Canadian Macedonian Heritage Society Canadian Macedonian Heritage Society Devenir membre !

Mincho Fotev and the National Liberation Movement of the Macedonian People from Greek Occupied Macedonia (1941-1949)

Part II - Part 04

Par Dr. Mihailo Minoski · Partie 7 sur 17 · Environ 34 minutes

Lire en Македонски

There was fierce reaction from the CPG and the ELAS Regiment Headquarters against the Macedonian Gotse Battalion undertaking independent combat actions or forming new Macedonian units, battalions, or brigades. In fact, the ELAS Regiment Headquarters issued orders to dismantle the Macedonian battalion by force if necessary. As the situation intensified, commander and staff at battalion Headquarters, Ilia Dimovski-Gotse, Paskal Mitrevski, Atanas Koroveshovski, Mincho Fotev and others, decided to inform the NOV and POM Headquarters of the growing situation. Paskal Mitrevski was dispatched to see NOV and POM and seek a response. (M. Fotev, views and notes, p. 20.) While they were waiting for Paskal Mitrevski to return ELAS units initiated attacks against the Gotse battalion in an attempt to either dissolve it and

arrest 90 of its fighters, who were declared “rebels” because they refused to disband, or transfer it from Mount Vicho to Kozheni Region as ordered by the IX Division of the ELAS XXVIII Regiment. (M. Fotev, views and notes, p. 20.)

Gotse Battalion crossing over the border into the Republic of Macedonia

In order to “avoid clashing with ELAS units and unnecessary bloodshed” the Gotse battalion left Mount Vicho and crossed over the border, at “Markova Noga” checkpoint near the village Luboino, and entered the Republic of Macedonia. It then moved to the village Graeshnitsa, Bitola Region, where it remained stationary while new fighters, who individually or collectively had previously left ELAS, joined it. The battalion grew to over 200 fighters. (Ibid, p. 20-21.) The partisans in this battalion were issued new badges including five-pointed stars to wear on their hats. (Ibid, p. 21.)

While the Gotse battalion was stationed in the village Graeshnitsa it was visited by Paskal Mitrevski, Lambro Cholakov and Renos Mihaelas, ELAS IX Division Commissioner who had just arrived from NOV and POM General Headquarters. General Headquarters instructors also arrived to assist with resolving the political and organizational problems. (Ibid.)

Macedonian people’s situation in Greek occupied Macedonia under Greek monarchic post-war control

After the monarchist regime was established in Greece, to which the CPG leadership gave legitimacy by signing the Varkiza Agreement on February 12, 1945, the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia found themselves in a worse situation than before the war. It was as if they were thrown back to the Metaxas dictatorship and systematically terrorized by the Greek police and the gendarmerie, but this terror was tougher, more horrifying and more violent and was committed by the Greek paramilitary and by Greek armed terrorist gangs. These gangs were composed of fascist and destructive elements which, until yesterday, had cooperated with the occupiers. They were led by Frantsiskos Kolaras-Tsezos, a Turkish colonist from Asia Minor, who initially settled in the village

Gorentsi and then in Rupishsta, Kostur Region. During the occupation he terrorized the Kostur population then, after the occupiers withdrew, he was arrested and imprisoned. At the beginning of 1945 after the Varkiza Agreement was signed, he was released, armed and, along with other leaders of paramilitary and armed gang members, sent to terrorize the Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia. Included among the other armed terrorist gang leaders that Kolaras led with, were Georgios Mitrushis-Gifas, Andreas Papadopoulos, Aristotelis Kendros, Theodoros Skotidas, Georgios Tsaris, Simos Zupas, Iordanis Spiropoulos, and Papadinas the priest from Bela Tsrkva. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 69; Development through the National Liberation Front (NOF) in Greek occupied Macedonia, p. 3.) They acted in “the most cruel way” against the Macedonian people; heinously killing innocent Macedonians.

According to Fotev: “After they killed a Macedonian they cutoff the head, hammered a spear into it and carried it around the settlements to frighten people.” (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 3.) They also raped and killed many girls as confirmed by one of Fotev’s reports. According to Fotev: “At night the Monarcho-Fascist bands from the village Zagorichani abducted 17 women, took them to Giolee near Lake Kostur and brutally killed them all...” These particular bandits were led by Stavros Haralampidis and during the night abducted Anastasia Steriovski from her home in Rupishsta, and after raping her they slaughtered her and left her dead body in the garden. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 3-4.) These gangs also often looted these women’s households and beat them to death. According to Fotev: “These Monarcho-Fascist orgies were horrible. The life and dignity of every Macedonian man and woman depended on the will of each bandit, of each gendarme, of each policeman… These monsters beat the people to death in their own homes… on the street… and were not willing to spare a woman, or even a minor. Girls were raped in front of their parents. This was done in order to force the people to abandon their homeland and leave.” (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 3-4.) Included among the armed bandits operating in Rupishsta were Georgios Mitrushis-Gifas, Aristotelis Kendros, Tomas Bendos, Eleftherios Liakos, Rigas Karageorgiou, Filipas Samaras, Stavros Halarambidis, brothers Georgios and Harilaos Livanidis, and Gregorios Saris. At

