SOVIETIZATION OF THE BALKANS

SOVIETIZATION OF THE BALKANS

The role of NOF and AFZH during this period of time was of paramount importance. The organizations NOF and AFZH at that time were faithfully serving the Communist Party of Greece (as advised by the CPY). The CPG on the other hand, used this opportunity and its “communist card” to get NOF and AFZH to organize and mobilize a large number of Macedonians into the Greek Civil War. NOF and AFZH were very successful in mobilizing the Macedonian people who were totally blind to the outcome of the game they were asked to play. In retrospect we can see for ourselves what happened; we fought for socialism in Greece and the socialists gave us a one way ticket out of our homeland.

It is important that every sensible person ask themselves these questions: “What exactly was the purpose for forming NOF 25 and

25 On April 23, 1945 the CPM Central Committee established NOF in Skopje. Soon afterwards it established AFZH and NOMS. Then, after the so-called “Brotherhood and Unity” deal was formed, NOF fell under CPG control. Before that NOF had acted under CPM/CPY directives. After DAG was defeated and dissolved, the entire NOF leadership was sent to the internment camps in Siberia. AFZH to lead the Macedonian people in Greek occupied Macedonia? Why were these organization placed under Yugoslav influence (CPM/CPY)? And why were they later surrendered outright to the CPY? Why were the Macedonian people told that they would be fighting for a United Macedonia under a Yugoslav federation and later reversed direction and told that they would remain under Greece but would be fighting for their rights? Who made all these decisions for the Macedonian people and what was gained by it all? And how does our history answer these questions? These are serious questions and should be answered by our history.

Unfortunately our history has not been very kind with regards to the story of the Macedonian people from Greek occupied Macedonia and its chapters are full of “not answers” but “politicized terms”. For example: “The Macedonian Bureau of the CPG”, which was an office for the Macedonians in Greek Macedonia, has used the following “favourite” attributes to describe our story: “Aegeans”, “The bloody epic of the Aegeans”, “Belomortsi” (Mediterranean people), “Chetniks”, etc. Why is that? As far as I am concerned, we are “Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia” which perfectly defines us and describes our current situation. By calling us by any other name, you are helping our enemies break us down. It makes their effort easier to break down our collective consciousness. I can understand why this needs to be pointed out to outsiders who are not familiar with our history and current situation. It is a darn shame however, to have to point this out to Macedonians and to official historians no less!

It is not just the terminology; some authors have problems with asking the right questions and getting the right answers. There are too many stories, too many points of view, too many contradictions. This however should not be the case; facts should speak for themselves and, in retrospect, what the facts say does not paint a pretty picture. Some say we fought for our freedom and to secure our homeland. Okay then, how did we do that? What evidence do we have that supports this? Some say we fought for “ideology”. There is some credibility in that statement but then for whose ideology did we fight? The ideology we fought for turned out to be a

curse that nearly obliterated us. So, what did we fight for? What did our almighty historiographer Kiriazovski say we fought for? Illusions? Why did he wish to remain silent regarding important issues? Why did he become a guard of state secrets and only supported the facts that were favourable by current politics?

As I have, I am certain that every single Macedonian refugee and casualty of the Greek Civil War has raised the question: “Why has our real story not been told? Why must our dramatic and tragic experience be twisted to fit the current political climate? Even though we lost over 20,000 lives doing what we were asked to do, what was expected of us to do, today historiographers make up stories about us. Some say we never existed; some say we were a creation of Tito; some say we fought in a revolution to create a Macedonian state; some say we fought for our human rights! Did we fight for some or all of those things? Or are we still clueless as to what we fought for? Someone must know? If so then, how long are they going to remain silent to protect the interests of the CPG and the CPY? Until all refugees and fighters are dead and gone?

Let me go back to the question: Was the Greek Civil War a Macedonian revolution, an extension of the traditional Ilinden Uprising? Could we have United Macedonia as many official historiographers have speculated? For more information see Risto Kiriazovski’s book “Macedonians and their relations with the CPY and the CPG (1945-1949)”, 1995.

Well here is what our official history, written for us, has to say: “On April 23, 1945, before the Second World War was over, the Right, with help from Great Britain, imposed its authority in Greece by introducing harsh repressive measures against the resistance movement, especially in Greek occupied Macedonia. The Right did this outside and independently of the CPG. To counter the Right’s policies, strategy, and tactics the Organizations CPM, SKOJ and NOF (NOMS and AFZH) appeared. Simultaneously with NOF, armed units were organized, poised to start guerrilla warfare. The CPM was the organizer of all these activities. By this act, the Macedonian National Liberation Movement in Greek occupied Macedonia was institutionalized. As the leader of the Macedonian Liberation Movement, NOF’s aims were to use all forms of struggle,

to fight for self-determination and unification of the Macedonian people.” P. 10

Also see the book “Great Legal Discrimination - Greek politics in Aegean Macedonia after World War II”, Skopje, 1996. According to this book: “NOF and the other organizations were led by the CPY-CPM since their inception in November 1946”. P. 181

Also see the book: “National Liberation Front and the other Macedonian organizations of Aegean Macedonia (1945-1949)”, published by “Kultura”, Skopje 1985. The authors of this book wrote: “NOF’s first Congress of NOF (January 13, 1948) was the brightest event in Macedonia’s post Ilinden history.”

Let’s see what other interesting things Dr. Kiriazovski had to say… In his book “NOF and other Macedonian organizations in Aegean Macedonia 1945-1949”, on page 212 he wrote: “The leadership of NOF, despite past bad experiences, different phenomena of insincerity and opportunism on the part of the CPG leadership, took the international position and sincerely intended to assist in the development of the Greek movement. It agreed that three quarters of the Macedonian partisans should be sent to fight in the ranks of DAG south of Olympus, in all parts of Greece. Furthermore, in order to strengthen the Greek youth movement it agreed to disband NOMS, the Macedonian youth organization, and its members were advised to join the Greek youth organization EPON...” Does this really need comment? If NOF was a “factor” in the daily politics and military affairs, as Kiriazovski claims it was, why then did it surrender itself to the Greeks! Where in the world has a revolutionary organization, with any clout, surrendered to its alleged “allies” (true enemies as it turned out)? And Kiriazovski wants ME to give up writing?

But what really happened?! Did something really terrible happen? Let us have a look at what Dragan Kliakich had to say. On pages 128 and 129 in his book “General Markos”, Zagreb, 1979, Dragan Kliakich featured a number of photographs among which was a photograph of the ill-fated NOF leadership. From left to right - top: Tashko Hadzhianev, the headless corpse of Pavle Rakovski, Hristo Kolentsev and Lazar Poplazarov. From left to right - bottom:

Cholakov Lambro, Paskal Mitrevski and Urania Iurukova. The photograph was taken in Almaty, USSR, in 1955.