IDEOLOGY OF SERBIAN NATIONALISM - Part 02

And as Jovan Tsviich wrote, the Macedonian masses, “according to linguistic and ethnographic characteristics and according to historical traditions, which are buried in their folk souls, are sleeping, but can easily be woken, and will show to be more Serbian or more Bulgarian. These kinds of Serbians exist in many areas around Skopje, Kratovo, Tetovo and on the northwest part toward Old Serbia, whose title is incorrectly spread over Macedonia. This area, together with Kosovo and Metohija, make up the heart of the old Serbian state, which is attached to the glorious traditions of Serb-ism, and all architectonic and artistic Slavic monuments are Serbian.” (p. 133)...

It was particularly important for Kostich that Macedonians exist objectively only in those parts of Macedonia which the Serbian army liberated. Pirin Macedonia is fully Bulgar-ized and Aegean Macedonia Greeko-sized by the further colonization of Greeks expelled from Asia Minor. The ethnic composition in the Greek part of Macedonia also changed with the mass exodus of Macedonians after losing the Greek Civil War that was instigated by Tito with communist signs... The protagonists of Titoist policy “imposed Macedon-ism hard, cleverly and ruthlessly on those who loved it and on those who hated it. They also sought out to compensate for the external losses inside Yugoslavia itself... So they increased and spread out the number of “Macedonians” by nationality... Because the term “Macedonia” has so far been only a geographical name, there was particular opposition for its acceptance by all residents, even those with non-Slavic origins. Because when they say they are Macedonians they are lying. Because of that, they do not want it to define their nationality, but the Macedonian authorities accept it and interpret it in a way that it is appropriate for them. This is how they succeeded in bringing in the numbers of Macedonians to tens of thousands from the non-Slavic population. Among these “Macedonians” are also Serbians and Bulgarians, and some true Macedonians who truly love their nationality. After that there are minorities, especially the Kutso-Vlachs, as well as Muslims”. (p. 142)

Many Serbs were forced to change their surnames from “ich” to “ski” and as such the numbers of the citizens of Serbian nationality

in the official statistics were artificially reduced. However, as Kostich said, “If this situation lasts longer, the Macedonian nation has a chance to consolidate, because they used scare tactics to strengthen it.” (p. 143) Always and everywhere the Serbians are the most to be abused. “They were simply forced to give up their Serbian heritage and were assimilated into the Macedonians. For the world they are worth nothing being designated as Serbians. They can be Vlachs, Gypsies and whatever else but not Serbians. Even though they were always Serbians, even though the old for centuries were Serbians, even though they are descendant of Serbian priests, of Serbian insurgents, they cannot say that they are Serbians”. (p. 145) Kostich was fully aware that the former Serbian official policy was to Serbia-nize the nationally unconscious Macedonian Christians. He was even aware that pressure had been put on the nationally-undetermined Macedonians to “become Serbians”, which means that “persons without nationality were offered to join their own, and not some other, smaller nation. And now the “Macedonians”, unknown to ethnography, are forced to quit their conscious Serbian national designation, to give up their Serbian heritage and become something new, hitherto unknown. From being members of a great nation, to become members of a people with no right to any past, neither great nor small. From being members of a culturally built people, who had Niegosh, Tesla, etc., to be forced to become members of a nation that has just begun to learn its newly created alphabet.” (p. 146)

Kostich problem-atized the name South Serbia and did not reject any case of administrative arbitrariness or bureaucratic ignorance. However, with a justified view he rejected the communist phrase “Greater Serbian hegemony”. “Accurately, the truth of the overall national ‘oppression’ of the Macedonians by the Serbians is based on the idea that the Serbians imposed the literary language on them. But we must once again emphasize that the Macedonians had no other, closer, literary language, which was prohibited. Also, the Serbian literary language was very close to the Macedonian spoken language. On the other hand, the Macedonians could, without restriction, use their own spoken language anywhere, in private and in government, especially in the courts. Even if the officials were Serbians from the north, they understood them as if they were Serbians themselves.” (p. 151)

Kostich did not stop there but challenged the logic of this anti-Serbian communist hysteria and propaganda. It was alleged that Macedonia and Yugoslavia, in general, were ruled by a Greater-Serbian chauvinistic spirit. Well, let us say that it was true (although it was not exactly so). What does this Greater Serbian spirit want from the Macedonians? To be proclaimed an integral part of the Serbian ‘ruling clique’? To be completely equal to the other Serbians? Here, there may be national imposition, but there is no national enslavement. If in a country or in a society, a nation is superior and paramount, then it can hardly can be considered nationally ‘exploited’, when whole other language groups with vague national consciousness are received in that ruling layer as equal members. All-exploitative ruling classes in history were imprisoned and inaccessible. The Serbians provided the Macedonians with all the means to fully catch up, to melt into them, and to be accomplices and co-beneficiaries of the ‘Greater Serbian hegemony’.” (p. 151)

For what kind of national oppression can we talk if “the Serbians made the free Macedonians equals to themselves, made them members of the one great nation (relatively large), made them participants in their culture and raised them from a lower level to a higher one. Serbia found in Macedonia a national amorphous mass, to which it offered, not always on a dish, to catch up to the winners and to enter into their composition. It tried to give them a proper culture. Forcing the Macedonians to become Serbians was a lie, but at the same time they were given a chance to become part of a higher order, to rise nationally.” (p. 151-152)...

