INTERNMENT, TORTURE, PRISON AND MORE

INTERNMENT, TORTURE, PRISON AND MORE

How, where and when was Metodia Andonov-Chento arrested?

Why was it done under such secrecy?

A verdict of 11 years imprisonment in hard labour was rendered on November 22, 1946 at the Skopje District Court. President of the Judicial Council was Panta Marina, members were Lazar Moisov and Kole Chashule and Deputy Prosecutor was General Blagoia Popovski.

We will resume building the mosaic of Metodia Andonov-Chento’s mysterious arrest, his ordeal in Skopje and his destiny in general through the words and memories of his close and distant contemporaries and through direct and indirect witnesses and participants.

Here is what Kiro Orovchanets, Assistant to the UDBA Plenipotentiary in Prilep, had to say:

“The morning after the investigation was carried out by officials from the Skopje Ministry of Internal Affairs, led by Dimitar Aleksievski Pekar, when we came to work with Plenipotentiary Kiro Dzaikoski, Pekar was already there. He informed us that Chento was caught at the border attempting to escape to Greece. He also told us that it was necessary to inform the president of the municipality and the secretary of the Party about this...”

This was a short statement made by Orovchanets which we wrote in our notebook, word for word.

Here is what Risto Bunteski, Party member working for the Bureau of the Environmental Committee (in absence of the organizational and political secretary), had to say:

“Kiro Dzhaiki, Plenipotentiary of UDBA for Prilep Region, and Kiro Orovchanets came to the Committee office around 8 o’clock in the morning and personally informed me that the Party organizations needed to be advised that during the night Chento was captured at the border and imprisoned while fleeing for Greece. I was told that in his hands he held a written Resolution that was to be taken to Solun, to a certain assembly of 25 people, with aims at sending it to the United Nations in order to place Macedonia under the auspices of the Western Powers…” Bunteski was a long time researcher of Chento’s work and life. Bunteski also said:

“After we had the indictment and verdict, we began to wonder: ‘How was it even possible, according to the indictment, that Chento committed this crime on July 14, 1946 around 2 am, having to travel from Prilep so many kilometres to the border, which would otherwise have taken 10 to 12 hours. How did they catch him and bring him back to Prilep in such a short time, which we know would have taken much longer. We also know that the city was notified at eight o’clock in the morning. In some places including Bitola, in the beginning some people were saying that Chento had died while fleeing for Greece.’...” said Bunteski with a visible dilemma in his eyes.

Later, the indictment did not say that Chento was captured at the Greek border, but that he had plans to commit such a crime. Also, there was no mention in the indictment of any “Resolution” or “Assembly” in Solun. The indictment did, however, mention that there was an armed band of ten people with aims at creating a United Macedonian Federation with Greece under the protectorate of a foreign country.

This is what Commander Ionche Tagoski from Pretor, commander of the KNOJ anti-tank unit in 1946, stationed at the Greek border near Belushina, Bitola Region, had to say: “That day when I received the newspaper ‘Nova Makedonija’ and I read the story about Chento being captured and detained at the Greek border,

according to a statement made by the Minister of the Interior, I immediately reacted in front of my comrades standing with me. I said:

‘This can’t be true. We are in charge of guarding the border and we have a tight belt around it. And if anyone had to know about this it would have been us!’...” Later, Ionche’s statement proved to be very costly to him. In the end this is what he summed up: “I have a clear conscience. It is true that I was shocked when I read the news about Chento’s arrest and I could not hide my surprise. I could not react spontaneously because this was not done in the border region, but around us. It was very sad to see something like this done against such a Macedonian person like Chento. People like him were needed in Macedonia...”

And so, Chento’s case, investigation and life in prison continue... He was delivered to the prison in Skopje. And how did all that take place? Who participated in it? Who ordered it? And who conducted it? Questions that remain to be answered…

Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot, the then manager of the Investigative Prison in Skopje, was old and bedridden from his illness, but it was interesting to hear what he had to say. He spoke with great difficulty but was glad to speak about the days and months he had spent with Chento, one of his most enthusiastic prisoner “clients”. This is what he said:

“He was blindfolded with a scarf the night they brought him in a jeep to the prison in Skopje. I saw him sitting in the car alone, and everything became clear to me. ‘Take him out of the jeep and immediately inform Elisie Popovski’ said one of the UDBA agents, who, together with Krste Pangovski, brought Chento here directly from Prilep. When I contacted Elisie Popovski, he briefly told me that this was Chento and to keep an eye on him because he was arrested under a strict conspiracy, for which I later signed a statement.

Chento was housed in the most guarded area in the prison, in the secret cells, with double doors, where no prying eyes could penetrate. First he was interrogated by Marko, then, I think, he was

taken over by Dimitar Aleksievski and then I think by Blagoia Popovski, I don’t remember exactly…” concluded Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot.

