Front Matter - Part 04

because it expresses the Macedonian national consciousness, struggles for national and economic liberation, struggles for the introduction of the Macedonian language in schools, fights for an independent Macedonian state, and struggles for the right to self-determination until separation from the Bulgarian state..." 60 Among other things, this is what was said on the occasion of Simeon Kavrakirov's murder at the beginning of June 1935, when two calls were issued: "After two years of torment in the hands of Mihailovist gangs, Simeon Kavrakirov was harassed, tortured, and finally killed, because he was a fiery and unbreakable fighter fighting against the supremacists. After all the torment he endured Simeon Kavrakirov didn't abandon VMRO (United) and didn't go over to the side of the supremacists. Other Macedonian activists, who had similar experiences in the supremacist and Bulgarian imperialist crossfire were inspired by Simeon Kavrakirov's heroism and boldly raised the flag and fought for the complete supremacist destruction and for the overthrow of Bulgarian imperialism. The fascist dictatorship and the Mihailovist gangs killed Kavrakirov because they didn't want him returning alive and causing a huge revolutionary upsurge." 61 Among other things, this is what Shatorov and the Regional Committee said in the first decade of June 1935, in the call entitled "Macedonian Brothers". "Twelve years ago, the Bulgarian bourgeoisie, with its June coup d'etat took away even the most elementary rights and freedoms from the labourers and the nationally oppressed, the kind they had during the Stamoblski government. This coup initiated the September events and the Gorno Dzhumaja slaughter, during which many working Bulgarians and Macedonians were killed. T. Alexandrov's and Protogerov's Macedonian supremacists also took an active part in this. Therefore on the anniversary of this bloodbath we should take to the streets en masse and demonstrate our readiness to fight against fascism, war, imperialism and against their faithful supremacists. Let us do this in

60 Ibid., pp. 320, 324. 61 Ibid., pp. 324, 325.

the face of the military-fascist dictatorship and the imposed National Committee". 62 In June 1935, on the occasion of the National Committee's establishment, the Regional Committee issued a special appeal to the Macedonian people: "The Supremacist National Committee appointed by the bloody dictatorship has committed a vile betrayal against the holy Macedonian liberation movement and has trampled on Gotse Delchev's vows, demanding the accession of Macedonia to Bulgaria. On top of that it has attacked the Macedonian masses and now it wants to completely destroy the Macedonian emigrant movement's independence." 63 On the occasion of Ilinden, the great Macedonian holiday, Shatorov's Regional Committee, at the end of June 1935, issued a call. In part here is what was said: "One of the reasons for the Ilinden Uprising failure was its premature start which was caused by the supremacist agents of Bulgarian imperialism whose goal was to interfere from the outside so that Macedonia could be annexed by Bulgaria". 64 In August 1935 the VMRO (United) Regional Committee of Macedonia under Bulgarian rule, prepared a call to the Macedonian people protesting against the trial that had began on July 29, in Gorno Dzhumaja in which, among other things, it was said: "The fascist government is preparing to sentence the accused to hundreds of years in prison because they fought against the supremacists and struggled for a free and independent Macedonia. At the same time, the Mihailovist thugs, the executioners of the people, are free and threatening again... The police are accusing the prisoners of carrying out communist activities and are labeling VMRO (United) a communist organization. The Bulgarian government refuses to admit that it has put Gotse Delche and Jane Sandanski's ideals on the prosecution bench the same way the Turkish government did in the past, and is falsely trying the Macedonian freedom fighters. The fascist government uses furious terror tactics to stifle our struggle which aims to improve our difficult economic situation and to win

62 Ibid., pp. 325, 326. 63 Ibid., pp. 326, 327.

64 Ibid., p. 337.

an independent Macedonia." 65 The call was ended with these words: "Down with the fascist supremacist Mihailovists and Protogerovists and their master - Bulgarian imperialism." Among other things this is what was said in the call entitled "Working-Macedonians." "We, the Macedonians under Bulgarian rule will contribute the most to the liberation and unification of enslaved Macedonia once we free ourselves from the clutches of Bulgarian imperialism and from the supremacists. They are our main enemies and our immediate enslavers... We struggle against the military-fascist dictatorship; for the self-determination of Petrich Region and all of Macedonia; for the creation of an independent republic of Macedonian labourers." 66 The Regional Committee also issued a call in 1935, under the title "Brothers of Macedonia" in which, among other things, it said: "The Bulgarian imperialists managed to dominate VMRO 's leadership through its faithful supremacist agents led by T. Alexandrov and A.

