Introduction - Part 05

but to take the problem to the Macedonian people and organize its own Liberation Front, the MNLF(G). There is a lot of talk, especially from the Greek side, that the MNLF(G) was heavily influenced by its Macedonian counterpart in Yugoslavia and as a result conclusions were drawn that there was some sort of “secret plan” for the two organizations to join forces and fight for the reunification of Macedonia. But sources on the ground like Naum Pejov and Hristo Andonovski did not support that idea and in fact went a step further accusing the mistrustful Greeks of starting such rumours in order to keep a tight leash on the MNLF(G). The formation of the MNLF(G) in Kostur and Lerin Regions in October 1943 was done along the same lines of the formation of IMRO-United in 1936 and had an immediate and successful following. Among the leaders of the Lerin Region branch were Kiro Piljaev and Stavro Kochevski and among those in the Kostur Region were Paskal Mitrevski, Naum Pejov, Lazo Poplazarov and Lazo Damovski Osenski. The immediate aims of the organization were to disarm the villagers who had been armed by the occupier and to persuade them to join the MNLF(G). After a successful campaign 110 members from the village Eksisu alone joined the MNLF(G)and donated money to publish the necessary literature to advertise the MNLF(G)’s objectives. In September 1943 Tanos, the CPG’s political secretary for the Regional Committee of Lerin Region, called a meeting with the Macedonian leaders Kiro Piljaev, Gijorgij Turundzhov, Stavro Kochevski, Trifko Popovski and Vangel Kojchev. The meeting was held in the village Banitsa. Stavro Kochevski, Kiro Paljaev and Gijorgij Turundzhov were selected to jointly lead the MNLF(G) along with the GNLF regional committee. Kiro Paljaev was assigned the task of political secretary and Gijorgij Turundzhov was assigned the task of organizational secretary. MNLF(G)’s first objective was to organize its first publication in the Macedonian language for which it needed a typewriter with Cyrillic characters. Unfortunately there was no such typewriter in Greek occupied Macedonia so Gijorgij Turundzhov with his brother Ilija and Gijorgij Bukchev took a trip to Bitola to look for one. There they made contact with Krum Hololchev who took them to the village Novatsi but were unable to find such a machine. The next day it had occurred to someone that banks use typewriters and with the help of their Bitola contacts the trio entered a bank, stole a typewriter and some paper and walked away. The next day Bulgarian authorities arrived and arrested and jailed seven bank employees. When they counted the money and found none was missing they took inventory of other items and found that a typewriter had disappeared. They realized that such a machine would be needed for propaganda purposes and concluded that it was communists who stole it, probably with help from the bank staff. When the Macedonians returned to their headquarters with the typewriter they realized they had no ribbon and had to fashion one from homemade materials. Using their newly acquired typewriter they were able to produce the first edition of an all Macedonian publication called “Sloboda” (Freedom). Then by using these publications the Macedonians in Lerin Region were rallied behind the all Macedonian MNLF(G). Despite Greek attempts to downplay the strength of this organization, it managed to draw massive support especially during its regional conference in February 1944 held in the village Bapchor in Vicho Mountain. Many Macedonians attended this conference and gave the MNLF(G) their support by demonstrating their wish to fight for equality and for a common cause together shoulder to shoulder with the Greek democratic people. Soon after the Lerin and Kostur branches of the MNLF(G) were established, another branch appeared in Voden Region. This branch it seemed had little objection from the CPG and at first was widely accepted. The first objective of this branch of the MNLF(G) was to establish its presence inside the city of Voden and then quickly spread out to Voden and Meglen Regions.