We asked Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot more questions. We wanted him to tell us more about the truth behind Chento’s arrest. This is what he said: “When they brought Chento here we inspected the personal belongings he had taken with him and on him we found a comb, an empty bottle and a belt. I took them all and threw them into the warehouse because I was not required to keep a list of items belonging to prisoners like him (under conspiratorial arrest). In fact I did not even open a file for what was taken from him. I don’t remember that well, but I think it was either Pekar or Marko who called me and asked me to bring everything we had on Chento. I told them there was nothing to bring. I said to them, ‘Chento was brought here with eyes bound, with an empty bottle and with a military belt, which I threw in the warehouse. I did not keep a file and that was that...’ I said. To this Marko said: ‘You must find these things!’ ‘But how?’ I asked. ‘You will have to find them! And that’s an order!’ he replied. Now I was in trouble and under the gun.

Where was I going to find Chento’s belongings? So many prisoners had passed through there. I looked through all the stacks… I did everything I could… but the belt was gone. I was in real trouble. I had to find it because my neck was on the line. Finally, there it was… the infamous belt was found. One of the locksmiths had taken it home. When I brought it back, I handed it over to Elisie Popovski, just like I had the gold before that. Everything was above board, on trust,” concluded Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot.

“Did you know Chento for a long time?” asked the researcher.

“Chento and I were good friends from the time he was in the Chuchuligovo camp in Bulgaria, where he was a distinguished prisoner. He stood shoulder to shoulder with many of the intellectuals there… about everything. I was the only one from the Skopje prison who had the right to enter his cell. I used to bring him his food and sometimes I sat with him and we talked for a while. He was quite open with me. He knew me from before so that is why I think he spoke to me frankly. He did not care that I was an

administrator. I believe I was here, in the vicinity, during his most difficult time in prison,” replied Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot.

“Did he say anything about his arrest?” asked the researcher.

“After seeing him for a while I asked him: ‘Why did you have to flee and what would you have done at the United Nations?’ Chento looked at me and said: ‘If they set you up, they will arrest you too.’ After that he said: ‘I never thought it would be this way, nor did I deserve to be arrested and brought here like this. I knew I would be expelled and I knew by whom, but not in this way. I gave it all for Macedonia...’

You know how it was then, we really could not arrest people like him without the knowledge of the Party, without the knowledge of top officials, and without the knowledge of Belgrade.

He told me many times that he had done nothing to deserve the treatment he was getting. He knew that he was going to be arrested and sent to jail because there were many whispers about that and some people even openly told him so. They advised him to run away…” explained Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot. “Chento was arrested near the village Staravina. He was pressured to leave his home. Everything was set up so that he would leave and not disturb anyone. And who can convince me that he was a traitor? No one!” explained Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot. “I tell you, he had no weapons, at least not when they brought him to the prison. Before that I don’t know. He was an honest man, many times he said to me: ‘If they don’t believe that I am worthy then let them ask the people of Prilep…’

“Chento was a great patriot who did not tolerate injustice. He was an honest and sincere person. He did not deserve to be arrested, tried and sentenced with such a severe and lengthy sentence. It was sad, very sad. A historic injustice!” concluded Metodia Ivanovski-Svatot.

Chento was tried and put behind bars in the same mysterious and conspiratorial way as he was arrested and brought from Prilep directly to Skopje. He was placed behind bars in a secret cell for 3,000 days and guarded by people who would not reveal his identity.

Only the top officials knew who he was and where he was held, no one else… For many long days Chento’s family in Prilep was left with much uncertainty and all efforts to find him ended in vain. Her search for him brought his wife to Belgrade.

On July 29, 1946, the People’s Republic of Macedonia’s Public Prosecutor’s Office was informed by the Macedonian branch of UDBA that Metodia Andonov-Chento from Prilep and several others were detained on July 14, 1946, for attempting to illegally cross the border into Greece and for being involved in anti-people’s activities. On the basis of this, a decision was made to detain Chento and the others and to initiate criminal proceedings against them. They were to be detained and kept in prison until the end of the investigation...

Two days later, on July 31, 1946, the People’s Republic of Macedonia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs made an official announcement, signed by Minister Tsvetko Uzunovski-Abas. The announcement was published on page one of the newspaper “Nova Makedonija”, which read as follows:

“Metodia Andonov-Chento was arrested by the state security authorities while attempting to cross the border from our country to Greece…”

Chento was repeatedly questioned by the UDBA authorities in the coming months towards the start of his trial, which lasted until November 8, 1946, when the Public Prosecutor’s Office filed an indictment against him and Boris Zagoranliev, Miter Mitreski and Nedelko Makreski at the Skopje District Court where they were charged under Article 13 of the Criminal Code of having committed crimes against the people and against the state. The charges were signed by Nikola Vrazhalski, whose name appeared for the last time as a public prosecutor in connection with Chento’s case.

Chento’s trial began on November 19, 1946 and was held at the People’s District Court in Skopje. The trial was conducted by a Judicial Council consisting of President Panta Maria, Members Lazar Moisov and Kole Chashule and Deputy Prosecutor General Blagoia Popovski.