night, disguised and wearing masks, they attacked the houses of Macedonian fighters. According to Fotev’s startling testimony, Evtalia Changova, who survived her torture, made the following statement: “It was midnight. My daughter Sofia and I were asleep. Then suddenly we were attacked by a group of masked men, Monarcho-Fascists, I believe. With guns pointed at us they began to beat us. They cursed and swore at us something awful, they demanded to know who we were hiding in the house. One of the attackers – Georgios Mitrushis-Gifas was holding a human head in his hand. The head was half-covered with a black handkerchief. He pushed it towards me and said it was the head of my son Tomo. I was petrified and trembling with fear. My daughter fell unconscious. After they searched the house they all, one by one, beat us by kicking and punching us. Then, when they were departing, they threatened us not tell anyone what they had done...” Kosta Tamboura from the same town was beaten nearly to death by these bandits and then buried alive. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 69; Developments through NOF, p. 3-4.)

At the time there was no organized resistance against this Monarcho-Fascist terror and the regime allowed these gangs to operate freely. The impact of the regime, however, was not limited to terrorizing individuals; it was also targeting anti-Monarcho-Fascist Greek democratic parties and organizations. Especially targeted by the Greek police, by special military formations and by the Greek National Guard, were the CPG, EAM and EPON. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 4.) It was under these conditions that the March 31, 1946 parliamentary elections were held in Greece. Powerless to do anything to change the situation, the CPG and EAM decided to boycott the elections. Unfortunately, the Monarcho-Fascist regime legalized its rule, even without their participation, after which it escalated the terror in Greek occupied Macedonia. (Ibid, p. 15.)

The Macedonian people, especially the Macedonian fighters, who fought during the war (WW II) to free Greece from the fascists, found themselves in a frightening situation. The Macedonian people were not given any choice except to pick up guns and fight back to defend themselves. They were forced to start independent Macedonian political organizations and “boldly, in a revolutionary

way, continue their just struggle for freedom against their Greek oppressors…” (Ibid.)

Formation of the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade” and the Political Commission

A new battalion was formed in the village Velushina with the fighters who had arrived from Greek occupied Macedonia. Appointed Commander of this battalion was Atanas Koroveshovski. Krsto Mangov was appointed political commissar. (M. Fotev, views and notes, p. 21) Later the Lerin-Kostur battalion was formed with Ilia Dimovski-Gotse as its Commander. In Battalion Headquarters Pere from Prilep was appointed political commissar, Naum Shupurkovski-Leon was appointed deputy political commissar, Steve from Velushina, Bitola Region, was appointed Chief of Staff, Mincho Fotev was appointed Secretary of SKOJ and Giore Gioreski from Prilep was appointed instructor… (M. Fotev, views and notes, p. 21.) Immediately after its formation the battalion, under the command of Koroveshovski, left for Greek occupied Macedonia and took up position in Kostur Region. (Ibid.)

The Lerin-Kostur battalion entered Bitola on November 4, 1944, the same day Bitola was liberated, and it was converted into a brigade. (Ibid.) The political governing body named “Political Commission of Macedonia under Greece”, headed by Paskal Mitrevski, was also formed here at this time. (Ibid.)

Later the Voden Macedonian battalion, led by Giorgi Urdov-Dzhodzho and Pavle Rakovski, arrived in Bitola from Prilep. (M. Fotev, views and notes, p. 21-22.)

(Pavle Rakovski-Gotse was from the village Dolno Kleshtina, Lerin Region. He was born on May 23, 1913. He graduated from the pedagogical school in Solun and was a teacher at the school in the village Tsako, Meglen Region. He was a participant in the anti-fascist movement in Meglen Region and was regional leader in the ELAS reserves in Ostrov Region and a fighter in the Voden Macedonian ELAS partisan battalion. He created a special Macedonian alphabet and published a Proclamation to the Macedonian people in Voden Region. After the CPG leadership

decided to disband the battalion, in mid-October, he, along with the Macedonian units, crossed over into the Republic of Macedonia where he participated in the creation of the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade” composed of the Macedonian fighters from Greek occupied Macedonia, in which he was appointed member of the political Commission of the Macedonians under Greece. In early 1945 he returned to Greek occupied Macedonia to a locality in Meglen Region. During NOF’s establishment on April 23, 1945 he was part of a six-person leadership responsible for agitation, propaganda and publishing. He was a member of the NOF Coordinating Bureau responsible for agitation and propaganda. He published the newspaper “Nepokoren”. He was a member of NOF in the second international Congress of peace in Prague in April 1949. After the Informburo resolution and after DAG’s defeat, he and the other NOF top leaders were arrested in Albania on October 7, 1949 by DAG security organs. In Albania he was imprisoned in the “Bureli” camp prison and was later transferred to the Central prison in Tirana, and after that, in December 1949, he was sent to the USSR where he was sentenced to 10 years in prison and attached to a concentration camp in Siberia. After the liberation of the camp in 1960, he and his family returned to the Socialist Republic of Macedonia and resided in Skopje. He was awarded for his revolutionary involvement. He died in Skopje on January 10, 1990.)