Soon after its consolidation, this branch too started its own newspaper called “Trvena Zsvezda” (Red Star) in the Macedonian language but using the Greek alphabet. Even though the publication was only used to rally the people in support of the resistance and sometimes to disseminate news from the military operations in the allied fronts, it was still disturbing the Greeks. According to Vangel Aljanov, one of the leaders in the MNLF(G), the Greeks were concerned about its content and how it might wrongly be interpreted by the Macedonian people. Both the CPG and GNLF leadership began to object not only to what was published but to the publication itself. Then when the Red Star began to run a series of important articles in support of Macedonian national rights, the CPG and GNLF regional committee ordered the publisher to stop publishing. According to their explanations, in their view this kind of information was deemed dangerous and would lead to the destruction of the Greek nation. In the fall of 1943 another Macedonian language newspaper came into existence. Located in Meglen Region this newspaper was called “Iskra” (Spark) and was an offshoot of the CPG’s newspaper called “Flora”. Unfortunately after its third publication it too was ordered to shut down. The CPG regional committee decided it was unnecessary to have another paper while Flora was still in existence. While the MNLF(G) was tormented by the CPG and GNLF from the inside, the CPG was telling different stories on the outside. The Greek newspaper “Laikon Vima”, closely associated with the CPG, on January 10th, 1944, among other thing, heralded the birth of the MNLF(G) as a necessary step in the ripening political process and the MNLF(G) itself was seen as a “Liberation Front” for the Macedonians similar to the GNLF for the Greeks. The MNLF(G) was heralded as an instrument that would lead the Macedonians in a brotherly struggle together with the Greeks for the realization of combined aims. Another newspaper, the “Efedrikos ELAS” closely associated with the divisional command of the NLAG reservists for Western Greek occupied Macedonia, on April 2nd, 1944 wrote something to the effect that the GNLF and the MNLF(G) are organizations dedicated to the struggle for the same aims, the same desires and aspirations. Greeks and Macedonians firmly united will take decisive steps for the realization of the people’s needs. On the occasion of the Macedonian participation in the MNLF(G) in Lerin and Kostur Regions, “Efedrikos ELAS” emphasized the importance of the massive Macedonian contribution in the struggle against the occupier in spite of the dangers, terror and difficult conditions. In regards to the first NLAG reservist conference, the newspaper added that the Macedonians from Lerin and Kostur Regions are represented by a considerable number of delegates which clearly indicates that the Macedonians are convinced that their aims are just in this all national struggle. Six months after the formation of the MNLF(G) its success and ability to mobilize the Macedonian people was echoed by the Macedonian newspaper “Makedonski Glas” (Macedonian Voice) on April 3rd, 1944. Among other things it wrote that the MNLF(G) is a united peoples’ liberation organization which strives to fulfill the national needs of the Macedonian people. The MNLF(G) is the new IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) of the Macedonians which will bring to fruition the deeds of the Ilinden Revolutionaries. In response to the slanderous accusations that MNLF(G) is an autonomist organization “Macedonian Voice” fought back by saying that the true autonomists are the Fascists who want to enslave our people. The MNLF(G) is a continuation of IMRO born from the people’s aspiration for freedom which will struggle to drive out the occupier and clean up the collaborators and traitors and all those whose aims are to bring tyranny to our people. In the six months since its formation the MNLF(G) distinguished itself as a true leader of the Macedonian people.

Since its appearance in the Kostur Region people came alive as they did during the old legendary Ilinden revolutionary days. All the villages armed by the occupiers one by one surrendered their arms and voluntarily joined the ranks of the MNLF(G). The Macedonian people trusted the MNLF(G) leaders because they spoke Macedonian, the mother language of the Macedonian people, which proved to be a great unifier for the MNLF(G). The Macedonian language was also the worst weapon against Fascism because it earnestly spoke to the Macedonian people on all sides of the conflict and warned them of the dangers to come. “Fascism is on its last leg, the Red Army is in Romania and Czechoslovakia and soon it will start its offensive to free the Balkans. This is your last chance to save yourselves by surrendering your arms and by joining us. We will guaranty your safety we give you our word. If you don’t surrender now you will become victims of NLAG when it conducts its cleanup operations. If you don’t give up your arms now we can’t help you at all later because then you will be considered to be the enemy. We are your brothers and sisters and are concerned about the final outcome of the struggle. We are concerned for the good of the Macedonian people. We strive to achieve the aims of Ilinden and with your help we can write more pages for our celebrated history. Do not let the enemy extinguish it. Also do not listen to those who want to block you from taking a step in the right direction.” In the first six months alone the MNLF(G) drew support from over 6,000 people of whom 1834 were women. Naturally Macedonia has a long standing tradition of fighting women like Sirma, Irina, Gjurgja and others who picked up arms and courageously stood up to the Ottomans in the heat of the Ilinden Uprising. With rifles in hand some lead groups of men into battle while many toiled to support the revolution by gathering food, washing and mending clothes, smuggling and transporting guns and ammunition and most importantly nursing the wounded and burying the dead. The Greeks were not the only ones alarmed by the MNLF(G)’s rapid success. To capitalize on the euphoria and slow down the growth of the Macedonian resistance movement, the