OPEN CLASHES BETWEEN CHENTO AND TEMPO

OPEN CLASHES BETWEEN CHENTO AND TEMPO

Their disagreement was about which way to send the Macedonian combat units - towards Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia or towards Serbia

What warmed up and heated the atmosphere?

Collision around Vidoe Smilevski’s membership in the Board of the People’s government

Chento: “If Vidoe is Macedonian, let us choose him, let him commit himself...”

Тhe long, difficult and uncertain breakthroughs through the many storms and enemy lines; the long road from Macedonia to the Adriatic Sea; the long days and nights from the beginning of May, until June 24, 1944, were now seen as an episode that should be forgotten as soon as possible.

In Vis members of the Initiative Board delegation and members of the National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia sat together to decide the convening of ASNOM. Included among them were President Josip Broz Tito, Marshal of Yugoslavia, Vice-

Presidents Edward Kardeli and Vladislav Ribnikar, Trustees Vlada Zechevich, Ivan Milutinovich, Edward Kotsbek, Dr. Vladimir Bakarich, as well as Aleksandar Rankovich and Milovan Gilas, members of the AVNOJ Presidium.

Included on the Macedonian side were Metodia Andonov-Chento, Mane Chuchkov and Kiril Petrushev. Included among them was also Svetozar Vukmanovich-Tempo who at the time was an instructor at the National Liberation Army Supreme Headquarters as well as at NOB and POJ in Macedonia. The session was chaired by Josip Broz Tito, and minutes were taken by Vladimir Bakarich.

According to the adopted agenda, the first point of discussion was convening ASNOM as was requested by the Macedonian Initiative Board delegation. The second point of discussion was the Macedonian Question. Mane Chuchkov began by expressing hope that the Macedonian people would exercise their national rights during this struggle. Immediately afterwards, Tito spoke about some of the current issues experienced in Macedonia.

Metodia Andonov-Chento and Kiril Petrushev supplemented Chuchkov’s report by acquainting the attendees with the Initiative Board’s minutes from the two previous meetings. (April 30, 1944 and May 6, 1944.) After the reports and minutes were read and after some discussion as to when ASNOM was to be constituted, the following points were made:

1. The Macedonian people express their historical aspirations to unite all parts of Macedonia. This is their national right and therefore, this aspiration will remain as their constant demand.

2. Given the current international situation, the internal position of the Macedonian people in the neighbouring countries as well as the development of the Macedonian people’s armed struggle, it would be too early to set national aspirations in the form of an action request, be it by the supreme representatives of Federal Yugoslavia, or by the Macedonian people’s governing bodies. If the Macedonian national aspirations are set at this time, they would hinder the unity of the anti-Hitler front and the unity of the various nations involved,

which would lead to an unfavourable international situation for Yugoslavia in general and for the Macedonian people in particular.

3. The path to liberation and self-determination of all parts of Macedonia and of the Macedonian people today can be attained through a broad liberation movement against the fascist occupiers headed by Hitler and through an organized decisive armed struggle against this chief enemy. A request for national self-determination and democratic rights can be made within this movement and through the struggle of the Macedonian people outside of old Yugoslavia.

4. The Macedonian people in Yugoslavia want to develop the People’s Liberation Struggle against the fascist occupiers in all parts of Macedonia, aware that it is precisely with such a struggle that they acquire the right to liberation and self-determination of their entire country. In accordance with this desire, the Macedonian people will assist in all liberation movements regardless of where they appear.

In addition to the above, it was also concluded that the founding Anti-Fascist Assembly for the Macedonian People’s Liberation should take place as soon as possible and organize a Macedonian People’s Liberation Front.

After the ASNOM session, Metodia Andonov-Chento was to return to the National Committee.

Vis June 24, 1944, President and Marshal of Yugoslavia Tito

(This record, from the joint meeting at Vis, was made available to science and journalism.)

The delegation that traveled to Vis found it just as difficult to return home to Skopje and to Kumanovo Region.

However, August and the day for holding the Anti-Fascist Assembly for the liberation of Macedonia were fast approaching. There was a

need to quickly prepare all sectors, identify issues, make decisions and propose solutions. At the same time there was a need to look ahead and prepare extensive, comprehensive and timely tasks for the second half of 1944, which was already under way.

