Part II - Part 07

The situation in Greece forced the CPG leadership to again make concessions to normalize its relations with NOF. The CPG called for NOF to have another Plenum. On February 3, 1949 the Second NOF Central Council Plenum was held, during which a decision was adopted to convene a Second NOF Congress with the date set for March 25, 1949. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 51.)

On March 20, 1949, shortly before the NOF Congress, a DAG political commissar counseling meeting was held, during which the General Staff political secretary submitted a report praising the Macedonian fighters and officers in DAG as heroes, fighting in a heroic struggle. The paper also mentioned irregularities and the chauvinistic attitude of the Greek political secretaries taken towards the Macedonian fighters. Among other things, the report said: “The Slavo-Macedonian soldiers and officers are DAG’s best fighters. They fought and fight bravely. These heroic people gave their best. They sacrificed their children, their properties and their homes. There is no home where one could find no casualties; wounded, or killed. About 20 to 50% of the DAG units fighting on Vicho Mountain are Slavo-Macedonian…” (Ibid, p. 53.) CPG Secretary General Nikos Zahariadis personally decided to restore the suspended NOF officers to their former NOF leadership positions. This included Paskal Mitrevski who, at this point in time, was highly regarded as a fighter and military leader. According to the Secretary of DAG Headquarters, Paskal Mitrevski was a great DAG fighter and political commissar… at least this is what he said during a consultation meeting of political assets held in the village Rudari, Prespa Region. A similar opinion was also expressed by Micho, the War Minister in the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece, who said: “I personally witnessed Paskal Mitrevski fight hard in the battles in Voden and Negush which we led together. Paskal proved himself a brave fighter and a military and political leader.” (Ibid, p. 50-51.) For Mitrevski’s removal from NOF, among others, Zahariadis blamed Ianis Ioannidis and Leonidas Stringos who “maintained ties with the NOF leadership”. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 50.) After that, Zahariadis suspended Ianis Ioannidis and Leonidas Stringos from having ties with NOF and allowed the NOF leaders to personally take over the Macedonian organization. (Ibid, p. 61.)

Vangel Koichev, who at the time was NOF Central Council Secretary, was unable to prepare a political report for the Congress and so Zahariadis gave that task to Paskal Mitrevski. The report contained information on the Macedonian liberation struggle in the three parts of Macedonia, as well as information on the creation of the Macedonian national state, the People’s Republic of Macedonia. (Ibid, p. 51-52.) Zahariadis, however, ordered Mitrevski not to present the part of his report that dealt with the success of the national liberation struggle and the creation of the Macedonian state, the People’s Republic of Macedonia. According to Fotev this is how Zahariadis explained his position regarding that matter: “Today, when the Communist Party of the USSR and all communist parties and governments of the socialist countries condemn the policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav government, we cannot honestly, in this NOF Congress, talk about CPY revolutionary benefits for the peoples of Yugoslavia and to properly address the Macedonian National Question in Yugoslavia…” (Ibid, p. 52.) Mitrevski, however, did not agree and still wanted his presentation to go ahead. Mitrevski’s reply to Zahariadis was: “My report underlines obvious and undeniable historical facts. It is about the struggles of the Macedonian people who are fighting for their national aspirations, for their national rights and for their own interests. So I believe the report should not be dismissed and must freely and openly be expressed to the Congress. On the other hand, should we reject or ignore these historical truths, then we are in open conflict with the national and political awareness of the Macedonian fighters and the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia…” (Ibid, p. 52.) Zahariadis, however, vetoed it anyway. Zahariadis said: “Facts are facts. But the fact is that the CPY has veered from the socialist path and is now a serious problem for the world communist movement, therefore we cannot talk at the NOF Congress about the revolutionary benefits of Yugoslavia when the Informburo communists and worker’s parties, like all communist parties, have condemned Yugoslavia…” (Ibid, p. 52.)

As planned, the NOF Congress was held on March 25, 1949 in the village church in Nivitsi, Prespa Region. About 700 people participated, from whom about 300 were delegates who had the right to vote because they were members of the NOF Central Council. About 100 delegates were Macedonian DAG fighters. The others

were observers and guests from all over Greek occupied Macedonia, including from the free and occupied settlements and from the fronts in Vicho, Gramos, Kaimakchalan and Paiak Mountains. Several other delegations also attended the congress including delegates from the CPG, led by General Secretary Nikos Zahariadis, delegates from the Agrarian Party of Greece led by Ianis Vurnas, delegates from the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece and from DAG Headquarters led by Minister General Kostas Giftodimos-Karageorgis, delegates from the Democratic youth of Greece, from the Cooperative Union of Greece, from the Democratic Union of Greek women, from the Turkish minority in Greece and a delegation of the so-called “Macedonian Organization” from Bulgaria led by Risto Kalaidziev. (M. Fotev, development through NOF, p. 54.) There was also a delegation from the People’s Front from the People’s Republic of Macedonia invited but it did not attend. Fotev did not give an explanation for why it did not attend.