Let us not lose sight in all this, of the international, legal and foreign policy aspects. “Just as Serbia was fighting for Macedonia it believed that it was fighting for itself, and that the Serbians were ‘coming home’, like King Nicholas said. That assumption was also recognized as a fact by all international factors based on which Macedonia was given to Serbia. If there was no faith in the national identity of the Serbs and Macedonians, the Great Powers would never have allowed the amalgamation of Macedonia and Serbia. No international forum would have done this, especially when it was told that no Serbians exist in Macedonia. And not to mention how

public opinion of the then Europe would have reacted, which blocked every decision made that was in favour of Serbia. It should never be forgotten that Macedonia is recognized in Serbia, and not in Yugoslavia and entered Yugoslavia as an integral and inseparable part of Serbia.” (p. 153)

The Yugoslav communist regime completely overlooked the fact that Yugoslavia was the legal successor of the Kingdom of Serbia. If the Kingdom of Serbia acquired anything illegally, it could not bring it to the Yugoslav state, so any such eventuality could be challenged with complete certainty and with an outcome in accordance with the elementary principles of international public law. “If they knew that sometime in the future Yugoslavia would have come into question and that Macedonia would have become part of Yugoslavia, then the Great Powers would have most likely been against this, and would also not have given it to Serbia. First Russia, then Italy and most of all Austria. Russia would never have given Macedonia, a religiously mixed country, especially to Bulgaria.

Italy did not like rival Yugoslavia becoming large. Austria saw its own demise in Yugoslavia. Austria, through Macedonia, wanted to turn Serbia’s direction towards the Aegean Sea away from the Adriatic. France knew only about Serbia. And so on. Never would there ever have been a People’s Republic of Macedonia, except through Serbia. This must be made very clear to everyone. Macedonia is recognized as belonging to Serbia based on ethnic principles... At least it is recognized bona fide to fight for its countrymen and to accept its countrymen under its own roof. But, suddenly today’s Yugoslav regime is claiming that the Macedonians were never Serbians, and that Serbia has lied to them and to the world, because Serbia wanted to conquer this alien world.” (p. 153-154)

In the twenties the Serbian (Yugoslav but not communist) government took Macedonia, a backwater, backward Ottoman province, which had suffered greatly economically under Ottoman rule, and on it developed a railway system, roads and industry. It modernized its cities to look more European, it civilized its social relations and it suppressed its rebels and brigandage. “The population of Macedonia progressed despite the wars and, at the

least, grew by one percent a year, without interruption. The Slav population progressed even more. They seized many properties from the Ottomans and from other Muslims who had left the country because the government was seized by infidels. The Serbians even spilled blood for Macedonia because the Serbians regarded the Macedonians as their own, as born Serbians.” (p. 155-156)...

Based on everything that had happened in the meantime, Kostich believes that we, the Serbians, cannot deny the ethnic particularity of Macedonia and their language as long as they insist on it. “We must not repeat the mistakes of our past; we must not let them take revenge on us again.” (p. 157) Macedonians have a right to collectively identify themselves as they wish. “We, the Serbs, must recognize the uniqueness of the ethnic Macedonians in the form of their convenience and, at the same time, let them and everyone in Macedonia and nationwide know that they can feel as they most intimately wish. In this will be the difference between the current and future condition, a difference that we must honour morally and politically. Today’s Macedonians must also remember this because it is not only freedom but also tyranny. We will uphold freedom and destroy tyranny, i.e. everyone can then say if they are or if they are not ‘Macedonian’ and that is real freedom.” (p. 157)

In this sense, Kostich assumed that the Slavic population of Macedonia would declare itself Macedonian, Serbian and Bulgarian, but without indulging in advance the assessment of percentages. “The big mistake was that the Bulgarians in Macedonia were not recognized earlier (then there would have been no question of a Macedonian nation, neither could it been assumed that the Serbians created it, there would have been no mistake made in this regard). But, if the Bulgarians were recognized, I believe that those people would have not amounted to more than one third of the total population in Macedonia and in time they would have completely vanished. And those who freely declared themselves Serbians would have continued to be Serbians.” (p. 158)

The basic principles that Lazo Kostich used to justify his assertions are expressed in their clearest form. “We can no longer prohibit anyone from determining as best as they can, as their hearts and minds tell them, their national sentiments. But we must protect, with

all our might, the rights of those people who feel they are Serbians and who declare themselves as such. In this regard the Macedonians will encounter an uncompromising stand from the Serbians. For as long as the Serbians are a minority in Macedonia, we must be satisfied with their minority status. The Macedonians will have to recognize the Serbian rights to schools, use of their language, free national expression, etc. However, with every denial or broken promise, particularly if their nationality is suppressed, there will be undesirable consequences. The Macedonians are a sober people who in time will understand.” (p. 158)

The rights of the Serbians under the communist regime were brutally shortened. “Exactly because of the imposed victimization, injustices and imported crimes which they did not commit and, finally, because of their natural mission to defend the Serbian identity wherever it is threatened and in danger, the Serbian people will never agree to the solution that exists today. The Serbian people can recognize the Macedonian nationality and all the consequences resulting from its uniqueness (special schools, special language, etc.), but they can never agree to prohibit the Serbians in Macedonia from feeling and being Serbians. No nation will allow that and neither will the Serbian nation... The Serbians will never, in no way, give up their stake in Macedonia and their rights to it. This should be made very clear to everyone. If it happens that there are three Slavic nationalities in Macedonia, it is not impossible to perform an amalgamation over a long period of historical development during which time one nationality will prevail. But, until that time, every side will favour its own countrymen.” (p. 158-159)

This kind of attitude implies that Macedonia has a special state-legal status. Macedonia must remain a federal unit in order for Yugoslavia to survive. If however Yugoslavia collapses, Macedonia should remain within Serbia as a separate, autonomous unit with broad powers and significant autonomy from the central government, which would guarantee all its cultural particularities and national identity to be freely formed and nurtured...