In the first half of November 1944, the Brigade in Bitola was joined by about 300 new recruits, all from Greek occupied Macedonia, who lived in Bitola and who came from Bulgaria from the Macedonian units from Greek occupied Macedonia who were former soldiers and officers in the Bulgarian army. In time the number of fighters was increased to more than 2,500. More new battalions were created bringing their total number to six. This included the Lerin-Kostur battalion which had left Greek occupied Macedonia. Commanders of these battalions were Atanas Koroveshovski, Risto Iankulovski, Miltiadi Popnikolov-Cvetko, Dimitar Tupurkovski-Titan, Risto Kardalov and Sotir Andonovski. Deputy Commanders were Pando Markovski, Blagoi Dimitrov, Lefter Olevski and Metodi Bikov. Political commissioners of the battalions were Pando Shiperkov (Captain in the JNA), Pando Trpovski-Buntovski, Giorgi Iakov, Vangel Mangov, Andon Boshkov (Captain in the JNA) and Argir Kuzevski. Deputy political commissars were Dinko Delevski,

Kocho Kalinchev-Iovan, Vane Siskovski, Krsto Mangov and Mihail Apostolov-Granit. (Ibid, p. 23) In February 1945 Spiro Lazarevski was appointed deputy political commissar in the battalion commanded by Atanas Koroveshovski. (Ibid, p. 23.) On November 18, 1944 Brigade Headquarters, in accordance with the Political Committee and representatives of the National Liberation of Macedonia, ordered a reorganization. Appointed to General Headquarters were Ilia Dimovski, Gotse Commander, Mihail Keramitchiev, Political Commissar, Vangel Aianovski-Oche, Deputy Political Commissar, Steve from the village Velushina, Chief of Staff, Mincho Fotev, Secretary of SKOJ, and Giore Gioreski, Instructor for youth issues. Even before Vangel Aianovski-Oche had a chance to take his position, the Political Committee withdrew their decision on his appointment and he was replaced with Vasil Makrievski. Giorgi Atanasovski-Blazhe was appointed permanent representative in the Headquarters by the Brigade Political Commission. (M. Fotev, views and notes, p. 22.)

In February 1945, on the orders of NOV and POM General Staff, a reorganization took place and new compositions were created from the brigade that included 3 infantry battalions, 1 special battalion and 1 heavy weapons battalion. Due to deteriorating relations in Brigade Headquarters more changes were made. General Headquarters dismissed Naum Peiov from his duty as deputy commander because he was pointed out as being “the main culprit for the bad relations…” Political Commissar Mihailo Keramitchiev was also sacked for the same reason and replaced with Dinko Delevski. (Ibid, p. 23.) The Brigade remained at that same formative composition until May 2, 1945 when it was disbanded. According to Fotev: “Perhaps there was a formal act to have the brigade disbanded on April 2, 1944, but it was actually disbanded on May 2, 1944. The brigade took part in the May Day celebration in Skopje.” (Ibid, p. 24.)

National Liberation Front for the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia

The Macedonian national revolutionary organization under the name: National Liberation Front (NOF) was founded on April 23, 1945. At the same time it was decided to establish a national youth

organization (NOMS) and the Macedonian national organization for women (AFZH). According to Fotev: “The establishment of NOF, NOMS and AFZH was one of the biggest benefits for the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, since Macedonia came under Greek dominion.” (M. Fotev, developments through NOF.)

The NOF organizational leadership, named in the documents as the “NOF Main Board” or the “NOF Senior Leadership”, was made up of six members that included Paskal Mitrevski, Giorgi Urdov-Dzhodzho, Atanas Koroveshovski, Mihailo Keramitchiev, Pavle Rakovski and Mincho Fotev. The leadership was appointed on May 21, 1945 in Skopje, in the “Matsura” building on “Ortse Nikolov” street. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 8.). Paskal Mitrevski was appointed Political Secretary. Atanas Koroveshovski was made responsible for military affairs. Mincho Fotev was appointed Secretary of NOMS and SKOJ. (Ibid.) The NOF leadership functioned under the body of the CPM (Communist Party of Macedonia)... (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 7.) During NOF’s constitutive meeting, discussions took place to determine responsibilities for the various organs and functions of people’s Boards as well as the responsibilities of the AFZH Secretary. However, the answers to these questions were deferred to the next meeting. (Ibid, p. 7-8.)