Bulgarian Fascists, through Kalchev and other Vancho-Mihailovist agents, attempted to form their own base in Kostur. The MNLF(G) however with its publications and its own propaganda campaign was able to quickly and successfully disarm the Fascists. The MNLF(G) appealed to the Macedonian people who were under Greek and Bulgarian influence and helped them see beyond the assimilatory propaganda which obscured their national consciousness. The MNLF(G) was a beacon of guiding light for the Macedonian people which not only showed them who they were but convinced them that there was a way they could live free and as equals to the other free people in the Balkans. The MNLF(G) reintroduced the Macedonian language to the people and again gave them their own voice which they proudly expressed in plays, newspaper articles, educational programs and schools for their children. For the first time inside Greek occupied Macedonia, the Macedonian people were free to celebrate their own holidays including Ilinden and other Macedonian national events. The MNLF(G) was not just another political tool that lead the Macedonian people in the struggle against the occupier. It was also a caretaker and provider for the people striving to improve their lives. One of its objectives was to stamp out famine by providing food and other goods like sugar, oil, soap and other products to the needy. Depots were set up in the city of Kostur where villagers were invited to visit and pick up food and other items for their families. This by the way was nothing new for the Macedonian people. Macedonians have a tradition of helping each other especially in the worst of times. The success of the food drive was heralded on March 29th, 1944 in a letter from the regional council to Poptrajkov, the leader of the MNLF(G), in which among other things the council informed Poptrajkov that as a result of the massive protests organized by the MNLF(G) the villagers from Breshteni succeeded in receiving over a thousand kilos of beans and about fifty kilos of sugar while the people of Drenovo received over six-hundred kilos of beans and got back their personal identification cards which were earlier confiscated.

The people of Dobrolishta too were given an undetermined amount of beans as well. The MNLF(G) also rewarded its volunteer fighters with various incentives like providing their families with free labour to harvest the crops at the family farm, paying medical bills for family members and acting as an advocate and judge in village disputes. The Macedonian people could see results in the MNLF(G)’s work so they gave it massive support not only by participating in demonstrations and protests but also by joining its military wing as volunteer fighters. Volunteer youths kept pouring in insisting that they join youth groups and be inducted in the NLAG reserves. The MNLF(G)’s popularity unfortunately created some uneasiness among its Greek counterpart and as Macedonians tried to open new branches they found stiff resistance from the Greek leadership. “I tried to start an organization in the villages Chuka and Stena but Joannis Papadopoulos stopped me and asked me if I had permission to do this. I said I didn’t so he suggested that I stop what I was doing or I would be punished. He suggested that I go to the CPG regional office and ask for permission from the committee by making a request in writing.” This quote is part of a document found in Lazo Damovski’s personal archives which demonstrates the kind of tactics the leftist Greeks employed to stifle the Macedonian movement. The MNLF(G) harnessed its power from a small number of villages where it was established and drew more than 500 Macedonians in the ranks of NLAG and about twice as many in the ranks of the reservists. Proportionally Macedonian participation in MNLF(G) especially in Kostur Region compared to the Greeks was massive. Wherever MNLF(G) existed the enemy had difficulties penetrating as attested by an article written by Kolcho, a regional MNLF(G) leader, on January 17th, 1944. “I have nine villages in my ward seven of which are under MNLF(G) jurisdiction. We have not yet penetrated Blatsa and Setoma because they are still enemy strongholds. The seven villages that are on our side have accepted MNLF(G) as their organization and 200 people have already joined us. There is however mistrust for the Greeks and many believe that they will again lie to us through their propaganda. With the exception of Blatsa, Setoma and Chereshnitsa, the Bulgarophil element here is very small.” (The original document from which this quote was obtained can be found in Lazo Damovski’s archives.) The MNLF(G) demonstrated its popularity with the Macedonian people during its regional conference on April 12th, 1944 in the village Dmbeni when massive numbers of Macedonians showed up making it look more like a religious holiday than a conference. The conference was a smashing success and a milestone for the Macedonian peoples’ movement in Kostur Region. Besides lifting the spirits of the Macedonian people this conference was instrumental in exposing the occupier and Greek right’s intrigues and propaganda aimed against the MNLF(G). Clearly this propaganda was aimed to divide the Macedonian people by offering them to join a non existent “autonomous movement”. This very same propaganda was later used by the Greeks to discredit the MNLF(G) and its leadership accusing them of harbouring hidden autonomous aims. In addition to a crowd of onlookers, over 500 delegates from the various MNLF(G) regions attended the conference with guests from the CPG, GNLF and NLAG and even delegates from the British War mission in free Greece. Lazo Damovski, the MNLF(G)’s political secretary, presented an essay on regional issues and his recommendations for action. Paskal Mitovski, the MNLF(G)’s organizational secretary, presented his views on the organizational situation in the ward and Rigas (Kostas Sidiropulos), the GNLF representative for Western Macedonia, spoke about the GNLF-MNLF(G)’s joint military and political situation with regards to the overall resistance movement in Greece. A good portion of the conference was dedicated to sorting out the relationship between NLAG the joint military wing and the MNLF(G).

