IT’S TIME FOR THE TRUTH TO COME OUT

IT’S TIME FOR THE TRUTH TO COME OUT: NOF AND AFZH WERE MISLED BY THE CPY TO (SELF) SACRIFICE THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE WITH FAKE STRATEGIC PLANS AND PROPAGANDA WITH FAKE MACEDONIAN NATIONAL OBJECTIVES

The Macedonian people were dragged into a very dangerous game under false pretenses!

Most people would see and even admit their mistakes when they are confronted with them, but not Vera; she seems to stick to her ideological views, even 55 year later. She seems to show more interest in her predictable shading of historical facts and confusion and talk about causes instead of consequences.

How do we know that NOF was directed by the CPM/CPY? This is what we found in Yugoslav and Soviet archives: “The Macedonian organization NOF (People’s Liberation Front) for Aegean Macedonia, was created on April 23, 1945, at the initiative of the CPY, that is, of the CPM, with the task of fighting by all means possible for the right to self-determination and unification of the Macedonian people. A few days later the NOF leadership decided to form armed groups, and, on May 1, 1945 they became active. After this was done the CPY took over the Macedonian national liberation movement in the Aegean part of Macedonia…”

THE SECOND PHASE: BEING RECOGNIZED BY THE CPG.

THE THIRD PHASE: BEING LIQUIDATED BY THE CPG.

With these views, Vera has presented us with a double truth; her personal interpretation and a new image of historical events seen through a prism of “a revolutionary and honest communist”, but also with an attitude of a mass movement ideologue. This is the first time this has ever happened to us Macedonians.

This is what was written about these phases in official Macedonian history. We will begin with Dr. Risto Kirjazovski and his book “The

Aegean part of Macedonia after the Civil War in Greece”. This is what Dr. Kirjazovski said on p. 135:

We have identified two periods in NOF’s development and activities:

1. - The period when it was managed by the CPY/CPM (1945 -1946) and

2. - The period when it was managed by the CPG (1946 – 1949).

So, for now we have been offered two “realities” as well as facts and arguments from the Russian, Yugoslav and Greek military archives. We will also hear from authors who were prominent NOF and AFZH activists as well as from DAG fighters. All this information will be made available in this book which aims to illuminate the history of the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia.

WHAT WAS THE ESSENCE OF CREATING A NEW POLITICAL ORGANIZATION JUST AFTER WORLD WAR II AND BY WHOM WAS IT INITIATED? WHAT WAS THE SECRET OF THE STRATEGY THAT BROUGHT US DEFEAT IN THAT WAR?

WAS THE PLAN ALL ALONG TO LIE TO THE PEOPLE AND SEDUCE THEM ON MASSES TO PICK UP ARMS SO THAT THEY CAN PERMANANTLY EXPELL THEM FROM THEIR NATIVE HEARTH?!

These are legitimate questions that need answers so unraveling the history of the Macedonian people living in Greece will be a long and painful process. There are many historians and analysts who already know that the history they have written was incorrect but decided to stick with the mainstream narrative. They already know that the Greek Civil War was not a Macedonian revolution or a continuation of ILIINDEN, because, first and foremost, we Macedonians neither initiated nor led the two main pillars of that war:

1. Not only did we Macedonians not lead the political (ideological) pillar because we did not have Macedonians in the CPG central

organs but we constantly argued and disagreed with the direction the CPG committees were taking at a local level.

2. We Macedonians did not manage the military-political pillar either because we had no high ranking commanders. The CPG would not allow Macedonians to manage military actions because, according to them, we had no people who possessed high military knowledge.

In recent years, official history has taken an increasingly realistic view of the facts. This was confirmed by official historian R. Kirjazovski, in his most recent book “Macedonians and their relations to the CPY and CPG”. On page 218, Kirjazovski wrote: “...Despite the fact that more than a third of the forces in DAG were made up of Macedonians, there was not a single Macedonian serving in DAG General Headquarters, in DAG District Headquarters or in the DAG District Units. Out of a total of 125 DAG colonels serving there was not a single Macedonian. Until April 1949, no Macedonian served in the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece or in its institutions. The same was true for the CPG Central Committee, the CPG District Committees and the CPG local Committees.”

So, what does that say about NOF and AFZH? The facts show that NOF and AFZH were simple Party solders whose objective was to seduce the Macedonian people into joining the war on mass. There is nothing in Kirjazovski’s statement to indicate that NOF or AFZH were a MILITARY or POLITICAL FACTOR in the Greek Civil War!

It is dishonest and malicious not to make a very clear distinction between what happened in the development stages of NOF and AFZH when they were led by the CPY and the KPG.

According to our information, after the massive violent mobilizations in Macedonia, more than 16-17 thousand Macedonians were recruited into the DAG units which represented more than 60% of the total number of active fighters in the Democratic Army. But it should also be known that more than 12-14 thousand Macedonians were also serving outside the ethnic part of

Macedonia, i.e. throughout Greece, and they had no contact with the NOF or AFZH organizations. All these fighters were forbidden from speaking Macedonian, singing Macedonian songs, or organizing themselves in Macedonian associations.

In other words, the same communists in Greece who allowed the Macedonian people to speak their Macedonian language on their native Macedonian territory were prohibiting Macedonians from speaking their Macedonian language further south on Greek territory.

Why was that? This further proves that the Greek communists were working under a hidden agenda, practicing evil black politics. They never intended to deliver on their promises. They just wanted to push the Macedonian people, especially the Macedonian women, to fight in that hellish war so they can get rid of them, permanently uproot them from their native hearth.