Immediately after it was constituted, the NOF Main Board held a working meeting. Political Secretary Paskal Mitrevski spoke of NOF’s historic significance and of its upcoming tasks as well as responsibilities. He also spoke of the political situation in Greece, particularly about the internal situation and the Greek communist movement. He also spoke about the ferocity with which the Monarcho-Fascist regime terrorized the Macedonian population. Other issues discussed during the meeting included urgent organizational and personnel matters such as:

1. A decision to separate Greek occupied Macedonia into 5 districts: 1. Kostur, 2. Lerin, 3. Voden, 4. Enidzhe-Vardar and Gumendzhiski and 5. Eastern District to include Seres and Drama, and to commit to this effective separation and identify activities for the governing bodies.

2. A decision to establish the NOF, NOMS and AFZH organizational structures and the Communist organizations for country, district, city and village organizations and governing bodies.

3. The NOF Board appointed the following District Secretaries: Lambro Cholakov from the village Smrdesh of Kostur Region, a participant of PLM, was appointed Kostur District Secretary. Risto Ianovski was appointed Lerin District Secretary, Vangel Aianovski was appointed Voden District Secretary and Ivan Nitchev from Gumendzhe was appointed Enidzhe-Vardar and Gumendzhe District Secretary. No Secretary was appointed for the Eastern District but Mihail Apostolov, an instructor on the NOF Main Board, was given that responsibility.

(Mihail Apostolov- Graniti was from the village Krchishta, Kostur Region. He was born on November 25, 1923 and was a participant in the PLM. He was a fighter in ELAS in the “Lazo Trpovski” unit in 1943, as well as deputy political commissar in a unit in the Kostur Macedonian battalion, commander of a platoon in the Kostur-Lerin battalion “Gotse” and member of DAG staff on Mount Vicho in 1946. He died as commander of a DAG battalion on Mount Gramos on March 31, 1948. (Ibid, p. 8.))

4. Decision to establish an agitation and propaganda department. Paskal Mitrevski was assigned to organize this department.

5. Decision to organize national defense and armed groups to protect the people from the Greek Monarcho-Fascist regime terror and from the Greek armed gangs. To form regional and district armed groups to act under the direction of the NOF regional and district secretaries. (Ibid, p. 8.)

6. Decision to address the government of the People’s Republic of Macedonia to organize acceptance of exiles and refugees from Greek occupied Macedonia. (Ibid, p. 8-9.) This request was accepted by Skopje and a Main Committee for refugee affairs was formed and headed by the NOF Main Board. Appointed President of this board

was Georgi Bonchev from Drama Region and Paskal Mitrevski acted as its Secretary. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 9.)

NOF for Greek occupied Macedonia was created and organized under direct CPM Central Committee leadership. At the very moment when World War II was practically over, the USSR, Britain and the United States established their influence over the Balkans. With a Monarcho-Fascist regime in power in Greece, Britain and the USA took a position to safeguard Greece’s territorial integrity to prewar Versailles borders. Four months earlier, however, the same leaders from the People’s Republic of Macedonia, who fought fiercely with the units of the Macedonian army in the first days of January, now sought to continue the struggle to liberate the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia. The Macedonian communists and the Macedonian people were incited to start a new armed liberation struggle. According to Fotev, the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia “were encouraged to start new, hopeful and optimistic revolutionary exploits for a just cause…” (Ibid, p. 10.)

The constituent and first NOF Main Board working meeting was attended by Tsvetko Uzunovski-Abas, a representative of the CPM Central Committee, and on behalf of the CPM Central Committee he praised the formation of NOF for the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia. He informed the NOF leadership that it would have full and comprehensive assistance from the CPM and from the People’s Republic of Macedonia. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 9.) After the meeting the NOF leadership left the Republic of Macedonia and returned to Greek occupied Macedonia. Paskal Mitrevski returned to Lerin District, Atanas Koroveshovski to Enidzhe-Vardar and Gumendzhisko District, Giorgi Urdov-Dzhodzho and Pavle Rakovski went to Voden District, and Mihail Apostoloski-Graniti went to Seres via Bulgarian occupied Macedonia. (Ibid.)

The Macedonian communists, at this point, stopped imposed organizing and leading of the liberation struggle under the CPG leadership’s “Greek flag”, which was fatal to the Macedonian liberation. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 5.) After they became independent of the CPG, they formed an independent

Macedonian communist party in Greek occupied Macedonia, but this Party chose to act through NOF. According to Fotev, the formation of this Party had CPM Central Committee consent.