According to a copy of the conference minutes found in Lazo Damovski’s archives, the following people belonged to the MNLF(G) in the newly formed ward: Lazo Damovski, Paskal Mitrevski, Andon Kalcho, Blagoj Panduli, Kokinos, Peev Naum, Boshko Hadzhiev, Evdokia Baleva, Shishkov, Gulev, Moskov, Poptrajkov, Vasilka Galeva, Hrisanta Chocheva, Risto Dimitriev, Karadzhov, Kalimanov, Pandeli and Ljuba Balsamova. A special telegram was sent from the conference to its partners in the GNLF and the 9th division of NLAG expressing satisfaction with events that had transpired, re-enforcing the idea that it was a good decision to allow the formation of the MNLF(G) and temporarily quelling slanders from reactionary groups accusing the MNLF(G) of being some sort of “autonomist organization”. Among other things the telegram also said: “We the five-hundred delegates of MNLF(G), Kostur Region, in our first historic conference are full of enthusiasm and from the bottom of our hearts salute our National Liberation political committee and stand shoulder to shoulder with all our forces in the formation of a government of national unity. We are convinced that in one peoples democratic Greece we Macedonians will find absolute social, political and economic equality together with the Greeks.” Unfortunately while the Macedonians in Kostur region were optimistic about their involvement with their Greek partners the same could not be said about the Macedonians in Voden Region who in April of 1944 were struggling to form a new MNLF(G) ward in Voden. When it came to discussing what symbols the Macedonian fighters should wear on their uniforms, the Greeks in the regional committee of the detachment insisted that they wear the “hammer and sickle” and be called the “Communist Army”. The Macedonians on the other hand insisted that the fighters be called the “Macedonian Army” and use the Macedonian flag as their emblem. By pushing these recommendations the Greeks were hoping to either slow down or completely suppress the growth of the MNLF(G). If Macedonians were to agree to Greek demands, Macedonian fighters would refuse to enlist in what to them would appear as a strange organization. If the Macedonians were to disagree with Greek demands then the Greeks would certainly be given an excuse to label the Macedonians “autonomists” and “separatists”. In spite of Greek objections the MNLF(G), a modest Macedonian version and satellite of the GNLF that the CPG conceded to recognize, won immediate acceptance and widespread support among the Macedonians. Paradoxically though it was this very success that sealed its fate. The CPG wanted an obedient and subservient, token Macedonian instrument to draw the Macedonians into the fold of GNLF-NLAG and thus away from the various "free" and "autonomous" Macedonian bands supported by the Bulgarians and Germans. The CPG was not willing to tolerate, let alone accept as a partner, an authentic Macedonian national liberation movement on the Left that enjoyed a popular mass following and thus an independent power base. Consequently, from the very outset, while the movement was still in its organizational stage, the CPG party leadership severely curtailed its independence, restricting and hindering its activities. And in the end, after existing for only seven months, the MNLF(G) was suppressed in May l944. Some of its leaders were arrested, but a group of partisans led by Naum Pejov fled across the border and joined the Macedonian army in the Republic of Macedonia.