(In his welcoming speech, among other things, Kostas Giftodimos-Karageorgis said: “There are a few places on earth that are as soaked with blood as is the soil in Macedonia. Few peoples suffered and struggled under the burden of slavery as much as the Macedonian people. For fifty years the Macedonian people have persistently fought and sacrificed themselves for self-determination…” (Ibid, p. 53.))

(The leader of the Democratic Union of Greek women, among other things, said: “There is a special separate place in our great struggle for the Slavo-Macedonian women and female heroes of the Slav-Macedonian people who, for years, have been tortured by fascist tyranny, persecuted by the fascists with even greater evil in a new occupation. Among other things, the Slavo Macedonian woman stands proudly and fights organized in the Anti-Fascist Front for Women. First in the country to be brought down by enemy bullets during the new occupation was Irina Ginova-Mirka…” (Ibid, p. 53.))

(Hristo Kalaidziev was from Enidzhe-Vardar, Greek occupied Macedonia. He was born on August 28, 1886. He was a revolutionary and a communist member of the CPB, member of the CPB Central Committee Executive Bureau and a leader in IMRO

(United). He was interned in a camp in Bulgarian occupied Macedonia during WW II from 1942 to 1943. After the war he was president of the Association of Macedonian Cultural and Educational entities in Bulgaria. He died in Sofia on April 26, 1964.)

The Congress was opened by Evdokia Baleva-Vera with a minute of silence honouring the fallen soldiers and victims of the Greek Monarcho-Fascist regime. In his welcoming speech, Zahariadis tried to turn the NOF Congress into “an anti-Yugoslav debate in order to create a gap between the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia and the people from the People’s Republic of Macedonia. (Ibid.) Zahariadis exerted a lot of pressure on the NOF leadership to accept the CPG’s new political course regarding the Macedonian National Question and to lead them into an open conflict with the People’s Republic of Macedonia and Yugoslavia. (Ibid, p. 52.) The NOF leadership, however, had strong support from the Macedonian fighters and from the Macedonian masses and was able to overcome the pressure and, for the moment, to debunk Zahariadis’s plan to instrumentalize NOF and turn it into an anti-Yugoslav and anti-Macedonian propaganda machine. The Congress succeeded in preserving the unity and strength of the organization and its leadership. NOF’s position in the joint Greek-Macedonian armed struggle was confirmed. Those Macedonians who left NOF or deserted from the fronts, were declared deserters. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 54.)

The representative from the so-called “Macedonian Organization” in Bulgaria (Association of Macedonian organizations in Bulgaria) caused uproar during his presentation. He opened his speech with a hostile tone of voice immediately attacking the Yugoslav and the People’s Republic of Macedonia’s leaders. In protest, most delegates left the Congress auditorium during his speech. When the Congress was over the Bulgarian delegates were warned not to interfere in NOF’s affairs and not to advise the Macedonian people in relation to the People’s Republic of Macedonia. According to Fotev, the Bulgarians were told: “We are involved in a struggle for life and death here and we have no problems with our brothers and with those who are helping us with our armed struggle... How can we fight for our national freedom and at the same time attack the

Macedonians who created the People’s Republic of Macedonia…? For us that would be absurd...!” (Ibid, p. 54-55.)

By secret ballot 51 members and 22 candidate members were elected in the new NOF Central Council during the Congress. The NOF Central Council was constituted with 5 Presidency members. Elected were Paskal Mitrevski President, Evdokia Baleva-Vera Vice President, Mihail Maliov Secretary, and Vangel Koichev and Pavle Rakovski Members. An Executive Committee of 11 members and 3 candidate members were also elected. Elected to the Executive Committee were Paskal Mitrevski, Evdokia Baleva-Vera, Mihail Maliov, Pavle Rakovski, Vangel Koichev, Mincho Fotev, Stavro Kochev, Krsto Mangov, Vangel Nichev, Urania Pirovska-Iurukova and Tashko Gushevski-Maki. Elected as candidate members were Lambro Cholakov, Done Sikavitsa and Priko Dimitar. Appointed NOF representatives in the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece were: Paskal Mitrevski Minister, Stavro Kochev Director in the Directorate for National Minorities, Krsto Mangov representative in the PLM Boards and Done Sikavitsa in charge of Macedonian education in the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece. At the suggestion of the NOF Central Council Presidency a decision was also adapted to renew NOMS, the Macedonian youth organization. Mincho Fotev, in cooperation with other former youth leaders including Todor Kochev-Victor, Tashko Hadzhiianev, Dioko Petrichevski and Petre Asprovski, was put in charge of that task. (Ibid, p. 55.)