Protogerov. This is how this people's organization turned into a terrorist hotbed of Bulgarian fascism.

The Mihailovists and the Protogerovists are two wings of the same gang. Together in 1923, 1924, and 1925, they slaughtered Macedonian and Bulgarian workers and peasants. Both are tools of Bulgarian imperialism and carry out its anti-Macedonian policy." 67 On the occasion of Shatorov's election as Provincial Committee Secretary of the Communist Party of the Macedonian part under Serbian rule, in the spring of 1940, a call to the working people of Macedonia was issued in June. Among other things, this is what was said regarding the supremacists: "They cannot honestly struggle for the Macedonian people's freedom and equality... These people are followers of Vancho Mihailov and others who seek freedom from Bulgaria and Italy as well as other foreign imperialists. Only those who are against Serbian hegemony, against Greater Serbian imperialism and against any other imperialism, can honestly say that they struggle for freedom and equality." The same year Shatorov's

65 Ibid., p. 338. 66 Ibid., pp. 340, 341. 67 Ibid., p. 342.

opinion was also published in the illegal press: "Bulgarian imperialist demands, like those in Macedonia came form Vancho Mihailov' s bandits and from other, similar, foreign agents". 68 In 1941, after the Bulgarian occupation, Shatorov wrote a letter to "Stojan" explaining the supremacist goal: "With Macedonia's occupation by the German, Italian and Bulgarian armies, some supremacist Macedonians want to say that the Macedonian struggle is over. Is that true? But that can't be true because Macedonia wasn't given national or political freedom." 69 Macedonian Committees were created in all the Macedonia cities (on April 13, 1941, a Bulgarian Central Action Committee for Macedonia was created in Skopje). "In some cities well seasoned supremacists were sent to join these committees. Even presidents and secretaries were sent from Bulgaria to join the Committee in Skopje. The Committees were instructed to implement purely Bulgarian policies and to shout only Hurrah! Long live Hitler, Mussolini and Tsar Boris!" Those committees worked hard to implement their goals which didn't protect Macedonian interests, and as a result lost the trust of the people. These Committees were and are now bases of the occupiers". 70 Furthermore, Shatorov wrote: "The Bulgarian fascist government, together with the Macedonian supremacist-fascists, believed Hitler's lies every day." 71 In 1941, the CPM Provincial Committee, headed by Shatorov, on the occasion of the 1903 Ilinden Macedonian Uprising, issued a proclamation, and in the part about the supremacists, it said: "The Ilinden Uprising and the Krushevo Republic were the work of the Macedonian people, not the work of the supremacists, or the work of the Bulgarian state as some of today's Macedonian fascists want us

68 Documents and materials 1921-1941, volume 1, book 2, p. 315 and CPY Illegal press in Vardar Macedonia between the two World Wars, volume 2, book 2, pp.

170, 171. 69 Sources for the liberation war and revolution in Macedonia 1941-1945, volume 1, book 1, p. 15 (hereinafter Sources.)

70 Ibid., p. 16.

' Ibid., p. 24.

to believe... The Macedonian-Bulgarian supremacist fascists are trying to falsify the Macedonian struggle and mislead the Macedonian people. They want the people to believe that the Ilinden Uprising and the famous Krushevo Republic were Tsar Boris's and Hitler's "ideas" for giving the people "freedom and equality". This is mockery and fascist brazenness.

Dear Macedonians, the fascists want to bring you new "joy" at our Ilinden celebration this year. It was reported by foreign radio stations that Germany, Italy and Bulgaria want to "somehow" solve the Macedonian question by involving Vancho Mihailov, who was brought in from Zagreb to negotiate with the Bulgarian state leadership. Fascists from all camps believe they will be able to lie to the Macedonian people easier if Vancho Mihailov is appointed "Fuhrer" in Macedonia. Mihailov will play a bloody role in the same way Ante Pavelich plays such a role in Croatia: an imperialist agent, a plunderer, an oppressor, Hitler's gendarme in Macedonia, who will have the task of feeding and clothing the Germans and destroying any movement that struggles for a free Macedonia.

The Macedonian people in Petrich Region and the Macedonian immigrants in Bulgaria know very well who Vancho Mihailov is and who he serves. Today he will again serve Tsar Boris and Hitler and kill and plunder the Macedonians, as he did in Petrich Region.

