages, the same Provisional Democratic Government which rallied to send us to democratic states to save us from certain death, from enemy bombs and from hunger and disease, now wants to bring us back in the hell of war, in the hell of death. This is how it was on April 17, 1949, at 8:30 am, when the director of the boarding house informed us that today, after lunch, a delegation from the CPG Politburo will arrive at our children’s boarding house.

Just before 4pm a large black limousine appeared in front of our boarding house. Just as the limousine began to enter the main door in the yard, we started shouting slogans and singing the partisan march. As soon as the car stopped, Miltiadis Porfirogenis, member of the CPG Central Committee Politburo and Justice Minister in the Provisional Democratic Government, came out.

After we had a festive dinner in absolute joy and absolute silence, the director told us that all girls and boys aged 15 and 16 were invited to a meeting with the guest at 8 pm in the same hall. All others should go to bed at 7:30 pm.

Our guest entered the hall at 8:15 pm and we all stood up and applauded with the slogans: ‘Long live Markos, long live the CPG, long live Free Greece...’ We sat down and followed him with our eyes. He stood upright like a giant in front of the children and, in a low voice, began to tell us about the combat successes that DAG was achieving against the Monarcho-Fascists. He said: ‘DAG has 25% of all Greek territory in its hands. In every village there is a people’s authority – people’s boards, people’s courts, village associations, people’s hospitals are established, cultural and artistic and folklore societies, the people feel free. A few days from now Lerin will fall into our hands, Kostur, Voden and other cities will follow. It is certain that 1949 will be the year of our victory.’

We were overjoyed and started shouting, ‘Long live Free Greece, long live Markos, Markos’s victory, Markos’s victory!’ Our guest signaled us to calm down and continued: ‘Young men and women, sons and daughters of our heroic Democratic Army fighters, I was sent here by the CPG Central Committee Politburo and by our Provisional Democratic Government to urge you to go back to your homeland, because our sacred struggle needs young men and women, young fighters, worthy of their fathers and mothers who daily achieve combat successes against our enemy - the Monarcho-Fascists. You will get a chance to visit your beautiful but now vacant villages, your parents, relatives and homes. That is why I urge you all to ‘voluntarily’ return to Free Greece, by putting your signature beside your name on this list.’ He held the list with all our names in his hand while he spoke to us.

One by one 31 boys and 8 girls signed the list. After that our guest told us: ‘Know that volunteers from Romania and Bulgaria have already returned to Free Greece and in the very short time have excelled. They were armed and are now regular fighters fighting in glorious DAG. Other children from other democratic countries are on their way. You will be notified as soon as possible about your departure. But you do not speak a single word about your return to anyone, neither here nor at home, because if you do you become an enemy of our struggle.”

The next day, it was a Monday, after lunch, the director called us ‘volunteers’ to assemble and told us that: ‘From today on forward every night from 8 to 10 pm until your departure, you will have nightly training in the field to learn how to fight in the night. As of today, you are to tell no one about your return to Greece, no word to anyone, not even to your younger brothers and sisters. Whoever dares to say anything will be kicked out of the boarding house.’

Seven days later, on Sunday April 24, 1949 at 6 pm, the director again called us ‘volunteers’ to assemble and informed us that we will be departing tomorrow, Monday, April 25, at three o’clock in the early morning, and that we will be going to Bratislava by train with our instructor Irina. We will also be provided with dry food for one day and must leave before activities begin in the village. At

Bratislava we will meet more ‘volunteers’ and from there we will all go to ‘Free Greece’.

On Monday, April 25, 1949, we woke up and at 2 o’clock in the morning washed quickly, got dressed, picked up our suitcases, and at exactly 2:30 am formed a line at our usual place. We were accompanied by our principal and instructor Irina. We did this without alerting our younger brothers and sisters. We made a quick march to the train station, which was about one kilometre from the boarding house, and at 3 am boarded the train headed for Bratislava. We were cheerful all throughout the trip and sang many partisan and revolutionary songs.

After our ten-hour journey, which was very fast, we arrived in Bratislava at the train station around 1 pm and met up with our escort. We said goodbye to Irina who was expected to go back because she was not allowed to travel with us any further.