According to Fotev, NOF’s goals were defined as follows:

1. To struggle for the national and social liberation of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia;

2. To affirm the national identity and struggle of the Macedonian people for their national freedom and rights;

3 To actualize the Macedonian National Question in the political life in Greece;

4. To organize resistance against the bloody terror and genocide implemented by the Greek Monarcho-Fascist government;

5. To strengthen the moral, political and national unity of the Macedonian people;

6. To reveal and smash Vancho Mihailov’s espionage organizations which, as agents of the Anglo-American imperialists, are fighting against the interests of the Macedonian people;

7. To foster and strengthen the brotherhood and unity with the Greek people and to fight a joint struggle with the progressive Greek forces against the enemies of freedom and the independence of Greece;

8. To familiarize the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia with the national and historical benefits of a new Yugoslavia and with the progress of the Macedonian people in the People’s Republic of Macedonia;

9. To struggle to bridge the artificial gap between the Macedonian people and to bring the Macedonian people from all parts closer together, especially now that the People’s Republic of Macedonia is the Piedmont to the full liberation of the Macedonian people. (Ibid, p. 5-6,)

With this proclamation and establishment of NOF we hope to return optimism and faith in the success of our struggle for national liberation. (Ibid, p. 6.) With NOF on the scene, the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia will finally gain their national and political leadership. (Ibid, p. 5.)

To NOF’s response, the Greek Monarcho-Fascist regime stepped up its monitoring activities and its attacks in an attempt to dismantle it. Arrested NOF activists and supporters were brutally tortured and tried by military courts. On July 26, 1946 a military court in Enidzhe-Vardar sentenced to death and executed Mirka Ginova AFZH Secretary and hero of the Macedonian people, Pando Terpovski NOF District Board Secretary, Tasho Ivanovski Head of NOMS from Rupishsta, Giorgi Proeski from Voden, Dimitar Limbov from the village Vladova, Risto Stoianov, Petre Popdimitrov, Tomo Mihailov, Giorgis Mistikidis, Vasil Delevski from the village Chuka and others. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 6.)

(Irina Ginova-Mirka was from the village Rusilovo, Voden Region. She was born in 1916. She completed her elementary schooling in her native village and after that she completed a three-year domestic studies course in Voden and took a teacher’s course in Kostur. She taught in the village Kutugeri in Voden Region in an area populated by Turkish colonists and settlers from Asia Minor. After that she taught in the Macedonian village Velkoianevo in Voden Region. In 1941, after Greece was occupied by the fascist forces, she returned to her native village and joined the Greek resistance movement and the Macedonian national liberation movement. In 1943 she became member of the Regional Board of the EPON youth organization for Ostrovo Region, and then a member of the Communist Party of Greece. She canvassed, attracted and organized many young Macedonian partisans into PLM. She was an ELAS fighter in the Voden detachment in 1944 and participated in the armed struggle against the fascist forces. She was a member of the NOF District Board and AFZH District Board Secretary for Voden Region in 1945. She was captured by the Monarcho-Fascists during the struggle, tried by a military court and sentenced to death. She was executed on July 26, 1946.)

(Pando Trpovski-Bundovski was from the village Galishte, Kostur Region. He was a communist, an ELAS fighter, member of the PLM of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, political commissar of the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade” and NOF District Committee secretary. He was arrested by the Greek Monarcho-Fascist police, sentenced to death and shot in Athens in 1948.)

(Giorgi Proevski was from the city Voden. He was a participant of the PLM, member of the NOF Board for Voden Region and a fighter in the ELAS Voden Macedonian battalion. He was sentenced to death by a Greek Monarcho-Fascist Military Court and was executed in the Enidzhe-Vardar cemetery on July 26, 1946.)

(Dimitar Limbov was from the village Vladova, Voden Region. He was a participant of the PLM and a member of the NOF Regional Board. He was sentenced to death by a Greek Monarcho-Fascist Military Court and was executed on July 26, 1946.)

(Risto Stoianov, a NOF activist, was from the village Mesimeri, Voden Region. He was sentenced to death by a Greek Monarcho-Fascist Military Court and was executed in the Enidzhe-Vardar cemetery on July 26, 1946.)

(Petre Popdimitrov was from Voden. He was an activist and member of the NOF City Board. He was sentenced to death by a Greek Monarcho-Fascist Military Court and was executed on July 26, 1946.)

(Tomo Mikhailov was from the village Bugovo, Voden Region. He was a participant in the PLM and was a member of the NOF Regional Committee. He was sentenced to death by a Greek Monarcho-Fascist Military Court and was executed on July 26, 1946.)

Both Greek uniformed and secret police were instructed and empowered to detect NOF organizers and activists and to “execute them on the spot”! Killed by this method were Atanas Koroveshovski, NOF Main Board member, Gligor Kiosev from Rupishsta, Zhivko Popovski, Aleko Vasilev from the village

Gumendzhe, Kukush Region, and Kuzma Kaloianovski. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 6.) In the cities, in Greek occupied Macedonia, acts were organized to expel the Macedonian people. According to Fotev, during demonstrations the Greeks carried placards and chanted “Bulgarians leave!” and “Death to the Bulgaro-Communists!”