For example, discussions that had taken place regarding the first draft of the General Headquarters Manifesto were filled with polemic tones and divergent views. Changes need to be introduced, but in the opinion of some members the Macedonian Question was a step backwards for them. They demanded that this part of the document take a different dimension and have more intense and clear views. These divergent views in fact, all together, were evident when comparing the manifesto put together by General Headquarters, on the one hand, and the text of the Manifesto adopted by ASNOM during the First Sitting, on the other.

Disagreements arose, mainly between Tempo and Chento, regarding some staffing issues which in time gained wider dimensions and led to an open clash. Tsvetko Uzunovski-Abas, in a letter addressed to Tempo, mentioned that he did not agree with Tempo’s personnel policy that he had recently undertaken in Macedonia. Namely, the instructors of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, at their own discretion, were imposing personnel decisions by rejecting eligible candidates and choosing only those who they trusted.

These and other similar actions, undertaken in the constellation of the then relations, did not remain without broad echoes, without opposing views and without clashes of opinions. This is what Strahil Gigov in his “Memoirs” had to say: “The first and biggest misunderstandings took place when Lazar Kolishevski and Mara Natseva were appointed members of the AVNOJ Presidium. One day while I, together with Tempo and Bobi, was visiting General Headquarters, we were told that the thinking was that Kolishevski and Natseva should be made members of the Presidium and become responsible comrades in our Party, even though they were not here, and their destiny was uncertain. The most vocal opponents of these appointments were Metodia Andonov-Chento and Venko Markovski. Apostolski joined them but the others started to hesitate...”

The ASNOM meeting was also held back by other disputes such as the proposal to appoint Vidoe Smilevski member of the Initiative Board of the People’s Government. Smilevski had just arrived in Macedonia from Serbia and he was not well known so Metodia Andonov-Chento and some other comrades asked Smilevski to express himself by declaring who he is and what he is. “If he says he is Macedonian we will choose him but if he says he is Serbian he cannot be in the government,” said Chento among other things.

The dispute that arose over whether or not Vidoe Smilevski should be a member of the Initiative Board of the People’s Government received wider dimensions. Tempo, who was notified of this, came to the Board meeting to resolve the dispute. His advice was: “Give up your request. It is insulting to ask a Macedonian to declare his nationality only because he lived and fought against a common enemy in the ranks of another nation. It’s pure nationalism…”

Metodi Andonov-Chento immediately reacted and, replying to Svetozar Vukmanovich-Tempo, said: “You, Comrade Tempo, should not interfere in our affairs. You should not be present at this meeting...”

“I was surprised,” wrote Tempo in his book. “I also looked at the other members of the Board. I wanted to know if they agreed. They were all silent. This meant that they approved of what Chento had said. It deeply offended me. With my head bent down I immediately left.” About this Tempo also wrote: “When we suggested (not indicating who) that Vidoe Smilevski also enter the Board, in the meantime, otherwise co-opted in the CPM Central Committee, there were disagreements. Many members of the board asked Smilevski to declare beforehand whether he felt Macedonian or not, because before the war he lived and worked in Serbia.”

This is what Strahil Gigov wrote in his “Memoirs” about this incident: “When Tempo began to speak, Metodia Andonov-Chento, chairing the Initiative Board, did not allow him to finish what he was saying. Chento turned sharply towards him and said: ‘You Comrade Tempo should leave the meeting. After all, you do not have the right to be here. This is an Initiative Board sitting and, as

far as I am concerned, you are not a member.’ The majority of us immediately condemned it…”

This clash over Vidoe Smilevski’s membership in the Board, between Chento and Tempo on the eve of this August 2nd historic First ASNOM meeting, delivered a dose of restlessness, visible anxiety and anticipation in the membership. Tempo left the session, however, a CPM Central Committee Commission was formed, in accordance with Tempo’s wishes and charged with the responsibility of evaluating and assessing Metodia Andonov-Chento’s actions. Vidoe Smilevski, over whom the dispute had arisen, was appointed chairman of the Tempo formed Commission and charged with delivering Tempo’s views and comments which would lead to an open conflict.

According to what some people had said, after the formation of the Commission (headed by Smilevski), Chento was truly hurt to a point that he wanted to quit and leave everything… leave Prohor Pchinski altogether. But...