Around 2 pm we arrived at the entrance of the barracks where there was a guard. After inspecting the truck, he opened the doors and allowed us to enter the large courtyard where troops were moving. The truck stopped a little further inside the courtyard and allowed us to get off. There were several groups of children all around us who had arrived before us. We knew many of them from the early days in Czechoslovakia when, in December 1948, they were sent to the ‘Tatra’ Automobile Institute at the technical school in Koprivnica. Now they too were mobilized.

We rested a bit until the others arrived at 8 pm. We then gathered in the courtyard and met with the leaders sent by the CPG and by the Party organization in Bulkes. The leaders were Nikola Stoianovski, born in the village German, Prespa Region, Nikos Zafiridis and Georgios Trendafilidis, both Madziri (Turkish Christian colonists) from Kostur Region.

After we had our dinner in the military canteen, those in charge made lists of all the children present. There were 250 of us in total of whom 200 were Macedonian, and the rest were Vlach and Madziri. The CPG had ordered those making the lists to make sure all names were entered as Greek names, including those of the

Macedonian children. All of us Macedonians however had long ago dropped our Greek names and surnames. But, even though we had buried our Greek names long before schools were set up in the free villages, they insisted that we give them our Greek names. They kept telling us that: “Tomorrow when you go to Greece to fight fascism, hostile propaganda will say that Yugoslav and Bulgarian volunteers have come to Greece, not Greeks.

We, however, unanimously and harshly protested against this Greek theory, refusing to abide and we all wrote down our Macedonian names and surnames. We also demanded that our orders be given in Macedonian. We suggested that Greeks be placed in separate companies.

The next day the officers in charge separated us into three detachments, two Macedonian and one Greek...”

Tome Miovski further explained that on June 4, 1949, the children were visited by a member of the CPG Politburo. His name was Petros Kokalis, Minister of Education and Culture in the Provisional Democratic Government. Kokalis said to the children: “Comrades, I bring you greetings from the DAG fighters, who bring success to our struggle every day… Our struggle is in no need of new fighters...”

Miovski went on to say: “We, as we were all lined up, were stunned for a moment because this announcement was a surprise to us. We couldn’t understand why they didn’t send us to fight. We were already trained and prepared for combat. We spent 41 days training and now the government is telling us we can’t go? Is our liberation coming to an end or is it something else? Those in charge of us did not know what was happening. We were so disappointed, we didn’t eat that day. We just wandered around the yard asking ourselves and each other all kinds of questions...

We did not know then but later we found out that Zahariadis was summoned to Moscow where he was ordered by the Soviet leadership to cease and desist (end the armed conflict), and for the Provisional Democratic Government to appeal to the UN General

Assembly for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Also, at the same time the future for DAG was looking gloomy.”

So, can we still remain indifferent after reading the above information on the plight of the 28,000 refugee children?

Merchants of human fate

The shame of it all is that what was done to these people was done “in the name of the people”. Sadly the words “in the name of the people” were a compulsory part of the political vocabulary, a motive and an alibi for numerous ideological shifts, military goals, territorial conquests, and ethnic cleansing.

Minister Porfirogenis acted more like a merchant of fate trading children’s souls, than he did as a minister of justice in charge of DAG. Especially since about 60% of DAG’s military resources were Macedonian peasants about whom he cared very little to none. Porfirogenis promised these children “that they will see their parents, their beautiful villages, their friends, and their great-grandfather’s land liberated...” but these promises were plain and impudent lies. These children were told that after they returned to their homeland they were to speak to no one about the purpose of their return, not a single word. They were told to speak to no one at the boarding houses and tell no one back home why they returned because if they did they would become enemies of the struggle. This pretty well paints a vivid picture of the overall situation in which the Macedonian children and the Macedonian fighters found themselves under the engineered communist ideology.

It is becoming clearer and clearer that those who led the war had no ideals, no sacred things, and no moral constraints. They did everything for personal gain and self-interest. They worked to groom their own careers. After the war ended they proved themselves to be void of spirituality. They were powerful during the war because they led in a strange dictatorial way and by unconsciously repeated words like: patriotism, loyalty, ideal, tradition and devotion to the revolution.

Is this what the common Macedonian fought for during that war?! Where were NOF, AFZH and NOMS to guide and protect the common Macedonian?! Did NOF, AFZH and NOMS even have the power to do so?! The answer is NO!