(Atanas Koroveshovski was from the village Smrdesh, Kostur Region. He participated in the PLM, was commander of the First Macedonian battalion formed in Karaorman in 1944 and was Commander of the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade”. He was killed in combat on September 3, 1945 at the village Kornishor, Enidzhe-Vardar Region.)

(Zhivko Popovski was from the village Popozhani, Lerin Region. He participated in the PLM, was an ELAS fighter and was a member of the NOF District Board and a member of the CPG Lerin Committee. He was killed in 1948.)

(Kuzma Kaloianovski was from the village Nestram, Kostur Region. He was a revolutionary and a communist before World War II. He was a participant of the PLM and a veteran. He was a NOF Regional Committee Secretary. He was killed in 1947.)

According to Fotev, after NOF was established, British and American agents in Greece initiated a strong propaganda campaign in support of Vancho Mihailov, creating an autonomist movement under the slogan “united and independent Macedonia”. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 6-7.) Their real goal was to create spy and sabotage centres to combat the PLM in Greek occupied Macedonia and to work against the People’s Republic of Macedonia with “espionage and subversive activities against the people’s democratic Balkan countries, but primarily against the SFRY”. (Ibid, p. 7.)

In spite of all the roadblocks, NOF still experienced rapid progress. By mid-June it had formed its first four NOF county boards and by the end of August it formed NOF city boards in Lerin, Voden, Enidzhe-Vardar and Rupishsta. It also formed eight district boards and a few area boards, each staffed with five members. In that

period it had formed NOF, NOMS and AFZH cells in about half of the Macedonian settlements. By October 1945 the organization had expanded its territory almost throughout the entire Greek occupied part of Macedonia. (Ibid.) The Eastern Districts, Seres and Drama, were, however, progressing much slower mainly due to difficult conditions and to lack of staff. (Ibid.) It did not take too long for NOF to grow and spread its organizations nation-wide promoting the national liberation movement and equality with the Greek people; “freedom, independence and peace in Greece”. (Ibid, p. 10.) This, according Fotev, was due to two “historical” moments:

1. The glorious revolutionary traditions and ideals of the Ilinden Uprising and the legacy of the Ilinden revolutionaries whose offspring will continue their struggle until its final realization.

2. The winning outcome of the People’s Liberation War and the revolution fought side by side with the Yugoslav nation and nationalities in this common struggle, which created the Macedonian republic and which inspired the liberation movement in Greek occupied Macedonia. (Ibid, p. 10.) All this was achieved with “moral, political and material support from the People’s Republic of Macedonia”, consequently from Yugoslavia. (Ibid.) The Macedonian nation was united in NOF with the conviction that only “a revolutionary struggle with blood and sacrifices can deliver national and social freedom…” (Ibid.)

The CPG leadership attacked NOF with “special sharpness”. According to Fotev, the CPG during NOF’s 1st Congress labeled NOF a “nationalist and autonomist organization”. (M. Fotev, CPG’s reaction to NOF, p. 2.) Even the EAM protested to NOF’s existence. In no time at all the Greeks in the CPG and EAM declared the NOF leaders Vancho Mihailov’s agents, established to break the unity of the democratic movement in Greece. According to Fotev, the CPG and EAM did not recognize NOF; if they did then they would have to change their “chauvinistic and greater-Greece attitude” towards the Macedonian National Question. They would then have to go in front of the Greek people and tell them that they have recognized the Macedonian nation and that they would have to free it in Greek occupied Macedonia. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 7; CPG’s reaction to NOF, p. 3.)

The CPG was now facing a new reality created by NOF’s establishment which represented an organized independent Macedonian national liberation movement. Supported by the Republic of Macedonia, NOF emerged as a political factor in Greece. The CPG could not claim, as it claimed up until then, that the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia were only a minor isolated linguistic “Slavo-phone” group. A Macedonian people, as “part of the Macedonian nation which lived on its national territory”, appeared in the political arena in Greece. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 12.) These Macedonian people were determined to fight for their liberation with arms and were led by their own political leaders. These were people who “no longer wanted to remain separated from their free brothers in the People’s Republic of Macedonia”. (Ibid, p. 12) And because of these reasons, the CPG continued to “attack and slander NOF and its leadership, opening the way for the Monarcho-Fascists to perpetrate even greater terror acts against them”. (Ibid.) Eventually NOF, NOMS and AFZH collided with the CPG and came into sharp verbal exchanges regarding who had the right to recruitment in the Greek army. At this point the Macedonian leadership called on every Macedonian to avoid being drafted into the Greek military service, especially to avoid being drafted into the Greek army of the Monarcho-Fascist regime which perpetrated terror acts against the Macedonian people. The CPG then accused the Macedonians of “subversion against the Greek army”. (Ibid. p. 14.)