Over 5,000 excellent Macedonian centralists (members of VMRO, supporters of the Central Committee who were against the supremacists), fighters who struggled for a free Macedonia, are dead because of him and his kind. 72

72 Ibid., pp. 30, 32.

III. Metodija Shatorov and the Provincial Committee's activities in 1940-1941 The Provincial Committee was re-organized in April 1940 as follows: Metodija Shatorov-Sharlo was appointed Political Secretary, Petar Ivanovski-Tikvar was appointed Organizational Secretary, Kotse Stojanovski, Dobrivoe Vidich and Ortse Nikolov were appointed members.

By taking over the party leadership from this committee, the Communist Party of Macedonia in the Vardar part of Macedonia undertook a series of activities to strengthen and expand the party organization and its ideological and political position so that it could successfully connect with the masses and lead them in the struggle for national and social liberation.

The party organization found itself in a difficult situation because there was no provincial leadership from about 1937 to the beginning of 1940, and it only had 140 members at the end of 1939.

In June 1940, the Communist Party of Macedonia's Provincial Committee published a call entitled "TO THE WORKING PEOPLE OF MACEDONIA". This call was of a program-political character and addressed the Macedonian people at the time when the international situation was deteriorating and fascism was expanding in Europe. This is what was said at the start of the call: "The fire from the imperialist war is spreading wide. Yugoslavia is on the verge of being engulfed..." Explaining the situation in Europe at that time, the call addresses the working people in Macedonia with the following words: "Macedonia is the first in line to plunge in this bloody war... The Macedonians, Albanians and Turks in Macedonia will be the first victims of this military slaughter and misery..." This is what the call said regarding the Great-Serbian monarchy in Macedonia: "With its policy of national suppression, the regime is suffocating the Macedonian people, stifling their national consciousness and feeling, and depriving them of their rights... The regime didn't solve the question of dividing the land with its agrarian policy. And with its plundering policy, the regime has squeezed the Macedonian people more and more and drove them into extreme poverty and misery".

This is what the call said about the difficult situation in Macedonia and the way out of it: "Many people have not yet seen the right path;

some see Macedonian's salvation in its division with help from other countries, for example with Italian and Bulgarian reactionary help. Others see its salvation from the Great Serbian imperialist policy by having the Macedonian people taken over by other, even worse, imperialists." "Those in Macedonia who rely on and seek a solution to the Macedonian question from Italy or Bulgaria, who do not think of Macedonia's interests, are condemned." About the attitude towards the Serbian monarchy, the call aid: "Some people think that the Macedonian people's freedom can be obtained through bargaining and compromises with the regime. All these roads unfortunately lead to selling out the interests of the Macedonian people". The call also points out to the Macedonian people that even Vancho Mihailov's forces couldn't bring them freedom. This is what the call said about the Mihailovists: "They cannot honestly fight for the Macedonian people's freedom and equality...

Mihailovists and others like them only fight for Bulgarian, Italian and other imperialists". As for the way out of the difficult situation and to bring freedom to the Macedonian people, the call said: "Only our Communist Party has the correct point of view on the Macedonian national question. Freedom for the Macedonian people and their right to self-determination can be achieved through the Macedonian people's struggle together with the Yugoslavian people and with help from the Serbian people who struggle against the regime, against the regime's policies and against national suppression and oppression and for equality of all the people. Let us be clear that the way out of this difficult situation is to have the working classes cooperating with the Communist Party leading them, which is at the forefront of the Macedonian people's struggle for national freedom and equality. We call on the Macedonian people to clean up and strengthen their ranks and start struggling for their national and social liberation." This is how the call addressed the workers: "You should be in the front lines struggling for your national rights and freedoms; against corruption and war; against the regime that supports violence and brutality..." In calling the peasants to struggle together with the workers, the call said: "The regime is holding you in a tight grip and has put the entire army, gendarmes, rangers and all kinds of other forces to hold you down. Every right has been taken from you, even the right to call yourself Macedonian. The regime wants to separate you from the workers, your brothers, because it is afraid of your harmony and common struggle. Don't lie to yourself. Defend your Macedonian name and fight for your Macedonian national rights and freedoms." With this call, directed at the working Macedonian people, the Provincial Committee formulated its platform for the Macedonian people's liberation, that is, it connected class with national rights. It connected Macedonian identity interests with the interests of the other nations in Yugoslavia who struggled against slavery, and for their national and class liberation. In calling on the peasants to realize their interests, which was only possible through a joint struggle with the working class, in a joint union, the call said:

"Create a worker and peasant alliance in the struggle against war and corruption; for the protection of your village interests; for the Macedonian people's freedom; for a brighter and happier future..." In the section about the communists the call said: "You should be organizers and leaders, as the vanguard working class and at the head of the Macedonian people's struggle for full national liberation." 73 Professor N. Vulich wrote an article entitled "Southern Serbia", published on July 11, 1940, in which he encouraged the administrative and "educational" authorities to "explain" to the Macedonian people that all Macedonians are Serbians. On July 20, 1940, Bulletin no. 1, an organ of the Communist Party of Macedonia in Macedonia, wrote a response to Vulich's article in which it said:

"The real Macedonians and real supporters of the struggle for the Macedonian cause, these days, sent a reply to Professor N. Vulich on his article published in Pravda on the 10th of this month". 74 Here we will quote certain parts of the response in which important views on the Macedonian question will be expressed. In part here is the response: "The entire progressive society and all those who are 73 Documents and materials 1921-1941, volume 1, book 2, p. 313, 318 (hereinafter Documents and materials). 74 Bulletin No. 1, issued by the CPM Provincial Committee on July 20, 1940.

free from chauvinism have raised their voices and have pointed out the possibilities and wealth of the Macedonian language. They are in opposition to the terror that has been perpetrated against the Macedonian people and against their language in the three parts of divided Macedonia now ruled by Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece." Furthermore: "The Macedonian people are a historical nation and not the brainchild of this or that. For 50 years now the Macedonian people have been leading the way organizing and struggling for their existence... What we need to say now is that the Macedonian people, together with the Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek people, are still struggling for their liberation." The Macedonian people have a fighting tradition and for many years have struggled for their liberation from slavery, especially during the Ilinden Uprising and the Krushevo People's Republic. This is what was said about that:

"After the failed Ilinden Uprising.., after 1903, we in Macedonia have to endure Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek propaganda..." This is what was said in an issue of "Macedonian Voice", published in Moscow in 1904: "Macedonians are neither Bulgarians, nor Serbians, nor Greeks, but only Macedonians..." (Jovan Babunski also said this before he became a Serbian chauvinist and agent. The same can be said of Boris Sarafov before he became a supremacist and a Bulgarian agent). This is what was said regarding the Macedonian nationality: "The Macedonian nation is a product of historically acquired circumstances and represents a geographical, historical, spiritual and cultural whole speaking the same Macedonian language... Today Macedonia has been portioned by Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece and the Macedonian people suffer because of that... The Macedonian people under Greece from Solun to Kavala are Slav speakers. The Macedonian nation is made up of Slav speaking Macedonians and all other people who live in Macedonia including Turks, Albanians, Jews, Vlachs, Greeks and Serbians. But the Macedonian people are a separate nationality with their own language, culture, economic and geographical whole, which has been historically created through revolutionary struggles and through Macedonian national liberation movements." 75 Our research has shown that the call entitled "Macedonians celebrate the glorious Ilinden Uprising!", which was neither signed 75 Documents and materials pp. 318-322.

nor edited, was made by the CPM Provincial Committee and issued sometime in July 1940. Explaining Ilinden events and their significance for Macedonia, in part it said: "Ilinden is a bright and pure Macedonian flag, under which all the poor Turks, Vlachs, Greeks, Albanians, etc., are uniting, just like they did in Krushevo...

Macedonians, Turks, Albanians and all those oppressed people living in Macedonia who are exploited by Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek imperialism, must today again gather together for a general struggle, for freedom and equality. Today more than ever, unity and struggle are needed, because a new yoke, a new division, a new slavery is being prepared for Macedonia". The call ends with the words: "Let Ilinden serve as an example! May the young generation be infected by the fire of the Ilinden fighters! Long live freedom and equality! Long live FREE MACEDONIA!" 76 The Provincial Committee, basing this call on the Ilinden tradition, invited the Macedonian people and all the people who lived in Macedonia to join the struggle to liberate themselves from Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek slavery.

The Ilinden demonstrations, organized by the Macedonian communists for August 2, 1940, were a success. In part this is what the call said in the beginning about their actions and successes: "The working people of Macedonia duly celebrated the Ilinden Uprising this year in remembering the people's fighters from 1903. The fighting flame of our people surged in Prilep with an unstoppable force. Thousands of men and women, old and young boldly stood up to express their great dissatisfaction with the difficult situation with this unpopular government and to express their willingness to get rid of it. The Ilinden demonstrators in Prilep proved to be worthy sons and daughters of their great fathers who fought during the 1903 Ilinden Uprising... Many Macedonians, supporters of the Macedonian cause, faithful sons of their people, regardless of their conviction, joined the Ilinden demonstrations... Unity of the people in Macedonia became a reality through the flames of the Ilinden demonstrations. Workers, peasants and citizens forged a working people's alliance in Macedonia to continue the struggle.