Break up of the Macedonian National Liberation Front

By now it was obvious to every Macedonian that the Communist Party of Greece (CPG) was not going to tolerate a strong all Macedonian organization inside Greece. The CPG had never approved of the MNLF(G) and now that the MNLF(G) was getting stronger and more popular with the Macedonian people, the CPG felt it had to do something. Although it needed the Macedonian people to fight on its side, the CPG at this time was also trying to warm up to the Greek bourgeois parties. Unfortunately none of the Greek bourgeois parties approved of the CPG’s recognition of the Macedonian ethnicity so the CPG was in a dilemma. It had two choices; placate the bourgeois parties by disassociating itself from the Macedonians or forget about creating unity and humour the Macedonians for as long as they were needed. The CPG desperately and at all costs wanted “national unity” with the other Greek parties and was willing to do anything, even sacrifice the MNLF(G) if necessary. The CPG chose “unity” over the Macedonians and did not only disassociate itself from them, it took action to dismantle the MNLF(G) and effectively took away all the rights the Macedonians had recently earned including the right to form their own organizations, the right to form peoples’ liberation councils and the right to have Macedonian schools. During the MNLF(G) regional conference held on April 12, 1944 Greek representatives of the CPG and GNLF were very pleased with the MNLF(G)’s recent successes but a few days later the same Greeks suddenly and unexpectedly denounced the MNLF(G) calling it a redundant and useless organization demanding that it be dismantled and its fighters be merged with the GNLF. They argued that “two organizations with the same aims were not needed” and “national unity could not possibly be achieved by having redundant organizations”. In the beginning of May 1944, during a CPG conference held in the village Mogila, Kostur Region, a final decision was made to break up the MNLF(G). A similar decision was also made during a conference held in the village Lagen, Lerin Region and another one in the Macedonian ward in Voden. Naturally and justifiably the Macedonian people found it hard to accept this especially since Macedonians created this organization through struggle and personal sacrifice. The fact that the Macedonians in the Republic of Macedonia were having their own organizations, their own army, their own general headquarters and their recognized right to separate as an ethnic Macedonian identity made the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia feel like they were taking steps backwards. Besides being stripped of their right to be recognized as an ethnic Macedonian identity in Greece, these Macedonians began to lose everything they had worked for, even the rights they had achieved thus far. This was not only unacceptable, it was incomprehensible. In addition to breaking up the MNLF(G)’s political body, the CPG-GNLF leadership also disbanded its fighters and forced them to join NLAG. This was not what Macedonians wanted and naturally created negative feelings towards the Greeks which did not go unnoticed by the Fascists and directly fueled the autonomist propaganda which began to work hard to attract these disgruntled Macedonians who found themselves robbed not only of their rights but of also of their dignity. The kind of politics the CPG was conducting was neither new nor unknown to the Macedonian leadership. As early as January 1944 Lazo Damovski, the secretary of the regional council of the MNLF(G) for Kostur Region, addressed the CPG council for Macedonia and warned of this. On January 24, 1944 Damovski wrote: “The conditions created by World War II for the liberation movements in all of occupied Europe including the Balkans have opened new roads for the self-determination of all people. Macedonians are no exception. Macedonians have spilled blood in the 1903 Ilinden Uprising and are now fighting, spilling blood and making sacrifices to gain their freedom from the Fascists.

Our friends in Vardar Macedonia are going in the right direction…” “The Macedonians in Lerin and Kostur Regions represent the majority of the population (70%) and are fighting shoulder to shoulder with the Greek people. When they become liberated, will they, according to the Atlantic agreements, have the rights to self declare? Will they be granted the promised rights?” “The CPG promised the Macedonian people equal rights within the framework of a Peoples Republic of Greece, the same way it promised the people of the Dodekanis and Cyprus. If the CPG is serious about delivering on those promises when will it then allow the Macedonian people to freely express their ethnic culture? When will it let the Macedonians fight for their own ideals and for composing something unique to show that they are truly Macedonians? Is the CPG really afraid of being criticized by the chauvinist elements? If so, how then does it propose to form “national unity” and not receive any criticism? Does the CPG truly understand the Macedonian question? Because if it doesn’t it better learn it fast and start facing reality and make the right decision…” One by one the CPG ordered all regional MNLF(G) wards to close down and all fighters to disband and join the ranks of NLAG. This however was not what the Macedonians wanted and some began to show dissatisfaction. In May 1944 a large group of Macedonian fighters and activists lead by Naum Pejov, separated themselves from NLAG in a symbolic protest against the dismantling of the MNLF(G). Ilija Dimovski – Gotse too was suspended from duty because he was in support of this separation. Similar events also took place in Lerin Region where a group of Macedonian fighters lead by Gjorgij Turundzhov fled NLAG. Another group from Voden Region also fled but their leader Vangel Ajanov, who insisted on forming Macedonian detachments, was caught, put in jail and taken away to Mount Pajak. Pursued by Greek communist forces most of these renegade groups crossed over the Yugoslav border and fled into the Republic of Macedonia. These acts of protest demonstrated by the Macedonians were neither forgiven nor forgotten by the CPG-GNLF-NLAG leaderships. The Greek communists immediately issued orders to hunt down, capture and punish these renegades. Captured and jailed were Lazo Damovski, Paskal Mitrevski and Lazo Poplazov from Kostur region. In a disgraceful manner killed at Kajmakchalan were Macedonian ward leaders Pando Dzhikov, Dimitar Leskov from Ostrov Region, ten people from the village Chegan and three more from the village Rusilovo. The CPG made no effort to explain why these people were killed or to justify its action or to take responsibility for its part in the destruction of the MNLF(G) which propagated these demonstrations in the first place. Instead it took the easy way out and accused these people of subversion and of creating “division” among the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia by allegedly spreading “autonomous ideas” to the population. In other words the CPG lied its way out by accusing the Macedonians of wanting to split away from Greece. Greeks have this inherent and primordial fear that the Macedonians one day will take away their precious part of Macedonia. I wonder why? After the fleeing fighters from Greek occupied Macedonia crossed over to the Republic of Macedonia they joined the resistance movement there. The CPG however was not at all pleased with their action and demanded that they be immediately sent back to Greece. While the fighters explained their reasons for leaving, the CPG insisted that they were “deserters” and needed to be sent back so that “an example” could be made of them. Without bothering to explain the underlying reasons why these fighters fled Greece the CPG took their case to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and adamantly insisted that the fighters be immediately returned. The CPY however did not give in to the CPG’s demands and used this opportunity to put pressure on the CPG to deliver on its promises to the Macedonian people.