The Monarcho-Fascist regime in Greece further intensified its repression through its police and terrorist formations, in an attempt to expel the Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia through terror. This practice reached its peak with the return of the Greek King on October 28, 1946. (Ibid, p. 15.) The right-wing press, through its newspapers “Ellinikos Voras”, “Nea Alithia” and others, called for the expulsion of the “Sudetenland of Greece”. (Ibid, p. 15.) Because of the cruelty of the perpetrated daily terror, old people, men, women and children, naked and barefoot began to flee across the border into the Republic of Macedonia in an attempt to save their lives. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 15.) According to reports maintained by the NOF Main Board, in the first 6 months of 1945 alone, more than 25,000 Macedonians were

expelled from Greek occupied Macedonia. (Ibid, p. 15; M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 70.) The Macedonian fighters in ELAS were constantly persecuted and arrested. The number of Macedonian patriots and ELAS fighters detained and persecuted had risen to several thousand. According to Fotev, even in a small town such as Rupishsta around 300 Macedonians were arrested, three were heinously killed and about 100 were persecuted and exiled to the People’s Republic of Macedonia. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 12-13.) Those arrested were sent to the infamous concentration camps such as “Makroniso”, “Iura” and “Pavlos Melas” and to the prisons “Averof”, “Edikule” and others in which many were killed by the Greek police using “medieval inquisitorial methods of torture”. (M. Fotev, about the counter-bands, p. 70; Developments through NOF, p. 13.)

To protect the population, NOF organized a National Defense Strategy. Former ELAS fighters were combined with armed youth groups who had developed countermeasures against the terrorists. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 13.) The first partisan units were later formed from these armed groups, which at that time responded to Greek terrorist attacks with equal measures. According to Fotev: “No attack was dismissed without adequate punishment…” (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 13.) Slowly the people began to develop courage and became “revolutionized”. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 13.) People began to join NOF en masse and the organization spread and grew into a powerful national liberation movement. The Macedonian communists left the Communist Party of Greece en masse. According to Party reports for Greek occupied Macedonia, about 80% of the Macedonian communists left the CPG and joined NOF, NOMS and AFZH. (Ibid, p. 13.)

The CPG continued with its hostilities toward NOF, declaring it an “autonomist organization” at every opportunity. The CPG even harshly condemned the self-defense measures NOF undertook to protect the people from terrorism. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 13.) To show how strong the CPG’s hostility was towards NOF is evidenced by the fact that the CPG worked with the Monarcho-Fascists against NOF. The CPG District leadership for Greek occupied Macedonia called on the Greek police and on other

law enforcement authorities to “liquidate the NOF militants and their supporters”. The CPG undertook a propaganda campaign calling on the Greek population to mobilize against NOF. In June 1945 the CPG Regional Committee for Kostur Region distributed leaflets calling on the authorities to take measures to liquidate the “autonomist NOF”. On June 28, 1945 the CPG District Committee for Voden Region called on all party members and on all the Greek people to mobilize against the “autonomists”, “separatists” and “counter-bandits” organized by NOF. (Ibid.) All this led to strained relations.

To avoid escalation, the NOF leadership responded with restraint to the violent CPG attacks and looked for a way to normalize relations, because the CPM from the People’s Republic of Macedonia insisted that NOF normalize its relations with the CPG. (M. Fotev, the CPG’s attitude towards NOF, p. 4.)

The Macedonian PLM needed to align itself with the Greek anti-Monarcho-Fascist movement to fight against the Monarcho-Fascists and in order to do that, NOF decided it needed to support of CPG and EAM organized actions such as strikes, protests and other forms of resistance. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 15.) The majority of the NOF leaders were convinced that no Macedonian victory could be achieved without “brotherhood and unity” and without all the progressive Greek forces working together in the struggle for national rights and freedom…” (M. Fotev, development through NOF, p. 19.) For that reason the NOF leadership decided it was time to normalize relations with the CPG and EAM. According to Fotev, the NOF leadership persistently tried to remove all misunderstandings that stood between itself and the CPG and EAM. Unfortunately, there was some resistance on both sides and the desired normalization could not be acheived. (Ibid, p. 19) But, according to Fotev, the resistance of a few was not really at issue here. The real issue was that the CPG did not want to recognize the existence of the Macedonian National Question in Greece. This, Fotev says, was the fundamental issue. The main obstacle was that the CPG leadership did not have the courage to openly and clearly speak the truth to the Greek people, to the working class, or even its membership, that Macedonian people existed in Greece and, for a long time, were struggling for their own rights and independence.