76 Ibid., pp. 322-323.

The call finally ended with the words: "Let us strengthen our ranks, strengthen our alliance with the working people in Macedonia and lead even more persistently and decisively in the struggle for the people's rights and people's freedoms, for a free Macedonia and for a better life". 77 Through these calls the Provincial Committee managed to successfully raise and connect almost all issues of interest to the Macedonian people, that is, which were of interest for mobilizing people in the struggle for liberation. It pointed out the fact that the Macedonian people don't want to be enslaved and are ready to fight for their rights. It pointed out that they don't want to suffer oppression and be plundered by anti-people governments, by various capitalists and military speculators who reduce worker wages and the prices of tobacco, poppies, silk cocoons and other Macedonian products, which increases the price of everything the people need, burdening them with higher taxes and other expenses. The Provincial Committee also pointed to the fact that people no longer wanted to suffer political lawlessness, violence and national oppression from the Great Serbian imperialists, or from any other imperialists. With the questions raised in this call, with the demonstrated results of the Ilinden demonstrations, as well as with the Ilinden and Krushevo Republic celebrations, the Provincial Committee created a broad platform designed to mobilize all progressive people and unite them with the working people in the struggle for national and class liberation.

An appeal was made with the basic purpose to discredit the Cvetkovich-Machek government in order to mobilize the masses in the struggle for national, economic and democratic rights, and for an alliance with the USSR. This is what was said, in part, in the appeal to the monopoly (tobacco) workers and to the entire working class in Macedonia, published in the summer of 1940: "This government uses us and steals, lies and seduces us, terrorizes and persecutes us.

More than a hundred thousand of us are occupied in the planting and processing of tobacco. With our labour we provide the government with billions of dinars in value. The value we provide is not used for 71 Ibid., pp. 324-325.

us but is taken as profit when our boss the state sells the tobacco we grow. This profit is raised with our pain and sweat but we work and live in poverty... We work hard and the money we earn by our sweat is scattered and taken away by various rascals, rascals who ride on the backs of the working people." The appeal ends as follows: "We must start a decisive struggle for a better life and freedom for the working class, a struggle that fulfills the demands of our peasant allies. We need to connect this struggle with the village workers. At the same time, our struggle must be a struggle for the demands of the urban middle classes, and especially a struggle of the Macedonians, Albanians and Turks against our oppressors." 78 This call, as well as the call to the soldiers and citizens of Macedonia, and to the Skopje workers, made in September 1940, was meant to mobilize the working class to fight for its interests through strikes. This is what was said in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) Fifth Conference minutes: "There have been no strikes in Macedonia so far. However, for the first time in 1940, we have 16 strikes each lasting 40 days." 79 These were visible results achieved at that time because of the activities and involvement of the CPM Central Committee and its base organizations.

1. Resolutions made during the Communist Party of Macedonia's Provincial Conference held around September 8, 1940 This document, for the communists in Macedonia, had programmatic significance which can be seen in the covered issues and in the positions taken. Here we will only focus on the most essential items used to attempt to solve the Macedonian national question and identity. In part this is what was said: "The policy of national repression, assimilation, wild terror and persecution of everything that is Macedonian, as well as the Macedonian culture, language and songs, is carried out maliciously. The tormented, disadvantaged and nationally enslaved Macedonian population is

78 Ibid., pp. 328-331. 79 Ibid., pp. 347-350.

facing new and great struggles". Further down it said: "The manifestations and demonstrations taking place in Macedonia are an expression of the accumulated Macedonian national indignation against the Great Serbian policy of colonial exploitation and national slavery". 80 The Provincial Committee during this Party Conference raised the Macedonian national question to a high level. This was a very important resolution in order to mobilize the Macedonian people in the struggle against slavery - both colonially and nationally. The Macedonian national question was a very important issue at this time. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia discussed this for a long time, but did not take a clear position on the Macedonian national identity.