(Tashko Hadzhiianev was from the city Voden. He was a member of the NOMS District Board in Voden Region, member of the EPON District Committee for Macedonia and Thrace, and member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee. In 1949 he, along with other members of NOF, was accused by the CPG leadership of being an agent of Tito and was arrested by the DAG security authorities and imprisoned in Albania. Later he was sent to Moscow, the Soviet Union, where he was sentenced to 8 years in prison and dispatched to serve it in a concentration camp. He was released in 1955.)

The NOF Congress adopted the following action plan for the NOF Central Council and for its organizations:

1. Consolidate and strengthen the ranks of NOF and AFZH;

2. Renew NOMS, the Macedonian youth organization;

3. NOF, NOMS and AFZH are to maximize their efforts to mobilize the fighting potential of all the Macedonian people, especially in residential areas under the control of the Monarcho-Fascist Army;

4. Protect and strengthen the moral, political, organizational and national unity of the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia;

5. NOF to become a real political factor in the people’s government;

6. NOF to bring into reality the national equality of the Macedonian people in all areas of the socio-political, economic and cultural life of the country;

7. The NOF Central Council will strive to establish real and equal relations with the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece and with DAG Headquarters. It will strive to create constructive cooperation with all parties and social and political organizations in Greece which actively participate in the DAG armed struggle. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 55-56.)

A few days after the Congress took place, the NOF Central Council Executive Committee met and made a number of appointments and assigned important tasks to some of its top members. Paskal Mitrevski was appointed President of the Central Council, whose role was to establish and maintain links with the governing bodies of the political parties and organizations participating in the armed anti-Monarcho-Fascist struggle. He was also to constructively cooperate, on an equal basis, with Mihail Maliov, Secretary of the NOF Central Council, regarding organizational and personnel issues inside NOF. Stavro Kochev and Krsto Mangov were appointed to deal with the local people’s government. Done Sikavitsa was appointed to lead the primary education programs for the Macedonian children. Vangel Koichev was appointed to look into problems experienced by the Macedonian fighters in DAG. Pavle

Rakovski was appointed to lead the agitation and propaganda department and to run the newspaper “Nepokoren”. Evdokia Baleva-Vera was put in charge of all of AFZH. Urania Iurukova was put in charge of AFZH in the Kostur District. Vangel Nichev was appointed NOF organizational secretary for eastern Greek occupied Macedonia (Seres and Drama Regions). Mincho Fotev was put in charge of restoring NOMS and appointed NOMS Main Board President in charge of running the recovery of the youth organization. He was also appointed President of the NOMS Main Board and given the task to run the NOF Kostur and Lerin Districts. (Ibid, p. 57.)

After its Second Congress, the NOF leadership was fully committed to mobilizing the Macedonian people’s fighting potential in the armed struggle to its maximum. NOF was fully committed in supporting DAG to its fullest and to achieving equality between the Macedonian and Greek people. (Ibid.) The Macedonian DAG auxiliary units were expanded and had grown to over 4,000 fighters, Macedonian men and women. (Ibid.) Macedonian sabotage groups called “Free shooters” operated behind the lines in the Greek government held territory of western and central Greek occupied Macedonia and carried out sabotage missions. These groups were fully supported by local NOF organizations in the Macedonian towns and villages including in Lerin, Rupishsta, Sorovich, Ekshisu, Aitos, Zeleniche, Mokreni, Babishta, Zagorichani, Kumanichevo, Lichishta, Gorentsi, Makroviani, Gosno, Zhelin and Nestram. In total there were 150 active Macedonian free shooters operating at one time. (Ibid, p. 57.)

With their massive participation and contribution to the armed struggle, the CPG leadership was placed in a situation where it had to change its position and attitude towards the Macedonian people. This was reflected in the reorganization and expansion of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece in which Paskal Mitrevski was appointed Minister of Provisions, Stavro Kochev was appointed Director in the Directorate of National Minorities and Krsto Mangov and Done Sikavitsa were appointed Officials in the government. Vangel Koichev was appointed as a member of the DAG Military Council. At that time Nikos Zahariadis, CPG Secretary General, was also President of the DAG Military Council.