Further, the CPY recommended that if the CPG wanted its fighters back it would have to allow them to form their own Macedonian military units in Voden, Lerin and Kostur regions. Here is what Koliopoulos had to say about this: “A contemporary Partisan view adds another side to the issue. 'The friction between our bands and the Greek Antartes in the region of Kastoria and Florina,' Tempo and Ortche wrote in one of their reports to the Partisan GHQ in August 1944, 'has been caused by the Greek Antartes, when they moved into the region and started pressing Macedonians into their units. The Macedonians, according to their leaders, maintained that they were prepared to fight the Germans, but that they waited for their own units to be formed so as to enlist in them. The Greeks did not approve [the formation of the units] and instead started oppressing the Macedonian people. The result was an exodus of the Macedonians in the direction of Monastir, where Michailov waited to press them into his own units and fight against the Greeks. Faced with this situation, our political commissars let the fugitives, after consulting Radosavljevich, form their own units in the Florina-Monastir area of operations. Some of our commissars then started spreading the idea that the Macedonians could enlist in our army and that service with us would be as if they were serving in the Greek army, since both we and the Greeks are fighting against the fascist conquerors. At this point the Macedonians started enlisting in our army en masse, and the Greeks intensified their pressure on the Macedonians. The commanders of the Antartes issued orders for the confiscation of the property of those who enlisted in our army, and this caused confusion. In the talks conducted by Radosavljevich, a member of the KKE (CPG) Macedonian Bureau said that it was preferable for the Macedonians to be on the side of the Germans than on our [the Yugoslav]. The Greeks in general appear to share this view. Our representatives pressed the Greeks to accept the formation of a Kastoria-Florina battalion, but they are opposed. We are convinced that the Greeks must somehow find a way to form such a battalion. If they don't, we'll have to form it ourselves, in which case we'll clash with the Greeks.'” (John S. Koliopouls. “Plundered Loyalties”. Pages 127-128) Ortse Dobrivoje Radosavlejvich, mentioned above, wrote a letter to the Macedonian units from Greek occupied Macedonia, then serving in the Republic of Macedonia, which was read at a CPG regional conference. Among other things the letter said that time for discussions of whether or not to form Macedonian units or what symbols these units should be wearing, is over. The enemy is well aware of the situation with the Macedonian people and is using their dissatisfaction and mistrust to draw them into its ranks under the slogan “independent Macedonia”. The idea of an “independent Macedonia” was not a Macedonian creation but an enemy invention to draw the Macedonians on its side just like it is attempting to draw in the Romano-Vlachs from Pindos by promising them a Vlach state and the Shiptars with promises of creating a greater Albania. The idea of creating a united and independent Macedonia was nothing new. It was contemplated by the Italians and supported by the Americans in 1919. Even Britain had agreed to create an independent Macedonian protectorate. Hitler too had toyed with the idea of an “independent Macedonia” with Solun as its capital. Here is what Walter Hagen had to say about that: “Hitler’s interest in Macedonia began in 1941. Then in 1943 he received a memo from his secret service drawing his attention to the benefits of forming an independent Macedonian state with Solun as its capital. Creating such a state would be loyal to Germany and through it Germany would have access to the Aegean waters. Such a state could have easily been created in 1943 but by 1944 it was too late. Germany worked through Vancho Mihailov who came to Macedonia to familiarize the people with this German idea but concluded that it was too late and by then very difficult to realize it.”