In June 1939, during a CPY Central Committee consultation in Slovenia, it was concluded that: "It is necessary for the CPY to pay special attention to this province and as soon as possible start reorganizing the CPY in Macedonia to mobilize a broad layer of oppressed peoples to struggle for their daily needs, freedom and equality". 81 But there was nothing said about the Macedonian national individuality, even though for the CPY there were wide layers of oppressed people. In a letter Tito sent to Georgi Dimitrov on June 20, 1939, he said: "We must immediately take a clear position towards the national issues in Vojvodina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia. These issues are now ripe for internal and external political reasons. We will inform you of our position but we will have to ask for your help as well." 82 In September 1939, in a report to the Communist International, Tito wrote: "Now it is especially important to raise the Macedonian and Montenegro question, where Italian fascism has firmly stepped in and, with the help of its agents, conducts its own propaganda". 83 Without a clear position on the Macedonian national question in a situation like this, the CPM Provincial Committee, in all seriousness, could not commit to asking the people to rise and struggle. The CPY's procrastination and hesitation only complicated the situation and disorganized the Macedonian people.

80 Ibid., pp. 334-338. 81 Collected works of Tito, book 4, p. 256. 82 Ibid., p. 229. 83 Ibid., book 5, p. 10.

A question was raised about creating unity in the ranks of the working class to struggle against all enemies. The idea behind this was to create a strong alliance between the workers, the peasants, the Macedonian intelligentsia and the entire Macedonian population to fight against the Serbian imperialists and enslavers. As a result the CPM Central Committee introduced a broad platform to encompass all social structures of the Macedonian population to struggle for their liberation from class and national slavery.

A clear position was taken against the monopoly's economic exploitation; that is against high tobacco, cotton, poppy, sesame and wheat prices. In doing so the CPM supported economic requirements that were of material interest to the population. The decision taken on the issues regarding the rural population was unequivocal: take the lands from the chifliks, monasteries, churches, national Greater Serbian nobles and colonists, and give it to the Macedonian villagers and farmers. In conclusion, it was said:

"Lands in Macedonia that are held by the chifliks, Great Serbian chauvinists, colonists, monasteries, churches, the crown and the like should pass into the hands of the Macedonian villagers and crop producers. The Macedonians from the great hills and mountains should come down and work the land of their fathers, and the really poor colonists should be given lands in Serbia, the land of their local chifliks and landlords, monasteries and the crown..." (See documents and materials pp. 334-338)

During the same conference it was decided to take a position to preserve the purity of the Party, i.e. to clean the Party from foreign elements and strengthen its fighting ability - to get out of sectarianism, closed-mindedness and organizations with the aim of transforming themselves into political factors and leaders of the mass struggle of the Macedonian people.

With help from the CPY Central Committee and contributions from the CPM Provincial Committee, the CPM organizations in Macedonia began to stand on their own and, in a short time, noticed visible results both in organizational and political terms. During this time, existing Party Organizations in Skopje, Veles, Kumanovo, Prilep, Bitola, Gevgelija and Shtip began to improve their performance, and new ones began to spring up in Kavadartsi, Tetovo, Strumitsa, Krushevo, Obrid, Gostivar, etc., for a total of 16 party organizations. Party membership increased from 140 members in the fall (end of 1939) to 250 members by the time the 5th State Conference took place. These results were achieved because of the selfless sacrifices people made working hard day and night for the Provincial Committee and for the basic party organizations, as well as for the local committees, that is, the results were achieved thanks to the "correct" policies applied on several issues that were of interest to the Macedonian people. This is what was said regarding these "correct" policies that governed admission of new members:

"The conditions when accepting party members should be a willingness to struggle and make sacrifices in order to spread and expand organizations and tie them even more closely with the broad masses of people." (See documents and materials pp. 334-338.)

Even more Party organizations were created for people who were reputable, trustworthy and ready to accept the recruitment conditions. They were also expected to mobilize others like themselves into their local organizations.

The conference concluded that one of the most neglected sectors of work was the contributions made by women. In order to improve this situation, it was decided to create various forms of women's organizations with different goals according to local conditions. This is what was said about the CPY working with women during the 5th Regional Conference: "In Slovenia, women make up 10% of the total Party membership, in Montenegro 6%, in Serbia 10%, in Croatia 4%, in Macedonia 10%, in Vojvodina 5%, and in the entire party 6%... Since the comrades in Macedonia started working so well in all fields, we can expect a newspaper for women in the Macedonian language from them in the near future." 84 This is what was said in the resolution regarding the other nationalities living in Macedonia: "The Macedonian national revolutionary movement is not and cannot be alien to the rights and struggles of the entire Macedonian population, including the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, etc., all of whom are also exploited and enslaved, subjected to terror and assimilation. The workers and

84 Documents and Materials, p. 346.

peasants, Albanians and Turks in Macedonia, are destined for the same fate as the Slav speaking Macedonians. The party organizations should develop an inclusive brotherhood of solidarity in the struggle. Only a free and independent Macedonia can guarantee freedom for all the oppressed and enslaved people living in Macedonia".