Mincho Fotev was appointed Assistant Political Commissar at DAG Headquarters. On top of that all DAG Headquarters of battalions, brigades and divisions in which Macedonian fighters served, Macedonians were appointed as aides to the political commissars. Many of the DAG Macedonian fighters, both men and women, were appointed to military and political functions. (Ibid, p. 58-59.) The Provisional Democratic Government of Greece and DAG Headquarters now had Macedonians serving in their ranks who were responsible for enacting legislative and other legal acts. (M. Fotev, development through NOF, p. 59.)

NOF became an organizer and an influential factor in the people’s government in the liberated territory of Greek occupied Macedonia. In its new capacity NOF recommended its own candidates for the district, city, regional and village Boards, as well as leaders in the people’s militia. Krsto Mangov was elected President of the NOF National Board in Kostur Region. Risto Kolentsev was elected President of the NOF National Board for Lerin Region. Members of the leadership and NOF activists were appointed commanders of the People’s Militia. Macedonians were also asked to lead the Kostur, Lerin and Voden Region militias. (Ibid.)

NOF also cared for the Macedonian people who were evacuated to the Eastern European countries. Done Sikavitsa was appointed guardian of their rights… (Ibid.)

External relations in the PLM in Greek occupied Macedonia

The PLM, as a political factor and as a representative of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, in external relations, in relations with foreign parties, progressive organizations and international forums, was well represented by NOF and AFZH. These organizations worked independently and in conjunction with the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece and with other Greek progressive organizations.

AFZH, the Macedonian Women Organization, participated with its representatives in a joint delegation with all the other delegations of Democratic Greece. AFZH was led by Evdokia Baleva-Vera, Secretary of the AFZH Central Committee, and by Malina Markova

from the village Zhelevo, Lerin Region. Markova was an AFZH activist and a member of the NOF District Board for Lerin Region. After the Greek Civil War she immigrated to Poland, and from there she went to Skopje, the People’s Republic of Macedonia, along with her family. In 1948 a Convention of the World organization of democratic women was held in Budapest. The Convention was attended by Macedonian women wearing Macedonian folk costumes. Evdokia Baleva-Vera was elected candidate member of the World Organization of Women leaders. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 60.)

A NOF delegation together with a Greek democratic delegation, as part of the PLM, took part in the International Congress of Peace held in April 1949, in Prague, Czechoslovakia. Included among the NOF delegates were Evdokia Baleva-Vera, Pavle Rakovski and Done Sikavitsa. On April 22, 1949 a tribute was held for the 34th anniversary of Iane Sandanski’s death in the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, in which NOF leaders Evdokia Baleva-Vera, Vice President of the NOF Central Council, Pavle Rakovski and Done Sikavitsa participated. (M. Fotev, development through NOF, p. 60.)

In May 1949 NOF met with a French delegation, made up of four leftist parties, while visiting Greece. Included among the French delegates was Paul Eliar, a prominent French poet and member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of France. (Ibid, p. 59.) The delegation was received by Paskal Mitrevski President of the NOF Central Council and by Secretary Mihail Maliov. (Ibid.) The meeting took place in the Sveti Nikola Church in the village Shtrkovo, Prespa Region. The event, during which the Macedonians identified themselves ethnically, culturally and linguistically as Macedonian, was hosted with a celebration that included a Macedonian style lunch served by Macedonian young ladies dressed in Macedonian folk dresses. Delegates from the CPG and AKE were also in attendance. (Ibid, p. 59-60.)

In July 1949 in a joint delegation with the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece, the Macedonian People’s Liberation Movement (PLM) attended Giorgi Dimitrov’s funeral in the People’s Republic of Bulgaria. The PLM was represented by Paskal Mitrevski, President of the NOF Central Council and cabinet

minister of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece. (Ibid.)

Measures taken by the CPG to subdue NOF by use of anti-Yugoslav misinformation

In an attempt to break up the unity in the NOF leadership, Nikos Zahariadis made use of the following individuals: Stavro Kochev, Pando Vaina, Tasho Gushopolu-Maki and other Macedonians. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 63.) He personally invited these people separately and one by one to assure them that Yugoslavia had strayed from the path of socialism and was leading an anti-Soviet policy. He told them that it was a “political decision” to create the People’s Republic of Macedonia and that the People’s Republic of Macedonia was a “nationalist hotspot”. The CPG leadership had no position of its own regarding the Macedonian Question that conformed to the Informburo resolution so that it could pressure the NOF leadership to accept. But Nikos Zahariadis put a lot of pressure on the NOF Central Council and personally undertook to manage and attend its meetings. (Ibid, p. 61.) His purpose was “to discredit the Macedonian communists and NOF inside the country and abroad, and create confusion in the PLM”. (Ibid.)

