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Metodija Andonov-Chento

I SUBMIT MY RESIGNATION

Par Fidanka Tanaskova · Partie 4 sur 9 · Environ 11 minutes

Lire en Македонски

I SUBMIT MY RESIGNATION

What were the reasons that led Chento, the first president of the Republic of Macedonia, to resign?

Very active in the participation on the adoption of laws in Belgrade

Chento’s proposal to add a clause in the country’s first constitution enabling the republics to have the right to self-determination and to secession, was like an exploding bomb

While looking through a pile of notes labeled “Legislative Boards of the AVNOJ Presidency and the SFRY Provisional National Assembly”, we found out that Metodia Andonov-Chento had actively participated in various debates during the summer and fall of 1945, which showed thoroughness and farsightedness on his part. One of these debates took place during the first constitutive session, held on August 10, 1945. Included among the Macedonian leaders who participated in this session were Metodia Andonov-Chento, Epaminonda Pop Andonov, Petar Piruze, Kemal Agoli and Todor Dzvezdin. Chento also participated in the second session to discuss the proposal for agrarian reform and colonization. Here he advocated for the landless and for those who had poor properties to be given a piece of land. Also, in replying to Milosh Zhanko who wanted to harshly punish those who had wronged the revolution,

Chento said yes they must bear the legal consequences and get everything that is coming to them; however, measures must also be taken not to leave their families to face a harsh destiny without any means for survival.

When the Constituent Assembly met on August 13, 1945, Chento proposed that everyone be allowed to freely express their opinions on what kind of state the people should have when the new constitution is drafted. He said: “As a Macedonian, I fully support this proposal because for the first time our people have a real opportunity to publicly express their opinions about their own being and their future...”

Then, on August 22, 1945, when the law on crimes against the people and against the state was being drafted, Chento compared it to the law of old Yugoslavia and, among other things, said: “These injustices were committed against us (Macedonians), because no man was allowed to declare his identity and reveal that he was Macedonian. The whole Macedonian nation suffered from this law. Therefore, let the new law with its new ideas and visions be examined by the public. Let the people have their say... I believe they will welcome it and it will pass because it will be a fair and just law.”

Chento actively participated in the preparations for the adoption of the first Yugoslav Constitution in 1946. Here he used arguments from the talks he had had in Vis and the ASNOM and AVNOJ documents to support his position for an amendment to the Yugoslav Constitution in which he advocated the principle of “self-determination to secession of republics”. This was an amendment which at that time resembled an exploding bomb.

From their notes and speeches, Chento’s contemporaries painted Chento as a very open person, who as a president, communicated with the people openly and directly. The door to his office was always open and anyone who needed to see him and speak with him was welcomed without problems. He did not feel he needed bodyguards or personal security. He used to say: “We fought against gendarmes and against soldiers. And, as long as the people trust me, I have no need to protect myself. Who should I be afraid of?” (Let

us also mention at this point that as President, Metodia Andonov-Chento and his family lived in a three-room apartment in the centre of Skopje, opposite the former hotel “Macedonia”.)

According to some of his contemporaries, who participated in the discussions with him, Chento was a “hard” negotiator especially when defending his views and suggestions in the discussions. He firmly stood his ground. They could only convince him with many arguments and counter-arguments.

In the tens and even hundreds of projects Chento worked on with various committee members, where decision making was required, he always had his own unique and clearly and loudly stated views and opinions. Naturally, this created disagreements between Chento and some of the committee members which, in the long run, were counted as a big minus for Chento. Also, the watchful eye of the Party was not too far away. These so-called judgments against Chento materialized during the Popular Front National Board Conference, held on March 7, 1946. Here Chento faced an avalanche of criticism and accusations. Even the most basic arguments he had made counted against him. He was tormented, seen as the culprit and accused of being hard, disobedient, opinionated, and of having a bad attitude. Some of the ideas he presented and argued for were characterized and viewed as an attack against the new measures proposed by the new state. This fierce and mounting criticism from his opponents, in time, would contribute to Chento’s resignation.

Among other things, here is what was said in the report summarizing the National Assembly Presidium’s work for the period from April 15, 1945 to April 15, 1946: “The work of the Presidium was characterized by frequent misunderstandings and disagreements between former President Metodia Andonov-Chento and members of the Presidium. Chento’s disagreements and misunderstandings were beyond the Presidium’s scope, which provoked sharp criticism against him at the Popular Front Conference.”

On March 14, 1946, seven days after the Conference was held, Metodia Andonov-Chento resigned. The following day the

Presidium accepted his resignation. The National Assembly accepted his resignation a month later on April 15, 1946.

Here is what was written in the resignation letter:

“This is a request for the Presidium of the National Assembly of Macedonia to release me from my current duty as president and a member of the Presidium. I find it necessary to submit my resignation due to my personal situation and the knowledge that I can no longer fulfill my entrusted duty.” Signed Metodia Andonov-Chento.

