DIRECTIVES FROM NOF CENTRAL TO THE NOF DISTRICTS

DIRECTIVES FROM NOF CENTRAL TO THE NOF DISTRICTS

September 1945

You are directed to spread the National Liberation Front wherever there are Macedonians in every village, every town, district, house, farm. Not a single Macedonian, man, woman or child must be left outside of NOF, AFZH and NOMS organizations and their influences. (pp. 721-722-723)

NOF, AFZH and NOMS slogans directed at the Macedonian people

One year before the Greek Civil War was declared, that is as early as November 22, 1945, the forces of NOF, AFZH and NOMS had begun their aggressive propaganda activities that included slogans such as:

“No Macedonian must be found outside the NOF anti-fascist organization. Only in this way will we be able to destroy fascism and gain our rights and the right to full self-determination.” - Anti-fascist organization - NOF

“All Macedonian women forward in the Anti-fascist Women’s Front (AFZH) for the complete destruction of fascism, for our freedom, for our rights.” - Antifascist organization - AFZH.

It is important at this point to remind the reader that as of May 9, 1945, the entire world was made aware that there was a total victory over fascism. So, why was NOF still waving banners and brandishing anti-fascist slogans? Were the NOF leaders not aware that the war against fascism had been won?

Personally I am not against the people of NOF and respect them because they worked very hard to make things happen. And because they were hard working the Macedonian people in the Lerin, Kostur, Voden, and other region villages trusted and loved them. The villagers were euphorically happy. Sadly what NOF, AFZH and NOMS, unbeknownst to them, were offering were delusions, beautiful delusions. They were offering the people beautiful delusions and the people loved them. They trusted their offers because they came from Macedonians.

Closed in by a history of Greek abuse on one side and by the current white terror on the other, the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia, even those who did not wish to fight, found themselves with limited options – flee their homeland or fight back. It was easier to join NOF, AFZH and NOMS when people saw that the people leading these organizations were the same people who had fled to the Republic of Macedonia to save themselves. They were now back and ready to take matters into their own hands - calling for mass participation. This is how this “new revolution” was started or as the NOF, AFZH and NOMS activists called it “the continuation of Ilinden”.

There is an old saying that goes something like this: “In order for others to believe me I have to say something that I believe in myself…” So, the question here is what convinced NOF, AFZH and NOMS to believe and put their trust in strangers? Why did they believe they could win a war when there was overwhelming evidence to the contrary? Why did they have such high expectations for the Macedonian people with such a vague purpose? On the other hand, why did the Macedonian people trust NOF, AFZH and NOMS and not the CPG? The answer to this question is simple. The CPG was seen as a Greek organization and the Macedonian people did not trust the Greeks no matter to which party they belonged. On the other hand they trusted NOF, AFZH and NOMS because their leaderships were Macedonian. I remember people saying we need to trust them because they are “our people”. When NOF, AFZH and NOMS began to call for massive participation the people figured it was finally possible to achieve their centuries old aspirations of becoming free from a foreign yoke. They had no idea that this was a foreign trap from which there was no escape except by death or exile.

And as the Greek government and CPG would later openly say: “Tito had aims at annexing Greek (occupied) Macedonia” (ibid p. 205) “with help from NOF, AFZH and NOMS” (ibid p. 271).

This “Greek” belief may have been due to a statement Tito made to the New York Times in Moscow on April 26, 1945, when he said: “If the Macedonian people in the Greek regions express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes.”

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Interview: “with a pure heart and clear conscience”

Following is an interview entitled “With a pure heart and clear conscience” given by Lazar Kolishevski to Iovan Pavlovski of the weekly magazine “Start” (year 2, no. 62, p.21).

Start: About Rankovich whose name is closely linked to the help Yugoslavia provided to the Greek partisans in 1945, after the end of World War II. It is well known that among those partisans were many Macedonians from Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia. What do you say to that?