However, the CPG was unable to take other drastic measures against NOF and so it decided to establish a Macedonian Communist organization in Greek occupied Macedonia to take the leading role in the Macedonian national movement. This was because the NOF leadership refused to implement the CPG’s policies regarding the Macedonian Question, break relations with Yugoslavia and aligned itself with the Soviet Union and with the other Eastern European countries.

Establishing KOEM (Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia)

Even before the Second NOF Congress, Zahariadis had prepared the groundwork for creating KOEM in order to put strong pressure on the NOF delegates to comply with his demands. After he failed to impose his policies during the NOF Congress, a founding meeting of

KOEM was called at his request and in his presence. About 160 Macedonian communists and CPG members attended. The founding meeting was held on March 21, 1949 and was attended by Nikos Zahariadis, Secretary General of the Communist Party of Greece, Michos Partsalidis, President of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece, and Miroviglis Periklis, Chief of Intelligence. An interim organizational governing body was appointed with Mihail Maliov as its secretary. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 62.) In his welcoming speech, Zahariadis, among other things, said that KOEM was created by the CPG as a need to fill the big gap caused by NOF’s weakness, which had “chauvinist tendencies”. (Ibid, p. 62.)

According Fotev, KOEM did not build an organizational structure and did not become a true organization. It remained a forum and a tool for the CPG through which it enforced its anti-Yugoslav and anti-Macedonian policies. According to Fotev: “There was no justification for creating KOEM. In other words, it was not formed to serve the vital interests of the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia. The main objective for KOEM’s establishment was to deprive NOF of its leading role and to throw NOF onto the side lines while the CPG imposed its own version of the Macedonian National Question on the Macedonian people. In fact, KOEM was not a Party organization but a forum for the CPG without any fundamental organizations. KOEM was an instrument which Nikos Zahariadis, CPG Secretary General, used to manipulate the Macedonian people.” (Ibid.) The Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia were informed about KOEM’s formation a few months after it was established, with the publication of the speech Zahariadis gave during its founding meeting. The speech was published on July, 16, 1949 in the newspaper “Nepokoren”. (Ibid. p. 62.)

The strong pressure the CPG applied against the NOF leaders continued even after KOEM was created. The CPG demanded that Paskal Mitrevski, Evdokia Baleva-Vera, Mincho Fotev and the other NOF leaders fall in line behind the spirit of the Informburo and to prove their loyalty to the Informburo by writing their criticisms of Yugoslavia and the Macedonian people in the People’s Republic of Macedonia, so that they could be read over the radio waves of “Free

Greece” and published in the Eastern European newspapers, especially in the “Lasting peace and People’s Democracy” newspaper, organ of the Informburo. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 61-62.)

Maliov from KOEM was instructed by Zahariadis to summon Mincho Fotev and the others. According to Fotev: “We were summoned by Mihail Maliov, KOEM Secretary, who was sent by Zahariadis to invite us back to the village Viniani, Prespa Region. I followed Maliov who led me to the house where the DAG Chief of Security and DAG Main Staff were housed. Here we were greeted by those present and we talked for almost an hour and a half. Zahariadis personally addressed me and said, ‘Comrade Fotev, as it is well-known, all communist Parties and governments in the socialist countries have condemned the communist Party of Yugoslavia because it has veered from the socialist road, broke away from the family of socialist countries and is in sharp conflict with them all and with the international communist movement. Our party, the CPG, is in solidarity with the Informburo and with the Soviet Union. Accordingly, all communists in this regard should be unique and decisive. This is our duty as was instructed by the great Stalin. All communists must walk the path that leads to the Soviet Union headed by Stalin. You, Comrade Fotev, and all the Macedonian Communists, leaders of NOF, etc., have to depart from Yugoslavia. All of you need to follow Moscow, and not Skopje and Belgrade. This is the CPG Central Committee’s position that every Communist and member of the CPG must respect...’ In the end he asked us to write an extensive article about NOF’s relationship with Yugoslavia and our general attitude towards the PLM. They promised us that our article would be read on the radio ‘Free Greece’ and published in the Informburo newspaper ‘Lasting peace and People’s Democracy’…” To this, Fotev replied: “Comrade Nikos, from the moment I became a DAG fighter and a CPG member, I have fought against the Monarcho-Fascists and against the Anglo-American occupiers. I fought for the freedom and independence of my country and my people, and my position on this is as clear as daylight. As for the article you are looking for us to write, give it to someone else because it’s not my job, but I simply do not believe this is the way it is with Yugoslavia because NOF never received any suggestions or directives from Yugoslavia to go

against DAG and against the revolutionary movement in Greece. You are well aware of how and why NOF was set up and what its objectives are… That’s all I can tell you…” (Ibid, p. 63-64.)