(Hristo Andonovski “Vistinata za Egejska Makedonija”, Page 127) Vancho Mihailov in his book “Macedonia - Switzerland of the Balkans” wrote that the Germans and the Bulgarians were considering creating an autonomous Macedonian state. Also from what we can gather from Kalchev’s and Dimchev’s propaganda Bulgaria, around the middle of June, also began to arm Macedonians bands in Voden Region for the purpose of creating an autonomous Macedonia. Again according to Bulgarian propaganda, the idea for the formation of the “Ohrana”, a Bulgarian sponsored military organization stationed in Voden and operating jointly with the Germans, was to arm Macedonian bands for the purpose of creating an “autonomous” Macedonian state. If the Macedonians truly wanted that, wouldn’t they have joined the Ohrana or cooperated with the Germans to achieve it? Even after the Greek communists dismantled the MNLF(G) and upset the Macedonian population, the best the Ohrana could attract was 700 fighters. The majority of Macedonians judged the Ohrana by the unruly individuals it attracted who were viewed as no better than common criminals and who enjoyed terrorizing the population. One of the schools in Voden was converted to an Ohrana torture chamber to torture not the Fascist Greeks but the patriotic Macedonians and progressive Greeks. The following individuals were killed by the Ohrana in Voden; the pensioner major Atanasoglu, Siganidis, Georgios, Ipokratis, Aspalidis, the teacher Lazaros Vafiadis, Karavasilis, Vasilios, Nasko Pechinarov, Georgios Akritidis, Stavridis Kariofilis and others. The Ohrana didn’t just target individuals, it also targeted resistance organizations. Among the Macedonian organizations to successfully fight back against the Ohrana was the group of saboteurs from Voden. Members of that group included Hristo Kardalov, Aleko Tsrvenkata, Tushi Keramitchev, the brothers Gjasherev, Hristo Pochepov and Leonida Projov. Whether coincidental or not, right after the Greek communists broke up the MNLF(G) some Macedonians did join the Ohrana but instead of offering them a diplomatic way out, the leadership of NLAG, proficient in well known Greek tactics, ordered the burning of the houses of those who had joined. This totally illogical act not only did not stop people from joining, it forced more people to arm themselves for their defense. Common sense however must have prevailed because the CPG decided that in order to stop the drift to the Ohrana the people needed a better alternative. The CPG did that by creating separate Macedonian units within the framework of NLAG. As a result, the regional council of the CPG for Macedonia ordered the formation of Macedonian units in Voden, Lerin and Kostur Regions. I just want to point out at this point that there may have been other reasons why the CPG decided to create Macedonian units. In its attempt to burn down the houses in the village Javorjani, NLAG was repelled several times by the armed group there and was unable to carry out its mission. This must have prompted the Greek communists to change tactics. It would have been disastrous for the communist Greeks to fight against the Macedonians so they no doubt reluctantly chose to again befriend them. Even though the decision to form Macedonian units within NLAG appeared to be a done deal for the Macedonians there were disagreements among the Greek communists and the decision was not supported by everyone, especially after the Lebanon Conference. The Greek resistance leadership signed an agreement on May 20th, 1944 in Lebanon to form a coalition government with other civilian parties from Greece which was unwelcome to the Macedonians. The agreement was viewed with suspicion because much of its content was insulting and demeaning to the Macedonian people. The agreement called for disarming the Macedonian people and was interpreted as a means to destroy the MNLF(G). The Lebanon agreement was the end result of the so called “national unity” with other Greek parties which the CPG so desperately desired to create.