The long-awaited day, August 2nd, 1944, a new Ilinden day for the Macedonian people, had arrived. Guests and representatives from all over Macedonia began to arrive at the “Prohor Pchinski” Monastery. And, according to what the chroniclers wrote, a crackling voice began to speak in the silence at five o’clock in the afternoon. It was Panko Brashnarov, oldest member of the Initiative Board, who opened the meeting with his quiet and shaky voice. The spacious hall and the historic monastery were decorated with Macedonian and Yugoslav flags, posters and pictures. The anthem “Izgrei zora na slobodata” (the dawn of liberty is rising) echoed through the halls.

After these solemn moments, Panko Brashnarov, a witness to the two Ilindens, addressed the audience with the following words: “At this moment, in this historic place, Sveti Otets Prohor Pchinski and on this historic day, Ilinden, I am happy to declare the First Anti-Fascist Assembly for the liberation of Macedonia, open. My soul is filled with joy and, before my weak eyes, I see that all the rivers from Pchinia and Vardar Regions to Bistritsa Region, all across Macedonia, are ready and willing to wash away the ten-century-old Macedonian slavery from the Macedonian people starting with the

collapse of Samoil’s state to this day, when a new, bright and free Macedonia is reborn...”

After Panko Brashnarov delivered his emotionally charged message, and after reading all the telegrams, delivering the speeches and greetings, the working part of the Initiative Board meeting, chaired by President Metodia Andonov-Chento, was opened. Immediately afterwards, the Initiative Board’s report and the two other reports, submitted by Bane Andreev and Mane Chuchkov, were read.

The First ASNOM meeting took place in a somber and proud atmosphere. It was a historical moment for the Macedonian people. Many important decisions were made and resolutions adopted with the most important decision being the proclamation of ASNOM as the supreme, legislative and executive national representative body and the highest authority of the state of democratic Macedonia. An ASNOM Presidium was elected with Metodia Andonov-Chento as its first president. Elected as vice-presidents were Panko Brashnarov and Mane Chuchkov, elected as secretaries were Liubomir Arsov and Vladimir Polezhinoski, elected as members of the ASNOM Presidium were Venko Markovski, Tsvetko Uzunovski, Bogoia Fotev, Mihail Apostolski, Strahil Gigov, Petre Piruze, Kiril Petrushev, Iovan Giorgov, Epaminonda Pop Andonov, Genady Leskov, Kemal Agoli, Lazar Sokolovski, Vera Atseva, Kamber Hasan, Atso Petrovski, Mladen Chelopechki and Liliana Chalovska.

ASNOM, at this historic gathering in Prohor Pchinski, also adopted the First Session Manifesto which, among other things, read as follows: “Following the Macedonian people’s century-old ideals, the First Macedonian People’s Assembly, in front of the entire world, is proud to proclaim its, up to now, unavailable wish, to unite the whole of the Macedonian people. This will put an end to the slavery in all parts of Macedonia and create the right conditions for sincere solidarity and peace among the Balkan peoples...”

Following the days, weeks and months after the gathering at “Prohor Pchinski”, the ASNOM Presidium continued to function, tackling problems and urgent issues, making decisions and generally preparing for the future of the Macedonian state. The First ASNOM Presidium sitting took place on August 6, 1944, in the village

Ramno. Following that another sitting took place on August 14, 1944, this time in the Petrova Gora forest. Then, from September 2 to September 5, 1944, the Presidium met in “Prohor Pchinski” for its Third Session where a number of resolutions proposed earlier were verified and adopted.

The ASNOM Presidium, among other things, also sent a telegram to the National Committee requesting that the Macedonian Question be brought up during the negotiations for a ceasefire with Bulgaria. In terms of the economic rebuilding of Macedonia, a plan was put together to collect data on the devastation from 1941 to 1944, and which of the belligerents caused it, and to apply for military damages. The Presidium set its goals to collect data not only on the devastation caused by the most recent war, but also the damages caused by the colonial management of Macedonia from 1912 to 1941. This data was to be provided to the allied forces as supporting documentation to show how the Macedonian people were treated in Greece and Bulgaria. In other words, the National Committee was supplied with this data to illustrate the reasons for the economic backwardness of Macedonia and in support of the necessity to allocate much military compensation in order to develop Macedonia economically and fast.