New and bitter accusations were leveled against NOF in June 1949, when the CPG received a letter from Mihail Keramitchiev and Ilia Dimovski-Gotse. The letter was delivered to the CPG Central Committee Politburo by Pavle Rakovski on June 2, 1949. By personally delivering this letter, Pavle Rakovski proved himself to be in a “different circle of people” and because of that he was excluded from the NOF Central Council. (Ibid, p. 64.) The CPG interpreted this letter as a letter from the CPM Party and Macedonian state leadership and used it for propaganda purposes to “defame and brutally attack the People’s Republic of Macedonia and Yugoslavia by twisting the truth…” (Ibid, p. 64.) The letter was used to publicize a new resolution, especially prepared by Zahariadis himself on behalf of KOEM, showing that the CPG had proof that the Macedonian public, the Macedonian communists and the Macedonian fighters had denounced the CPY and its policies. (Ibid, p. 64) And with this resolution, Zahariadis wanted to “engage the Macedonian people in an anti-Yugoslav smear campaign…” (Ibid.) The resolution text was adopted at the extended KOEM meeting held on June 19, 1949.

According to Rakovski: “A wider KOEM meeting was held during which 45 Macedonian CPG cadres were in attendance in the presence of a number of CPG functionaries. The Resolution text, prepared and dated June 15, 1949 by the CPG Central Committee Politburo, was divided among the participants. The participants were asked to read it and vote on it with an open vote. Their votes were then to be confirmed by signing the paper showing who had adopted the Resolution. (Pavle Rakovski, Significance of KOEM and the document “KOEM Resolution”, Skopje, 1989, p. 5.)

The CPG continued its propaganda campaign against Yugoslavia via “Radio Free Greece” and, on July 6, 1949, accused the Yugoslav government of cooperating with the “Monarcho-Fascist government” in Athens and planning joint actions against DAG and the democratic government of Greece. In a statement released by the same radio station, the CPG hinted that “Yugoslav army officers met

with officers from the Greek Monarcho-Fascist army” in the Kaimakchalan vicinity and were planning to take action against DAG via their installed agents who were concentrated in NOF. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 64.) Reacting to this, the CPG organized protests and anti-Yugoslav rallies using its conscripted Informburo supporters, and took punitive measures against the NOF leaders, and against all Macedonian communists who “refused to speak out against the People’s Republic of Macedonia and against Yugoslavia”. The protests and rallies were initiated by Nikos Zahariadis and by Vasilis Bardzhotas-Fanis, DAG General Staff Political Commissar. The protests would subsequently be used to place political and criminal responsibility on NOF and repress its supporters. (Ibid, p. 64.) The CPG leadership then activated its DAG Security Services and unleashed them against the Macedonian population in the Vicho Region villages to prove that they were disloyal and then asked the CPG Central Committee Politburo for its approval to arrest them all and send them to labour camps. The official act AE, K-20/291, among other things, required that “all these people be arrested and sent to hard labour, disabling them from escaping to Tito, the enemy, and from going to the front. These people were to be accompanied with ‘our people’ to gather information from them. It is proposed that other means be also utilized, especially minefields, dogs, traps, bells, etc.” (Ibid, p. 65.) The request was accepted and implemented. Hundreds of Macedonians and NOF supporters were arrested and then taken to concentration camps to perform hard labour. (Ibid, p. 66.) And even under conditions such as these, NOF still remained intact and continued to serve the Macedonian people as a leader in the armed struggle, a fight for the realization of national equality.

DAG’s defeat

On August 10, 1949 the Greek Monarcho-Fascist army, consisting of 80,000 troops, artillery, tanks and aviation, launched a major offensive against DAG and its units in the DAG free territory in Greek occupied Macedonia. By August 17, 1949 it poked a hole in DAG’s positions and evicted two DAG divisions and several smaller units and occupied Mount Vicho and Prespa. The Macedonian civilian population in that region was pounded by the Greek Monarcho-Fascist artillery and aviation. With fanatical hatred, the

DAG divisions stationed at the Greek-Yugoslav border prevented refugees from fleeing into the territory of the People’s Republic of Macedonia and coerced them to withdraw to the territory of Albania. Any Macedonian who attempted to cross the Yugoslav border was shot. There were many such incidents. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 66.)