KOLISHEVSKI: There is little known about that from authentic sources. For the first time I want to say that it was about the survival of the Aegean Macedonians who were threatened with eviction, and we advocated there, in Aegean Macedonia, to form party organizations and partisan units. We were leading that action with several generals together with Rankovich with ultimate discretion. Yes, we formed a Provincial Committee and armed formations to defend villages in Aegean Macedonia. We supplied the partisans with weapons and treated their wounded. We fed them, dressed them, armed them, and transported them by truck to this side of the border when they were cornered. Objectively, they were fighting a war under very favorable conditions in 1946. We gave them everything that we as partisans lacked during the war. I’ll tell you a little story I haven’t told anyone before. The second year after we won the war Kidrich concerned himself mainly with Yugoslavia’s economy and, in that context, was able to feed the people of our country. He was a great mathematician and could not help but notice that I was constantly asking for more food for Macedonia, more than what was allocated to us. The surplus we gave to the Macedonians in Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia. Kidrich was angry by my

constant demands for more food. In his anger he used to say: “Well, Lazo, how many Macedonians are there in Macedonia? You keep asking for more and more food!” He made me uncomfortable, so I told Rankovich that we had to reveal our secret to Kidrich. Rankovich agreed. When we told him what we were doing with the extra food he accepted our explanation with a smile and had no problem with me asking for more food and other supplies. The group for supplying weapons to the Macedonian and Greek partisans was led by General Iovo Kapichich. (Later Kapichich was promoted to director and was made responsible for the Goli Otok prison.)

From Kolishevski’s statement above, it is clear that even the top generals involved in the Greek Civil War from the Yugoslav side were not Macedonians thus confirming that NOF, AFZH and NOMS were seduced by foreign goals and interests that served the Yugoslav national army’s militant general staff and CPY policies.

Now let us have another look at Kolisevski:

The question of Macedonia’s reunification was raised again in the months immediately before adopting the constitution for the Republic of Macedonia and before the Paris Peace Conference. According to a Foreign Office report, dated August 13, 1946, Lazar Kolishevski was present at the Macedonian people’s front First Congress held from August 2 to 4, 1946. The report highlighted that at the Congress Kolishevski was introduced as President of the People’s Republic of Macedonia and Secretary of the Macedonian people’s front territorial board. M. Neshkovich was introduced as President of the Serbian Government and Frane Frol as Minister of Justice of the Federal Government. Also present were a delegation from Macedonia under Bulgaria headed by Krsto Stoichev, a delegate of the Bulgarian Parliament, and delegates from Greece or “Aegean Macedonia”. Also present was Eugene Laurenti from Trieste. The Congress strongly emphasized the Macedonian people’s desire to be free in a Republic of Macedonia within the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. This however could only be achieved through strengthening cultural ties with the Pirin Region of Macedonia. National awareness of the people in that part of Macedonia would create conditions for uniting these areas with the Republic of Macedonia. Regarding the idea of unification, it was

emphasized that there was little to no publicity in the press in Yugoslavia until a Manifesto appeared. The attitude towards Greek Macedonia was vague and no more than platonic sympathy. But it was as it was and the idea began to float in the air.

In Bitola in one of his speeches Kolishevski opposed the idea of a united and independent Macedonia outside of Yugoslavia or as a protectorate of the great powers. According to Kolishevski, this would “destroy the current Macedonian federal unit”. (See: T. Chepreganov, 1997/152.)

So then what was the real motive for creating NOF and sending it to Greek occupied Macedonia? Let us have a look at what actually happened.

NOF’s appearance in Greek occupied Macedonia was interpreted as an attack on Greece’s territorial integrity which prompted the Greek element to fight back in order to “save” Macedonia.

In other words, NOF’s emergence in the region created an atmosphere of fear and conflict between the Macedonian people and the so-called Greek population. It created a grey zone, a dangerous place to live, and a field for military and strategic competition between ideologies for foreign purposes.

The Macedonian people at that time should not have been placed in harms way by anyone let alone by the CPM/CPY, the champions of revolutions and friends of the Macedonian people. This was completely illogical and contrary to Macedonian interests.

For the Macedonian people the Greek Civil War was illogical, especially sending NOF to mass mobilize the Macedonian people and involve them in a war they could not possibly win! But this was actually done so the question is why? How were they expected to succeed?

Every Macedonian who has suffered from this war, even today, is asking the question why? Why was this done to the Macedonian people? Why were NOF, AFZH and NOMS formally organized by

the CPM/CPY and sent to Greek occupied Macedonia to start a war which they could not possibly win?

Let us recap:

NOF was under CPM/CPY control from April 23, 1945, when NOF was created to November 21, 1946 when the so-called “Brotherhood and Unity” idea came into existence, that is, when the CPM/CPY surrendered NOF to the CPG. After that NOF remained under CPG control until the end of the Greek Civil War and beyond.