In order to patch up relations with the Macedonians, a conference was held in the village Belkamen, Lerin Region on July 20th, 1944 which was attended by the Partisans active in Vicho and Western Kajmakchalan. One of the resolutions reached was the re-organization of the Partisan forces into three detachments. The first lead by Aetos was assigned to operate in Vicho, the second lead by Ilija Dimovski – Gotse was assigned to Bigla – Koreshtata and the third was ordered to go to Western Kajmakchalan. In August 1943 Hristo Kolentsev was appointed detachment commissar for Vicho, replacing Commissar Naum Shupurkovski – Leon who left for a new assignment. The moment the Macedonians in Voden Region found out that the CPG had reached a decision to allow the formation of Macedonian detachments they began to work. Then on July 16, 1944 they announced the formation of the Macedonian Voden battalion at Kajmakchalan. The announcement was welcome news for the Macedonian youth who began to arrive in massive numbers to join as volunteers. The battalion was camped above the village Gorno Rodivo in Kajmakchalan and every day more than a dozen youths came from the local villages with a single desire, to be soldiers in the Macedonian army. This kind of movement was unprecedented in the history of the region as youths poured in from the Meglen, Baovo and Pozhartsko Region villages. Besides arriving in large numbers most of them brought their own arms and ammunition. As soon as the Macedonians in Voden organized they addressed the Macedonian people with the following proclamation written in the Macedonian language: “Brothers, wake up and understand that this struggle in not a struggle between Greeks and Bulgarians, it is not a fight between Bulgarians and Serbians here in the Balkans, it is a fight everywhere between the people and Fascism. United with the Red army all the people everywhere are locked in a war of life and death against the tyrannical Fascists. As long as German Fascism is strong and until Italian Fascism is still alive, the forces of the people here in the Balkans will fight against them. Until the Fascist hordes are destroyed at the front, the German fascists here will continue to attract Macedonian youths to their camp through the lies of their servant Fascist dogs Kalchev, Dimchev and others like them. Our Macedonian peoples’ army along with the Greek peoples’ army are now fighting together against a common foe the German and Greek fascists and against out boys who have been lied to. The Greek fascists, the Greek royalists; we know what they are fighting for… And our boys who have been lied to by Kalchev, Dimchev and others, united with the Greek gendarmes under German fascism are fighting not for Macedonia but for the Fascists against the Macedonian peoples’ army, and against the Macedonian people. Macedonia people! Our way is not with the fascists. Only together with the Greek people here and with the other progressive people can we gain life fit for humans and lasting peace. Know that Fascism will soon die…The Italian people rose against it. The Romanian people did the same. The Czechoslovakian, the French, the Fin and the Bulgarian people did the same… Sons of Macedonia! Come forth and join the ranks of the Macedonian army against fascism. Unite with the Macedonian peoples’ army; with the Greek people, against the tyrannical fascists against the Greek fascists and against all fascists.” (Hristo Andonovski “Vistinata za Egejska Makedonija”, Pages 129-130) Within a few days of distributing this publication the first Cheta was created with Petar Tanirov as its commander and Parikli Jovchev as its commissar. As soon as the Cheta was put together it was dispatched on missions to battle German and Greek Fascist bands in Enidzhe Vardar, Kria Vrisi (Plasnichevo) in Solun Region and with other bands in Kukush Region. The Cheta proved itself in combat showing exemplary heroism and self reliance. With the formation of the Macedonian Cheta in Voden Region, many Macedonians who had joined the Ohrana felt they had made a mistake.

To rectify the problem, Dimchev, the Voden Ohrana commander, requested permission for his unit to join the Partisans. But before anything could be done, Dzhodzho, the Partisan Cheta commander, called for a meeting. In August 1944 a meeting was organized in the village Teovo, Voden Region, where Dimchev and Dzhodzho met and had discussions. While Dimchev insisted that his unit leave the city of Voden fully armed with light arms and remain intact under his leadership, Dzhodzho spelled out his demands as follows: All Macedonians who had joined the Ohrana and felt they had made a mistake in joining were to quit the Ohrana and join the Partisan army fully armed. If they were willing to voluntarily fight against the occupier they would be pardoned. It was also clearly stressed that those who had committed crimes would be severely punished. Upon accepting these conditions, the Ohrana unit would be disarmed and the arms and ammunition would be given to the Macedonian battalion; this would weaken the enemy’s strength and create the right conditions to free the city. Having heard Dzhodzho’s demands, Dimchev would agree only if his entire unit remained intact and separate but was willing to share joint command. This condition however was unacceptable to Dzhodzho. Dzhodzho argued that that would not only compromise his position with his Greek partners, but would place his own Partisans in a precarious position. The Partisan battalion had enough arms consisting of old and defective rifles to only arm a single Cheta while the Ohrana unit had new and modern arms. If there was any sort of disagreement the Macedonian battalion would have found itself in a critical situation. This meeting unfortunately was monitored by the German Gestapo which took strong measures to stop further contact between the two groups and to liquidate this branch of the Ohrana. But in spite of all enemy efforts, many Macedonians fled the Ohrana and joined the Macedonian Partisans. Those who were guilty of having committed crimes were certainly punished but the rest who were simply victims of enemy propaganda fought against the occupied with honour and some even lost their lives. On August 2nd, 1944 in the village Pozdivishcha, Kostur Region, the Lerin-Kostur Macedonian Battalion was formed. This was due to the persistent demands from the Macedonian people in Lerin and Kostur Regions to have their own army and their need to have more involvement in NLAG matters.