Then, after some fierce fighting that lasted from August 20 to 29, 1949, Gramos too fell into enemy hands and DAG was completely defeated. Nikos Zahariadis along with the Chief of General Staff and the Ministers of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece, who at the time were at the Greek-Albanian border, after receiving a radiogram with the tragic news, immediately crossed the border into the territory of Albania. The defeated DAG units, under the command of Lt. Gen. Georgios Protopappas-Kikitsas, among whom were many Macedonian fighters and DAG officers, crossed into Albanian territory in the evening of August 29, 1949 where they were disarmed. According to Fotev: “These moments, it seems, were the hardest for those DAG fighters who survived the long battles. After heroically fighting against the enemy, the Monarcho-Fascists, for three long years, they lost the war. Even though this was primarily due to the failure of the military and political leadership, it was hard to describe how the DAG fighters felt deep down in their souls. Many wept loudly. Most of them, with tears in their eyes, put their guns on their chests and kissed them before surrendering them. They were sad and tired as they continued the journey on foot, without having a clue as to where they were going and what was going to happen to them. No one knew anything of the fate of their loved ones, parents, spouses, children... The fighters looked at each other… They all looked sober and no one wanted to ask the unanswered question… Why they lost? It was a real tragedy…” (Ibid, p. 67.) They were all sent to camps. (Ibid, p. 67.) The withdrawal of the regular units was followed by about 2,000 Macedonians belonging to the DAG auxiliary units who were “firmly determined to continue the fight to the end”. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 68.)

Repression of NOF, NOMS and AFZH

Even after escaping to the territory of Albania, the CPG leadership continued with its fierce attacks against Yugoslavia and at the same time accused NOF and the Macedonian leadership as the main culprits of DAG’s defeat. On September 9, 1949 General Michos Vlandas, Minister of War in the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece and member of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, held a meeting with his military and political staff in the Albanian camp. There were about 3,000 fighters and DAG officers, including Macedonians fighters and officers in the same camp. The CPG Central Committee Politburo, in the presence of 200 officers, announced its conclusion as to why DAG was defeated and that blame was placed squarely at Yugoslavia and NOF as being the main culprits for losing the war. According to Fotev, who was present at that meeting, General Michos Vlandas said: “When our Party opted for an armed struggle it relied on Yugoslavia for its unwavering support promised to us. We relied on Yugoslavia because of its radiant glory in its victory in the People’s Liberation War and Revolution. But here we are, at the most critical and decisive moment of our struggle, Tito turned his back on us… he sold us out… he surrendered us and, through his agents (alluding to NOF), he undermined our national-movement and DAG”. (Ibid, p. 67 -68.) Vlandas then ordered all the Party secretaries to inform the DAG units of his conclusion. (Ibid, p. 68.)

After that, all NOF leaders were systematically watched around the clock by the DAG Security Services and their activities were recorded in pre-existing files. According to Fotev: “It has been proven that, since 1945, the CPG had open files and followed the life and activities of all the NOF leaders. CPG representatives in the People’s Republic of Macedonia have been monitoring NOF activities since NOF was created in the summer of 1945. They have been spying on both NOF and the People’s Republic of Macedonia.” (Ibid, p. 70-71.) It would appear that the CPG Greeks were preparing “a court case” against the Macedonian activists and supporters well in advance of losing the war.

On September 30, 1949 the CPG Central Committee Politburo adopted a decision to arrest the leaders and activists of NOF, NOMS

and AFZH. Over 100 Macedonians, 30 of them women, DAG fighters and NOF activists were arrested and handed over to the Albanian police. According to Fotev, “nothing is known of their fate.” (Ibid, p. 71.) They were detained without being tried and carried off to the concentration camps. Then on October 2, 1949, with agreement from Mehmet Shehu, Albanian government President, and in the presence of Petrov, a representative from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Albania, ten of the top executives from NOF, NOMS and AFZH were arrested. (Ibid, p. 71.) Included among those arrested were Paskal Mitrevski, NOF Central Council President, Evdokia Baleva-Vera, NOF Central Council Vice-President and AFZH Central Committee Secretary, Mihail Maliov, KOEM Secretary and NOF Central Council Secretary, Mincho Fotev, member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee and NOMS Main Board President, Urania Iurukova, member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee, Lazar Poplazarov, member of the NOF Central Council, Risto Kolentsev, member of the NOF Central Council and President of the Lerin District Board of the People’s government, Tashko Hadzhiianev, member of the NOF Central Council, Lambro Cholakov, President of the NOF District Board for Kostur District and candidate member of the NOF Central Council Executive Committee, and Pavle Rakovski, former member of the NOF Central Council Presidency. On October 7, 1949 these 10 people were imprisoned in the “Bureli” prison camp. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 69.) Their arrest was publicly announced at a gathering of DAG officers and soldiers in the camp where they were all stationed. The gathering was attended by all members of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, members of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece with its president, Petrov the representative of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Albania, and representatives of the Albanian Labour Party. Some of the arrested NOF leaders were paraded in front of those attending the meeting. (Ibid, p. 71.)