Chento’s trial was one of the most interesting and enigmatic processes of its time which, in the past decades, and in recent times has been the object of widespread attention and interest. Intentionally or not, an audience was also provided during the trial. The actual trial was not conducted by Prosecutor Nikola Vrazhalski, but by his deputy Blagoia Popovski from Prilep, Chento’s hometown. Judicial Council member Kole Chashule was also from Prilep.

During the trial Popovski read the indictment as follows:

“Defendant Metodia Andonov-Chento, disagreeing with the FPRY’s internal and foreign policy, which in his opinion works against the interests of the Macedonian people, because he believes its unification could not be achieved within the FPRY, but only under the protection of a foreign state, decided to take action deemed anti-national and anti-state. To this end, immediately after Easter in 1946, the accused Chento made connections with the next defendant, Boris Zagoranliev, and revealed his plan to him telling him that he intended to cross the Greek border, outside of Yugoslavia, and his intentions outside of our country would be to take part in the Paris Peace Conference. But if that failed he planned to take action in Greece itself, with intentions of violently separating the People’s Republic of Macedonia from the FPRY, and uniting it with Aegean Macedonia in a federation with Greece.

Defendant Boris Zagoranliev approved of Chento’s plan and, as an old member of the Vancho Mihailov terrorist organization, agreed to organize an armed unit, cross the border into Greece and begin criminal activities. In order to facilitate his own escape and the transfer of the armed unit across the border, the accused Chento funded the operation and promised to make more funds available later. After putting his plan in place, Chento then acquired the services of Mitre Mitreski and Nedelko Makreski and decided to run away. Chento, the first defendant, and Makreski left but, on July 14, 1946, they were caught on the road by organs of the people’s government.

Defendant Metodia Andonov-Chento, a citizen of the FPRY, organized an armed unit and started on his way across the border in order to encourage foreign countries to interfere in FPRY’s internal affairs, with aims at damaging FPRY’s territorial independence and inviolability and, as such, has committed criminal offenses punishable under Article 3, items 2, 7 and 9 of the Criminal Code and under Article 4 in conjunction with Article 12 of the same law.

Defendant Boris Zagoranliev, in agreement with the criminal action of Metodia Andonov-Chento, cooperated with him and together they organized an armed unit of ten people. Their aim was to realize Chento’s political ambitions of crossing the border into Greece and working with foreign states to interfere in FPRY’s internal affairs and, by employing armed actions, to secede Macedonia from Yugoslavia. By being involved in this, the defendant Boris Zagoranliev attempted to commit criminal offenses under Article 3, items 2, 7 and 9 of the Criminal Code. Defendants Mitre Mitreski and Nedelko Makreski, acquainted with the above-quoted criminal actions of the first two defendants, became involved by making themselves available to transfer them across the border, by which they attempted to commit crimes under the already cited law.”

Interrogations of defendants Metodia Andonov-Chento, Boris Zagoranliev, Mitre Mitreski and Nedelko Makreski continued in Skopje. According to an unpublished report, published in part in “Nova Makedonija”, the alleged statements made by the defendants in front of the judicial council were generally very similar to the main charges leveled against Chento.

According to Zagoranliev, Metodia Andonov-Chento acknowledged that he would go across the border to reach the Peace Conference in Paris, where he would ask Great Power representatives to unite Macedonia under their protection. And if he did not succeed there, he would go to Greece to work for the unification of Vardar and Aegean Macedonia in a federation with Greece.

According to information gathered from the interrogation, it was concluded that Mitre Mitreski served as a link between Metodia Andonov-Chento and the people who were supposed to be engaged in crossing the border and in the transfer of the armed (about ten)

persons to Greece. It was also concluded that he was expected to find a person who would be willing to help Chento cross the border. Among other things, Nedelko Makreski lied to the court when he said that Chento revealed to him that he was preparing to organize armed actions against the old Yugoslav regime, which still ruled Macedonia to this day...

During the trial, when witness Traiko Beshoski from Mariovo Region was cross-examined, he said: “Chento told me that Macedonia should be separated from Yugoslavia and that the wallets should also be separated.” Traiko also claimed that Chento told him that he wanted to go to Paris to seek the unification of Macedonia under the protection of another state, etc. Witness Kiro Platnik (an old acquaintance of Chento from Prilep) told the court that after his resignation, Chento made a lot of money in his store, a lot more than ever before. (In the verdict, however, it was stated that the defendant was poor.) The next day after the defendants were tried, deputy prosecutor Blagoia Popovski made his summation speech spelling out the crimes committed.

Immediately afterwards, Blagoi Popankov, Chento’s lawyer, spoke and, among other things, asked the court to take into consideration some mitigating circumstances, and in particular that there was only an attempt and not an actual crime committed. After that Nedanov and Makreski’s lawyers spoke and, among other things, said that the actions of Chento’s protégés should also be viewed, like Boris Arsov said, as preparatory actions and not as attempts to commit actual crimes. Ianakievich, Mitreski’s lawyer spoke last.

After all the defense lawyers spoke, around 5 pm on November 22, 1946, the final verdict was read.