Regarding the colonists deposited in Macedonia over the years, on November 17, 1944, Mane Chuchkov, at a NKOJ sitting, proposed that “the city’s command stop issuing passes into Macedonia, because... this was about people who had illegally received land in Macedonia during the old Yugoslav era.” This proposal was adopted.

With the passing of time the new Macedonian state organs continued to accelerate their effort, tackling numerous issues, making decisions and preparing to run the people’s government, its economy, its culture, its education, health and so on.

On April 15, 1945, the Macedonian National Assembly confirmed Metodia Andonov-Chento as its president. The Presidium continued to function as a political-executive body, temporarily carrying out tasks of the people’s government, until a proper government was formed at which time some of the Presidium’s functions were

dissolved. After that the Presidium became part of the political-executive, and the government took over its administrative power.

Finally, the centuries-old anticipated freedom overpaid with blood was felt on the entire territory of Macedonia. Meetings and rallies were held everywhere. The people joined the partisans to celebrate their victories and their successful campaigns to free Macedonia. Metodia Andonov-Chento took part in many of these celebrations and numerous times gave speeches. The people often chanted his name.

Around the fall, preparations were being made for the first October 11th commemoration of the historic day when the first rifle shots were fired in Prilep and Kumanovo, signaling the start of the liberation. Even Josip Broz Tito, Marshal of Yugoslavia, was invited and was expected to arrive in Skopje to attend this great event.

The entire city of Skopje came out that day anxious to hail Tito’s arrival. Then, while waiting at the Skopje Railway Station, President Metodia Andonov-Chento approached Tito and, on behalf of the National Assembly Presidium, welcomed his highly valued guest and his entourage with the words: “Comrade Marshal and dear guests, I am happy to greet you, and in the name of the Macedonian people, to welcome you here in Skopje, the capital of Macedonia. In their entire history, the Macedonian people have never been as happy as they are today in your presence for your first visit in Macedonia.”

“...You are here as our guest for the October 11th celebration. This was the day when the Macedonian people raised their weapons against the bloody fascists. We think that our gratitude will best be expressed on November 11th when the first free elections are held in Yugoslavia. Also great is our gratitude to our allies who have helped us gain our freedom. Thanks to the Soviet Union, Great Britain and America.

At the end, I wish you happiness and to have a great time here in our capital, and to remember the Macedonian people at their best…” concluded Chento.

(October 11, 1945, speech published in “Nova Makedonija”.)

After Macedonia was freed from the occupiers, a number of projects were undertaken to cure the wounds from the devastation and from the atrocities committed by the occupying fascist regimes. The people’s government, the Presidium, the National Assembly, and the entire governing board, were in almost constant sessions, investing an enormous effort to establish efficient functions in all corners of life, enacting laws, making decisions and taking measures.

Another important date to mention is December 28, 1944, at which time the Second ASNOM (First Extraordinary) session took place, during which Presidium President Metodia Andonov-Chento, among other things, said: “We Macedonians who have suffered the worst slavery in the Balkans, today, together with all the other nations in Yugoslavia, are building a state... There are three districts formed in Macedonia consisting of 30 regions, 2880 villages and towns in which there are more than 37,000 people engaged...”

The Second ASNOM Session ended at the very end of 1944 and, as Dimitar Vlahov wrote: “It was held in an atmosphere of enormous enthusiasm, during which representatives of the Macedonian people showed themselves to be worthy sons of the immortal fighters of the famous Ilinden epic.”

There was also an election held during the Second Session of the ASNOM Presidium during which 35 members were elected. Metodia Andonov-Chento was elected president, Lazar Kolishevski was elected vice president, Nedzhat Agoli was elected vice president, Boris Spirov was elected secretary, and Epaminonda Pop Andonov was elected second secretary. Elected as trustees were Kiro Petrushev, Strahil Gigov, Petar Piruze, Nikola Minchev, Mire Anastasov, Bogoia Fotev, Atso Petrovski, Sterio Bozov, Georgi Vaskov, Kiro Gligorov and Dimitar Mitrev. Elected members were Aleksandar Petrovich, Dimitar Vlahov, Panko Brashnarov, Pavel Shatev, Aleksandar Martulkov, Krste Germov Shakir, Mara Natseva, Tsvetko Uzunovski, Hasan Shukri, the priest Iovan Gelev, Vukashin Popadich, Milosh Iakovlievich, Dimitar Nestrov, Mladen Chelopechki, Kemal Seifula and Veselinka Malinska.