(M. Fotev, development through NOF, p. 19.) And because of this lack of courage the Communist Party of Greece had no intention of ever recognizing the Macedonian people!

In early January 1946 the NOF Main Board took unilateral action to establish cooperative relations with the CPG. With such a directive it ordered the NOF, NOMS and AFZH county, district, city and regional leaderships to establish links with the CPG, EAM, AKE and EPON organizations and to show them flexibility in resolving outstanding issues, mutual accusations and attacks and to avoid conflict “at any cost” in order to achieve unity with them against the Monarcho-Fascist regime. (Ibid, p. 20.)

At about the same time the CPG’s situation was exacerbated. Communists and ELAS fighters came under extreme attacks from the Athens based Monarcho-Fascist regime. According to Fotev, who personally received this information directly from General Markos Vafiadis, by June 1946 some 80,000 Greeks and Macedonians, members and supporters of the CPG and EAM, and ELAS fighters were detained and imprisoned without a trial. About 8,000 ELAS partisan, officers and commissars were expelled from Greece and exiled in Yugoslavia. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 16.) Under these conditions the CPG decided to re-arm the partisan movement and fight back. New partisan units were created from the former ELAS fighters and their numbers were increased with time. By July 1946 there were Greek partisans in the mountainous regions of Thessaly, Epirus, Greek occupied Macedonia and other places. By CPG Central Committee Politburo decision, Markos Vafiadis was appointed supreme commander of the new forces. (Ibid.) There were only a few Greek partisan units in Greek occupied Macedonia because, at that time, both the CPG and EAM were unpopular with the Macedonian people. (M. Fotev, development through NOF, p. 17.)

The NOF Main Board met to review the situation with the appearance of Greek partisan units formed by the CPG, in Greek occupied Macedonia. At that point it was decided to increase the number of Macedonian partisans and intensify partisan actions. (Ibid, p. 16.) The existing and new units were formed with Macedonians, “exclusively from volunteers”, former ELAS

partisans and fighters from the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade”. (Ibid, p. 17.)

By directive from the Main Board, the governing bodies and activists of NOF, NOMS and AFZH were required to intensify their activities in preparing the people for a mass armed struggle against the Greek Monarcho-Fascist regime. Special persons were appointed by the Main Board to implement this directive. Appointed to central Greek occupied Macedonia; Voden, Enidzhe-Vardar and Gumendzhe Regions, was Giorgi Urdov-Dzhodzho, appointed to western Greek occupied Macedonia; Kostur, Lerin, Vicho and Gramos Regions, was Mincho Fotev. Four regional operating areas were also formed by decision of the Main Board. These were: Gramos, Vicho, Kaimakchalan and Paiak Mountains with their own Headquarters.

Commanders and commissars for each operational zone headquarters were also appointed. In the Vicho operational zone Pando Shiperkov was appointed commander and Mihail Apostolov-Graniti was appointed commissar. In the Gramos operational zone Vasil Hristovski was appointed commander and Sotir Kostovski-Direkot was appointed commissar. In the Paiak operational zone Kiro Kochko was appointed commander and Ivan Kovachev-Orfias was appointed commissar. (Ibid, p. 16-17.) Fotev did not provide information on the Kaimakchalan operational zone. The various operational zone headquarters were subordinated to the NOF Main Board and were obliged to cooperate with the NOF district leadership. The Main Board also talked about forming a central military leadership headquarters but that was delayed due to the urgency of escalating the formation and execution of the armed struggle. (Ibid, p. 17.) Also discussed at the same meeting was the need to supply the partisan detachments with arms, ammunition, clothing, food, medical supplies and other essentials.It was concluded that it could be done with help from the people. (Ibid, p. 16.)

(Pando Shiperkov was from the village Smrdesh, Kostur Region. He was a fighter in ELAS, a political commissar of the regiment of the first Macedonian battalion created in Kaimakchalan, a political commissar in a battalion of the “First Macedonian Assault Brigade”,

captain in the JHA, commander of the Vicho headquarters partisan units, member of the NOF Main Board, commander of a DAG battalion and Lieutenant Colonel in DAG. He was killed at the village Papretsko, Kostur Region, in 1948.)

(Vasil Hristovski was from the village Dobrolishta, Kostur Region. He was an ELAS fighter, a commander of a Macedonian detachment and a DAG company commander. He was killed in 1948.)

(Sotir Kostovski-Direkot was from the village Stensko, Kostur Region. He was an ELAS fighter, a political commissar of a NOF Macedonian detachment and a political commissar of a DAG detachment. He was killed in 1948.)

(Ivan Kovachev-Orfias was from Gumendzhi. He was an ELAS fighter, a member of the NOF District Board, Secretary of NOMS District Board for Enidzhe-Vardar and Gumendzhisko District, a candidate member of the NOF Central Council and a DAG company commander. He was killed in a battle on Mount Gramos in August 1949.)