The categorical attitude of the CPM Central Committee and the Provincial Conference in 1940, regarding the colonists deposited in Macedonia by the Great Serbian Monarchy, would be a cause of controversy in the ranks of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, especially during the 5th National Conference in Zagreb in 1940. The colonization of Macedonia caused great dissatisfaction and clashes between the authorities and the colonists on the one hand and the Macedonian population on the other, which led to conflicts and clashes ending in murder. These clashes arose because the poor Macedonian people were deprived of 127,301 hectares of land which lasted until 1934. Up to that time 2,869 households were colonized, with an average of 8.34 hectares per household. 85 This is how the property situation of the population in Macedonia under Serbian rule was! In 1931, there were 171,667 households in this part of Macedonia. Of these, 127,597 had land for cultivation and 44,070 did not. That is 34.5% of the total households, and of those who had land for cultivation 28,076 households had land up to 1 hectare, or a total of 14,456 hectares, which means the average per household was 0.5 1% hectares of land, or 22.00% of the households had land for cultivation, that is, 51,954 households had up to 2 hectares of land, or a total of 50,277 hectares, with an average of 0.97 hectares each, or 40.72% of the households had land. If the total arable area was divided by the households that had land, it comes to 4.41 hectares, and if it is divided by the total number of households, it amounts to 3.27 hectares of arable land. With this kind of property situation, in this part of Macedonia, colonization was detrimental to the poor population (and to those without any property) which was a large number of households. 86

85 1940 report. Documentation compiled by the main commission for the colonization of Macedonia and Kosovo. This documentation is located in MANU Skopje. 86 1931 documents. Wealth Census of the Kingdom CXC.

In the Resolution of the 3' CPY World Conference, held on October 19, 1940, it was concluded: "A struggle will take place against the colonizing methods of the Serbian bourgeoisie in those areas (Macedonia and Kosovo). All colonists deposited there, of whom the Serbian bourgeoisie oppresses the Macedonian, Albanian and other peoples, will be expelled." 87 During discussions in the same conference, after Milovan Gjilas reported on the national question, Metodi Shatorov, then CPM Central Committee Secretary said: "The second mistake was about the question of the colonists. Milovan Gjilas said that the Caucasus' colonists were defended by the Bolsheviks. Tsarist Russia is not Macedonia. The national question before the war was one thing but today it is another. Milovan Gjilas has demonstrated a chauvinistic attitude. We cannot go and tell the Macedonian peasant that the colonists from Serbia are his Macedonian brothers. Just like the generals, the gendarmes, the spies who are not his brothers. If the peasants were to ally with the colonists, they would respond with a spade. There are about 10 thousand families with about 70 thousand hectares. All of them are oppressors who tyrannize the Macedonian people and we can't have good relations with them. All the colonists in White Russia were arrested and their land was confiscated. We are also obliged to do the same. If you know the psychology of the Macedonian peasant you will know that he is fighting to exact bloody revenge on the colonists... The colonists were given the best lands which were taken away from the peasants. Pastures and forests have been taken away from the villagers. There is little land in Macedonia, so we ask that the colonists be moved to Serbia. The lands should be given to the Macedonian peasants. And if there is leftover land they should be given to the other nationalities..." 88 The delegates from Vojvodina and Montenegro didn't agree with Shatorov's views and neither did representative Milovan Gjilas.

In time the differences between the CPY and the CPM Provincial Committee leaderships regarding the colonists began to recede and eventually it was decided to allow the colonists to remain on the lands assigned to them by the Serbian monarchy. This is what was said about that in the CPM Central Committee Bulletin no. 3 on

87 Documents and materials, pp. 360, 361. 88 Ibid., pp. 349-350.

October 30, 1940: "As you can see from the above we prefer the peasants own the land. The most painful question in Macedonia was the one about the land. The Serbian warriors weren't in favour of the Macedonian peasants. The Macedonian peasants aren't just complaining they are fighting for their lands. There are many examples of bloody battles and spontaneous fights in Macedonia.

Let the village Lisiche in Skopje Region serve as an example. When the colonists were brought there by the Serbian authorities to take over the village pastures and gardens, both in the small and large villages, the villagers came out with pitchforks, hoes and sticks. A fight broke out in the middle of the village which turned into a battle. For almost four years the people of Lisiche, to this day, have been dragged into the courts... The villagers know they will never get their lands back this way. They also know that the only way to get them back is by kicking the looting Serbian authorities out. That struggle and the desire for the lands to be given back to the peasants, was initiated and led only by the Communist Party of Macedonia.