Given that the Macedonian leadership was involved in dozens of activities and making hundreds of necessary, urgent, and important decisions, we will only look at some of them. With the ASNOM Presidium’s approval, a program to immediately begin collecting a one-time tax was approved. As was said, this tax was to “arrange the finances”, and the base for the tax rate that was to be charged on personal incomes earned in the last three and a half years. This program was signed by Metodia Andonov-Chento.

Unfortunately, even though he approved the program by signing it, it counted as a big minus for Chento because some people were saying that he was against such a tax. This is what Chento himself said about that: “I was not against it. I signed the program but I suggested that some mistakes be corrected…” He was citing the examples at Prilep and Strumitsa where a lot of tax was imposed on some firms and very little on others. At the same time, Chento also advocated that those who pay with gold, since there was still no fixed value on the gold at the time, be given the chance to have it back and settle their debts with money (this proposal was not approved).

Among the many Acts proposed and adopted there was the Law on Agricultural Reform which Chento proposed (not accepted until it was amended), requiring wholesalers who possessed more than 25 hectares of land give some of it back to the original owners. If this land originally belonged to people who had no other livelihoods, and according to their age they could not work elsewhere, they were each entitled to receive five hectares in order to secure their existence.

Chento also insisted that the foreign exchange earned by the sale of six million kilograms of tobacco remain in Macedonia. This money could be used to solve very difficult and immediate problems, but in the end it did not turn out to be this way. He also advocated that the money from sales of poppy, cotton, rice and other agricultural products sold in this region be deposited in the federal treasury and to keep track of exactly where it was spent and what it was spent for. Chento openly talked about economic independence for the republics and, as someone put it, to have their own “separate

wallets”.

Another thing that counted as a minus for Chento was his personal intervention in executions. He believed in and advocated for a fair trial for everyone, even for those who made mistakes during the war. He was totally against people being executed without a fair trial. At the time there were mass shootings without trials and because he was in a high position in the Presidium, he was exposed to many complaints and shocking testimonies of abuse of power. He strongly believed that no one should stand before a firing squad without a fair trial where all the facts and evidence are examined... Chento spoke about this publicly at the National Assembly on April 15, 1945, after which he was elected President of the Presidium.

Before that, on March 4, 1945, the first Macedonian church gathering was held. This meeting was of great importance to the Macedonian people and had a special place in the post liberation days and months. While addressing the church dignitaries, Presidium President Metodia Andonov-Chento, among other things, also said: “The Macedonian people have a historical right to have their own autocephalous church. It is well-known that the Macedonian people, among them the Macedonian priests, have suffered throughout history and throughout the recent past. A considerable part of the priests were at the forefront of our struggle for freedom...”

A resolution was adopted at this meeting calling for the autocephaly of the Macedonian Church. Later, however, representatives of the government took a different political position. The resolution adopted on March 4, 1945, was deemed to be wrong because it implied that: “Autocephaly meant separation, cutting all connection with the Serbian patriarchate, closing the circle on itself, which meant disruption of the brotherhood and unity of the Yugoslav people...”

On June 10, 1945, as president of the Macedonian assembly, Chento spoke at the ratification of the treaty of friendship between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, during the Federal Assembly held in Belgrade. Among other things, he said: “As a result of the heroic struggle of the freedom-loving nations, as a result of the Atlantic

Charter and of the Crimean Conference, all great and small nations have the right to be recognized and the right to a free national, political and cultural life. The Macedonian people are included in this and have the right to be free and equal, together with the other peoples in the SFRY...”

“I also consider it my duty to come before you to inform you that our people have experienced difficult times. Our brothers in Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia have suffered cruel injustices and have been forced to fight for their survival, fleeing to the mountains with their unhappy families, to avoid death and the terror perpetrated by the various sides... The only thing that our brothers are guilty of is that they want to live free to develop their nation and culture and to freely to learn and speak their mother tongue...”