(Lazo Poplazarov was born in the village Dobrolishte, Kostur Region. He was a communist and a member of the CPG, an ELAS fighter and a member of the NOF Central Council. After the Greek Civil war he, along with other NOF leaders, was charged with being a spy for Tito, arrested and sent to the USSR where he was

convicted and sent to a prison camp in Siberia. He was released in 1955 and returned to the People’s Republic of Macedonia, to Skopje, where he died in 1991.)

The gathering was specifically organized to serve as a public forum for making new and bitter accusations against Yugoslavia. According to Fotev: “Nikos Zahariadis was first to speak at the gathering, accusing the NOF leadership of being Tito’s agents. Among other things Zahariadis said: ‘Paskal Mitrevski and his associates, as Tito’s agents, continued to implement Yugoslav policies up until the last moments in order to undermine DAG and the armed struggle, actively opposing the CPG and its policies… At the trial in Hungary against Paik it was proven that Tito’s clique were agents of the Anglo-American imperialists. Tito had created his own agents everywhere, including in Greece. Tito had his own agents in NOF, led by Paskal Mitrevski, who undermined DAG by organizing defections of Macedonian fighters fleeing to Yugoslavia... The CPG must arrest all of Tito’s agents and completely destroy them… these Yugoslav agents committed devastating acts in our ranks’…” (Ibid, p.71) Paskal Mitrevski and Evdokia Baleva-Vera, who were paraded in front of the gathering, were allowed to speak and they did protest against the accusations leveled, calling them unfounded. Paskal Mitrevski said: “I, as president of the NOF Central Council, followed the policies outlined in the NOF program. All charges leveled against us are baseless…” After he said that he was ordered to stop talking. (Ibid, p. 72.) Evdokia Baleva-Vera spoke in the defense of NOF, NOMS and AFZH by saying: “These organizations faithfully served the Greek liberation movement. The Macedonian people fought massively and heroically under the Greek leadership and therefore bear no historic responsibility for DAG’s defeat. The main culprit for DAG’s defeat is the CPG Central Committee.” After she said that Zahariadis interrupted her and, with a high tone of voice, addressed the audience: “What does Vera want us to say, call her out by the pseudonym under which she serves OZNA?” According to Fotev, Vera did not wait for a response from Zahariadis and immediately responded by saying: “Comrade Zahariadis, the entire world knows my pseudonym, it is Vera,” she yelled out and continued: “You know, and everyone else here knows my name is Evdokia!” To which the audience, both DAG fighters and officers, were heard

shouting: “Long live NOF!”, “Long live AFZH!”, “Long live NOMS”. Others shouted: “Death to Tito’s agents!” Then members of the DAG police jumped on Vera and Paskal, handcuffed them and took them away, after which the gathering ended. The arrested leaders were then handed over to the Albanian police and the same evening they were taken to the notorious “Bureli” prison. (M. Fotev, developments through NOF, p. 72.)

CPG Central Committee Sixth Plenum and the Macedonian Question

The Sixth CPG Central Committee Plenum was held on October 9, 1949. Vasilis Bardzhotas, member of the CPG Central Committee Politburo, submitted a paper which presented the Party’s position on the Macedonian Question announced a change. The CPG changed its position by abandoning the slogan “self-determination for the Slavo-Macedonian nation” and returned back to its previous position of “national equality”. It did this, it said, because the overall situation had changed. It was no longer possible for the People’s Republic of Macedonia to be “the centre of national unification”, and because of that there was need to introduce the “Slav-Macedonian nation” and because of that the CPG Central Committee Politburo had to decide what to do with the organizations NOF and KOEM and clean up those who were “traitors to the Party” and “Tito’s agents”.

According to Fotev, Bardzhotas said: “The Party’s Fifth Plenum introduced the slogan ‘self-determination’ over establishing a ‘Slavo-Macedonian nation’. That slogan was chosen during an unsuitable moment. We chose the slogan “self-determination” so that we could oppose the actions of Tito’s agents and attract the Slavo-Macedonian people into the armed struggle. Today the situation has changed and we needed to re-examine the slogan. Stalin has taught us that a national question must be subordinated to the general interests of the revolution and then changed again to serve the general interests of the Party. This too needs to happen today in our country... We need to embrace the slogan of ‘national equality’, which we chose during the CPG Sixth Congress for the following reasons:

1. The slogan ‘self-determination’ will hinder the development of the mass struggle and unity of the democratic forces and will give opportunity to the Monarcho-Fascists to continue with their demagogy about the issue and in the end it will hurt the Slavo-Macedonian people.