NOF’s program goals were to organize the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia so that they could struggle for national rights and the right to self-determination. (See: Risto Kiriazovski, 1966/181 and Pavle Rakovski, 1990/199.)

There was also Gerard Raul Duval’s report which was ignored by historian Lazar Lazarov (1998/62). Gerard Raul Duval was the French Consul General in Solun. On September 26, 1945 Duval sent a report to the French government, which among other things, said: “...NOF’s headquarters is located in Skopje, on Yugoslav territory ... It seems to me that NOF propaganda of the Slavophones is a realization of the idea of an autonomous Macedonia, and the Yugoslav government controls this organization and sees Greek Macedonia as its own part of the Yugoslav territory...” (p. 62)

Here is what military historian Vanche Stoichev said in an article entitled “Forces that prevented the unification of Macedonia”, September 8, 2001: “...The founding bureau of the National Liberation Front (NOF) for Aegean Macedonia was constituted in Skopje on April 23, 1945, at the initiative of the CPM. This bureau was headed by the CPM Central Committee. The main task for this Macedonian organization was to take the lead and lead the struggle of the Macedonian people in Aegean Macedonia. All members of NOF, NOMS and AFZH were transferred to the Aegean part of Macedonia. In addition to the Monarcho-Fascist and British forces, NOF’s presence was rejected by the CPG and EAM’s Central Committee, which declared it a threat to Greece’s territorial integrity. The CPY and CPM were also unable to provide meaningful assistance to the Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia,

while the CPG protected Greek interests. Tito’s statement to The New York Times ‘...If the Macedonians from Greek areas express a desire to unite with other Macedonians, Yugoslavia will respect their wishes...’ was encouragement for the Macedonian people and for the CPM Central Committee, as well as for the opposing forces which used criminal measures against NOF and the Macedonian people in Greece.”

This tells us that the Macedonian people were placed in an awkward position not of their own making. In other words they were turned into victims of someone else’s making. They were misled and made to believe that international principles were applied particularly in Yugoslav - Greek relations. Sadly what appeared as “principles” for the Macedonian people was nothing more than naked politics designed to blur the eyes of the world public and the victims. We Macedonians were unable to see that the stronger were always guided by the rules of their strategic state interests without taking into account the interests of the weaker - in this case we Macedonians. After joining them we could only rely on God’s help.

This was the time when NOF, NOMS and AFZH operated outside and independent of the CPG and was exclusively led by the CPM/CPY. (See: Kiriazovski 1995/10.)

There is no doubt that the CPM/CPY’s ultimate goal, through NOF, NOMS and AFZH, was to completely encompass the entire Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia and involve it in the people’s national front for the realization of its program goals (national rights and the right of self-determination). But the question is: If such a strategic goal was a concern for the CPM/CPY, then, just less than three months ago, these same top Yugoslav bodies were against the slogan: “Turning our weapons to Solun!”? “To Solun and not to the Srem front!” In other words, if the CPM/CPY were so concerned about the Macedonian people’s national rights and the right of self-determination in Greek occupied Macedonia, then why did they not make the effort to liberate Greek occupied Macedonia when the time was right?

After their strategic goals were given to them by the CPM/CPY, NOF, AFZH and NOMS were organized into 5 districts and 10

regions. There were 3 town and 32 district leaderships consisting of 120 professional NOF, AFZH and NOMS activists. There were 220 villages in which 170 village and city organizations functioned. Military formations were also created and functioned up to the period of the battalions. (See: Kiriazovski 1985/143.)

From a historical point of view fascism was defeated with the end of World War II but it was not true for the Macedonian people. The Greek government continued to pass special laws exclusively applicable against Macedonians. The fascist violence that was prevalent before WW II was continued against the Macedonians after the war. Then, as NOF, AFZH and NOMS made their presence in Greece the Greek government responded with unprecedented terror. This was done before the Greek Civil War began, that is before it was officially proclaimed on March 31, 1946, by a decision that took place during the CPG Second Plenary Session, held on February 12, 1946.

The ratio between Left and Right forces at the time the decision was made to start the armed struggle was as follows:

Government Forces: - 44 Battalions; National Guard with a total of 30,000 people; and 8,800 mountain army officers and soldiers. The gendarmerie was reorganized in the spring of 1946 and was the first Greek government state military force. At that time the gendarmerie consisted of 27,000 people, of whom 14,000 were stationed in Northern Greece (Greek occupied Macedonia: Kostur, Lerin, Voden, etc.) In addition to the regular units there were also paramilitary formations such as MAI (units for the protection of the interior) and MAD (persecution units) consisting of about 35,000 people. They were all commanded by experienced Greek army officers. At the same time, around 166 armed terrorist gangs were operating all throughout Greece. These were organized and run by the most extreme rightists.