The peasants will get their lands back in alliance with the workers -with the communists..." 89 In the September 1940 proclamation to the working people in Macedonia, the CPM Central Committee addressed their struggle against corruption, speculation, hunger, poverty, bloody terror committed by the police, imprisonments, torture, unfair legal practices and pillaging practices committed by speculators and merchants. In part, this is what the call said: "A bloody terror is spreading throughout Macedonia that persecutes our people. Sons of the people from Skopje, Kumanovo, Tetovo, Veles, Prilep, Bitola and Shtip are being arrested and tried in accordance with the law for the protection of the state. But their only crime is that they want bread and freedom..." The people are called upon to struggle against the Greater Serbian monarchy, which provides Germany and Italy with unlimited meat, fat, bread and other goods, and leaves the people without food. The entire weight of that situation has been thrown onto the backs of the Macedonian people leaving them hungry, miserable and terrified.

89 CPM Central Committee Bulletin No. 3, October 30, 1940.

The proclamation also said: "The government thinks it could crush the struggle for bread, freedom and peace by violence and terror against the Macedonian people but it is very wrong. The Macedonian people will not stop fighting against the politics of hunger and misery, against national slavery and oppression, for bread, peace and freedom... " The proclamation ended with the words: "Long live free Macedonia!" 90 In the call entitled "Macedonians" issued in October 1940 by the Provincial Committee on the occasion of Dragisha Tsvetkovich's arrival at the Skopje military club, among other things, it was said:

"The Tsvetkovich-Machek-Pop Koroshets reactionary fascist government is in action. Ministers and politicians are walking around Macedonia and saying bitter words in defense of the Serbian chauvinists, in defense of the Greater Serbian oppression perpetrated in Macedonia... Frothing at the mouth, Dragisha Tsvetkovich struggled to prove to the Macedonian people that they are Serbians from Southern Serbia (read Macedonia) which was the main post of Serbian culture because Serbian history was created in the south, in Skopje - ... But he could not convince the Macedonians that they are Serbians because for thirty years they have only been hearing such empty stories. But you have to admit that to a large extent Tsvetkovich's presence and speech had a calming effect on the Great Serbian chauvinists and tormentors in Macedonia, who were fearful of the external and international events." Further down in the same call it was said: "In Kumanovo and Skopje, the patriarch gave military speeches. He praised and wept for the sacrifices made for the "freedom of Southern Serbia" from the Turkish yoke, but forgot to mention the yoke imposed by the Serbian perpetrators - . . . for the honour of Macedonia, but the Macedonian people turned their backs on these actions." The purpose of these actions taken by the authorities and the priests was to introduce and impose Serbian feelings in the Macedonian people, that is, to instill a sense of Serbian nationalism and chauvinism, to conquer the minds and hearts of young Macedonians and to create traitors among their own people who would work against their interests and ideals. This is what was said in the call about that: "Those Macedonians who think that it is better if Hitler and Mussolini came to Macedonia are very

90 Documents and materials pp. 338-339.

wrong. They have been lied to viciously. Those Macedonians who think that way knowingly or unknowingly have become Tsvetkovich-Machek-Pop Koroshets's partners, partners of German and Italian imperialism, a sworn enemy of freedom in Macedonia.

Should that happen the Macedonian people will have two masters, two exploiters, two oppressors... The Serbian gendarme and the German boot... And if Hitler has his way he will give Macedonia to the Bulgarian imperialists.

Salvation and freedom for the Macedonian people lies in their struggle against the Tsvetkovich-Machek-Pop Koroshets government and for EMPOWERING THE PEOPLE. THIS WILL EARN MACEDONIA ALL ITS FREEDOMS IN FOREIGN POLICY AND WILL CONCLUDE WITH A SOVIET UNION PACT FOR PROTECTION AGAINST ANY IMPERIALISM." With the slogan "LONG LIVE FREE MACEDONIA!" With this appeal to the Macedonian people, the Provincial Committee took a clear view on Macedonia's fate. As for the Macedonian people's enslavement, the Provincial Committee equated that on the same level as Serbian and Bulgarian enslavement, that they are all the same and that there was no difference here for the Macedonian people. It pointed out that the only way out of this situation for Macedonia was to struggle to empower the people to create a PEOPLE'S GOVERNMENT and gain all its freedoms that way.

The work carried out by the Party Organizations in Macedonia was evaluated at the CPY 5th Regional Conference held in Zagreb in

1940.