Still, it makes one wonder, why didn’t any historian all this time say something about the Greek Civil War being a revolution or a fraud for the Macedonian people? Outside of not mentioning that Macedonian people participated in this war, on account of the false Greek claim that Macedonians did not exist in Greece, there were some historians who did mention NOF and AFZH and that that there were concerns raised about a Macedonian National Question. Whose “concerns” were these? People did talk about a Macedonian National Question after the Second World War. Where these people Macedonians like those in NOF and AFZH and were their concerns tied with the 1913 Bucharest Agreement? Or were these concerns raised by foreigners under a new plan to stage the next genocide against the Macedonian people?

At least now we can say there is one official historian who did admit that there maybe more to the history of the Greek Civil War than was previously claimed. But was this a true attempt to correct the wrongs, defeat the historical injustice, or was it an attempt to purify the man’s own soul? Looking at it from above, whatever it was it was not a CRITICAL VIEW OF HISTORY. He did not take into consideration the globalization world ideology, before and after the Second World War, or he deliberately did not want to admit that

NOF and AFZ had found themselves in the CPY and CPG vise and were walking on a thin rope (exactly according to the model of ideologization implemented in practice after World War II in Greek occupied Macedonia). In particular: the CPY and CPG spread false optimism about Macedonian national interests in Greece. But from 1944 to 1948, the CPY and CPG kept the Macedonian people under their control, making it impossible for them to solve important national problems to allow them to survive, at the same time encouraging them to wage war.

Kirijazovski, in his works, has written more about the consequences of the Greek Civil War, and less about its causes. He seems to focus less on the logic of what caused the Greek Civil War and what it was truly about and more on its Macedonian mainstream narrative popularizing it like it was some kind of a true Macedonian revolution. Kirijazovski has avoided writing about the spiritual and ideological division of the Macedonian people and about that period of time when countries found themselves under the influence of various political spheres (globalization-world ideology) and this is where the questions arise. With the problems she has presented in their book, AFZH leader Evdokia Foteva – Vera, has show that we have not built a value judgment for that period of our history. We need to seek out the truth and not to show the past in a way to fit the present or a certain kind of narrative. We need to show the mistakes we made so that we do not allow them to be repeated in the future.

The need to seek the truth about the causes of the Greek Civil War, for the sake of our future, is what drove me, with good intentions, to revisit and investigate historic events for a comprehensive evaluation. I chose Vera’s book because Vera was a leader of AFZH and had access to all kinds of information not available to most of us. But I must emphasize once again that, first of all, Vera’s book is completely autobiographical and Vera uses it as a need to define who said what and when but also for personal and emotional purification. She tends to present problems from the point of view of consequences, very seriously and convincingly. She presents different arguments with a fantastic conviction and always with loyalty to the Party. She tried hard to convince us that what happened, the fighting, was a sacred thing ... But, as we know, modern civilization is based on virtue and the ability to tell all and

counts nothing as sacred that it cannot be critically analyzed. But it is obvious and a fact, Vera is among the many hard communists and defenders of Marxism. This was one of her favoured sayings: “When I hear the word capitalism - monarcho-fascism... I immediately reach for my pistol and grab it!” This means that she was and still remains politically and ideologically oriented even after 55 years. This is a terrible burden with a heavy legacy from the 20th century to carry…as part of the Macedonian experience. So, today when we, those of us who survived this terrible war, pick up a book like Vera’s, are obliged to critically and realistically evaluate it.

Our Macedonian official historiography is based mostly on several authors, who like Vera, served in the higher ranks in the Greek Civil War. They had privy to more information and were deemed reliable. They, being responsible for leading the Macedonian people to war, saw things differently than the rest of us. Even if they knew things were not right, they would not write about them because they did not want to present themselves as the villains in their own story. This is precisely why it is important to scrutinize and critically analyze their works.

There are also the hardliners who tend to manipulate things to have them go their way. Irrespective of whether they earned their respect or no there are those who say: “I am an old communist and you should show special respect for me…” So the question is: “Did the Macedonian CPG communists fight for a united and independent Macedonia or for something else?” This also begs the question: “Could the Macedonian CPG communists have fought for a united and independent Macedonia even if they wanted to?” Vera in her book “To hell and back” presents herself as a Party ideologue and imposes her interpretations and insights as the only truths, presenting herself as the only “worshiper” of the truth. But by doing so, she “clinches the facts and then goes and makes quite distorted comments”.

If the basic principles on which nations/states are based are: territorial, state, historical and cultural past, ethnic, linguistic and economic, then the Macedonian Communists and CPG members must have accepted the CPG programs, which in practice gave up on

territorial and the state principles. The CPG ordered this because it exclusively fought for the territorial and state sovereignty of the Greek state (and not for an independent Macedonia), and therefore the only principles that remained (accepted or not) were the ethnic and linguistic, as well as the Macedonian people’s historical and cultural principles. So, what does all this mean? It means that the Macedonian communists and CPG members did not fight for a united and independent Macedonia, they fought for Greek sovereignty. It also means that the CPG and all those who it directed lied to the Macedonian people. So, if they did win the war with all their (self) sacrifices all the Macedonian people would have gotten were a right to call themselves “Slavo-Macedonians” and to speak their Macedonian language. This was especially true after May 15, 1943, after Stalin dissolved the Communist International (Comintern), which then allowed each communist party to decide on its own basic principles. The CPG already had a predefined program about this which did not include Macedonian independence. See: “History of the Macedonian People”, Skopje 1988, page 345.