The Western Great Power position was clear, but the Russian position – was strange: “Let them meddle in capitalism…” and support them in words only. Yugoslavia on the other hand had a two-faced approach to politics – open, with which it respected

Greece’s integrity, and secret, with which it pushed the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia into an armed struggle.

In other words, in short, the unjust world order imposed in Yalta was followed by cruel disorder, no doubt even bloodier for the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia and for all the Macedonian people who were still divided and living in four different states. The idea of world communism was empty in meaning right from the start and it was strange that it was spreading under these conditions, but after World War II foreign ideological propaganda was very successful in convincing us Macedonians to trust strangers and their strategies.

CPG and Greek government reaction to the appearance of NOF

NOF, AFZH and NOMS were created in Yugoslavia, in Skopje to be exact, and were welcomed by the Left forces in Greece. Here NOF made it its mission to indoctrinate every single Macedonian including Macedonian children, to trust and be loyal to the communists. About two months after NOF, AFZH and NOMS were founded, during the CPG Central Committee 12th Plenum, the Greek communists proclaimed:

“We are resolutely opposed to any territorial claim by any party against Greece. The preservation of the territorial integrity of the state is the first task of every Greek patriot.” (TO KKE AP TO 1931-1952, p. 110.)

Who were the ideological leaders in the Greek Civil War 1945 -1949 and did the Macedonian people participate in the creation of CPG policies?

The 7th CPG Congress, held on October 1, 1945, was attended by 223 delegates, the majority of whom belonged to the workers parties and the agrarian peasant party.

The Party leadership, the central committee and the Politburo were dominated by a “generation of 30-year-olds”. Among them was Zahariadis, secretary general of the Communist Party, who was forty-two years old.

The composition of the Central Committee consisted of the following people:

Permanent Members (30)

Anastasiadis Stergios, Arambadzis Nikos, Vasiliadis Aristos, Vutusianos Mitchos, Vafiadis Markos, Vlandas Dimitris, Grozos Apostolos, Eritriadis Giorgis, Zagurdzhis Nikos, Zaharatos Miltiadis, Zahariadis Nikos, Zevgos Gianis, Zografos Zisis, Ioanidis Gianis, Katsavras Vasilis, Markezinis Vasilis, Mavromatis Panagiotis, Musenidis Adam, Bardzhiotas Vasilis, Blanas Achileas, Partzalidis Michos, Plumbidis Nikos, Porfirogenidis Miltiadis, Rusos Petros, Siantos Giorgios, Sukaras Sotiris, Stringos Leonidas, Titilos Giorgios, Zadzhivasiliou Hrisa, and Hadzhi Thanasis.

Candidates for Permanent Membership (15)

Vazvanas Vangelis, Vetas Vikos, Vontisios Giorgios, Giftodimos Kostas, Dimitriou Giorgios, Theos Kostas, Kapeta Alegra, Katu Rodi, Koligianis Kostas, Lules Kostas, Makridis Theodoros, Maharaopoulos Hristos, Partsalidi Avra, Rumeliotis Nikos, and Tsianis Mihilis.

Composition of the Central Control Commission (5)

Danialidis Polidoros, Karagkitsis Pantelis, Paparigas Michos, Sinakos Mihalis, and Pharmakis Kostas.

On November 7, 1945, the day after the CPG Central Committee and Political Bureau 7th Congress took place, the first plenary meeting was convened during which the following CPG members were appointed:

Permanent Members (7)

Siantos Giorgios, Zahariadis Nikos, Ioanidis Gianis, Hadzivasiliou Hrisa, Partzalidis Michos, Bardzhiotas Vasilis, and Petridis Tasos, (Anastasiadis Stergios).

Candidates for permanent membership (3)

Stringos Leonidas, Zevgos Gianis, and Rusos Petros.

In the ten-year period in 1940, the CPG was represented by a number of young people. The following ages were appointed during the 7th Congress:

20-30 year-olds 73 representatives 31-40 year-olds 100 representatives 41-50 year-olds 46 representatives

Note: No Macedonians were appointed so we were neither a political nor a military factor.