After submitting his resignation Metodia Andonov-Chento left Skopje and returned to his native Prilep with intentions of continuing his work at his store. But, after returning home he began to run into problems. He found it difficult to purchase the products he needed to sell in his store. His suppliers were unwilling to sell him goods and there were rumours, generated by “well-informed sources” threatening him with bankruptcy and persecution. All these difficulties went on for four months, from March 14 to July 14, 1946.

Sometime after midnight on July 14, 1946, Chento was arrested but it was a kind of arrest that was covered with a veil of great secrecy and conspiracy, which later would cause a lot of controversy, curiosity and dilemmas and would leave many open issues, some of which are still open to this day. During our research for this book we were unable to find out who knew what and what was written in the testimonials. This is because some of the material on Chento is still deemed confidential and beyond our reach. But, we did not give up. We continued to search persistently for the truth to find out everything we could about why Chento was arrested. First we looked at the speeches he made and after that we looked for witnesses who attended these events. Included among the witnesses we found was Stevan Petreski Tute, a close neighbour of the Andonov family. Stevan remembered that mysterious night very well, almost photographically, which for us began to untangle and unravel Chento’s case.

Here is what Stevan Petreski Tute, a social welfare adviser in Prilep, had to say: “That evening when I came home, I was surprised by the unannounced presence of three unknown persons in my house. Two of them were positioned near a window that had a direct view of the yard of the Chento family home. The third individual went behind the house. They stayed with me a long time. They banned me from going in or out and forced me to stay in the room opposite to Chento’s home. I had never seen those people before, I did not know who they were, but it was obvious to me that they were expecting something to happen with Metodia Andonov-Chento, who only a few months ago hd returned home after his resignation in Skopje.”

“What else did you see that night?” asked the researcher.

“It was sometime after midnight, I don’t know exactly when, I only remember that it was a July night when I heard a noise coming from Chento’s front gate. I also heard the dull noise of heavy footsteps. The people in the room called me to come to the window. It was so close; it was almost in front of my eyes. ‘Do you recognize the people entering the gate?’ asked one of the strangers who was in my house. ‘Yes, I do recognize them. I don’t need to look twice,’ I replied. ‘The first one is from Mariovo, he goes to markets. I recognize the second one too, he is Zagoranliev from Zagorani. Yes, I know him too,’ I added,” replied Stevan Petreski Tute and continued:

“The first one to enter was the man from Mariovo. Boshko Zagoranliev, the second man, followed him. Boshko was wearing a dark coat. He walked up and sat on the stairs on the upper terrace. Soon afterwards Chento came out in his pajamas and talked with Zagoranliev. The man from Mariovo approached. Shortly afterwards, Chento put on his clothes, came down to the yard, spoke with the two men and the three left together. I could hear their footsteps on the cobblestone road.”

“What happened next?” asked the researcher.

“Well, while their steps were still echoing in the night, the three strangers in my house, who by the way were not from Prilep, and who were obviously expecting something to happen, ran after them.

I could still see Chento and the others walking away and were not too far from my house. When I went outside to close my front gate I saw Chento’s wife standing at the door. She saw me too. Then, after everyone found out that Chento had been arrested and later tried, I became and remained to be a traitor in the eyes of the Chento family and in the eyes of every person in Prilep. I was and remained to be a traitor and the person who betrayed Metodia Andonov-Cheno. That anathema has followed me for the last 44 years. I am now an old man who will soon leave this world and I don’t want my children to have to live labeled as the children of a traitor. Especially since it is not true...” said Stevan Petreski Tute, pausing for a moment and continued:

“I never again saw the people who came to my home that night. I never saw them before and never again. After that, neither they nor anyone else ever came to my doorstep to spy on my neighbours...”

“Was that it?” asked the researcher.

“No, not at all. A while later they summoned me to the UDBA office in Prilep. I entered a room and was met by a stranger (I think it was Zlate Bilianoski) who immediately warned me that what was to be done to Chento was to be of utmost secrecy and that it was never to be revealed to anyone! His tone of voice was clear and frightening. After he said that to me he left the room and closed the door, leaving me there all alone. I thought it was all over for me. I stayed there for about two hours and then, when I came out, they gave me a sheet of paper to sign, making sure that I remained silent forever…” he replied.

“But?” asked the researcher.

“But, as you can see, I can no longer remain silent. I can’t and I shouldn’t remain silent. That’s why it was good of you to open Chento’s case and give me the opportunity to speak up... I am all for re-opening Chento’s case and for letting the truth come out.

And also let me say that Chento was a great authority in the bazaar. Unfortunately, the same Party which sought to find honest people did him injustice. But he was very brave… people always rallied

around his name. He worked with many revolutionaries from Prilep including Pitu and Rampo Lefkata, Krume Volnaroski, and so on. But, in spite of all that, look what happened to him!” relied Stevan Petreski Tute.