THE YOUNG TURK REVOLT

THE YOUNG TURK REVOLT

Economically and politically speaking the Ottoman Empire was one of the most backward countries in Europe. It was unable to develop economically and politically because it was socially very backwards.

The unequal economic relations between the Ottoman Empire and the Western capitalist states greatly hampered Ottoman economic development, which in turn had negative effects on social relations. The Ottoman Empire with its existing Ottoman customs, system and privileges prevented the creation and development of domestic industry. As a result of this absolutist economic policy, the Ottomans allowed foreign capital to become the owner of the Ottoman Empire and seize all its economic potential.

Foreign capitalists owned the railways, the large industrial enterprises, the mines, the power plants, the banks, etc. If we add to this the fact that almost all the reforms in the Ottoman state were carried out under foreign control we have to accept that everything in the Ottoman state was open and completely dependent on foreign capital. This dependency on foreigners to control everything inside the Ottoman state prompted a new movement called the Young Turk Movement, whose aim was to free the Ottoman state from foreign political and economic dependence. Also, basic social relations inside the Ottoman state were an impediment to the development of a domestic bourgeoisie. The Young Turk bourgeoisie, which consisted of a heterogeneous intelligentsia that included army officers, landlords and other liberal elements, began to organize an uprising against Sultan Abdul Hamid’s medieval absolutist system. Their aim was to create a modern and contemporary Ottoman state.

The Young Turks, whose origins can be traced back to 1876, were a progressively social group in the Ottoman Empire, unlike the Old Turks (Ottomans), who were adherent to the existing absolutist system. The Young Turks began to form secret organizations inside the Ottoman state and outside. They formed the “Ottoman Committee for Unity and Progress” in Geneva, in 1891, which soon became the external centre for all Young Turk migrants. This Committee, with its printing press, also directed the Young Turk movement inside the Ottoman state. The most essential element of

the Young Turk agenda was to preserve the entire Ottoman Empire as a whole.

The Young Turk Organization in its struggle against the absolutist Ottoman system, sought to gain support for a national liberation movement from inside the Ottoman state. To accomplish this it held a Congress in Paris in 1907 which, in addition to the Young Turks, was attended by delegates from Armenia and Arab and Jewish organizations. Even representatives from the two winged Macedonian Internal Organization were invited. Hristo Matov, the leader of the right IMRO elite wing, declined the invitation. The left from the Macedonian national liberation movement, however, accepted the invitation. Despite the differences and the different and special interests that were expressed, the Paris Congress adopted a program that envisioned the overthrow of the absolutist system by any means possible and the introduction of a parliamentary regime in the Ottoman state.

In seeking to establish where to start the Uprising, the young Turks discovered that the best condition for this kind of action was Macedonia. This wasn’t just a coincidence. There was already an existing revolutionary tradition and the right revolutionary conditions in Macedonia. The Macedonian revolutionary movement had a long-term plan for carrying out its mission. The Young Turk movement in the Ottoman state became visible especially after 1905, when it adopted Solun as its centre for the Young Turk movement, which had a considerable number of supporters in the officer ranks of the Third Army Corps, whose headquarters was in Solun.

The Young Turks were planning to carry out an armed attack on the Ottoman Empire in August 1908; however, an event took place outside of the Empire that threatened the Ottoman state’s sovereignty which prompted the Young Turks to speed up preparations. That event was a meeting between the sovereigns of Russia and England during which they discussed what to do with Macedonia. The meeting took place in Reval, today’s Tallinn the capital of Estonia. As a result, on July 3, 1908, Niazi Bey, commander of the Ottoman garrison in Resen, launched an operation against the local sultanate. Niazi Bey was soon joined by

the local Young Turk committees, which existed in the southwestern and western part of Macedonia.

Soon afterwards many more Ottomans and others joined the Young Turk insurgency and took control of the sultanate in Prespa, Ohrid, Ohrid Region, Struga, Debar and some Albanian cities. The same insurgents were soon joined by an Ottoman insurgency detachment from the Solun garrison commanded by Enver Bey. At that point the Ottomans sent an army to stop the insurgents but its soldiers obediently surrendered. Their commander Shemzi Pasha was captured and taken to Bitola where he was executed by the Young Turks.

While eliminating the local sultanate authorities, the Young Turk insurgents sent calls, appeals, proclamations and pleas to the Muslim and Christian populations in Macedonia, advertising their aims. They called on the population to remain calm until the Young Turks gained its cooperation and support.

The Young Turk insurgency grew fast in Macedonia. As a result, during the night of July 22, 1908, Young Turk insurgents stormed Bitola, took over the sultanate and released all political prisoners. Most of these prisoners were Macedonians and Albanians. As a result the local population became ecstatic and gave them its full admiration. A similar event took place in Solun on July 23, 1908, where once again all political prisoners were released from the Solun jails. In general there was joy and union shared between Muslims and Christians in many Macedonian cities. The Young Turks looked like promising rulers who had faith in a better future, in freedom, brotherhood and unity.

There was such an acceptance of the Young Turk movement by the general population that the Young Turks felt it was time to stand up to the Ottoman Sultan himself. As a result, on July 22, 1908, the Young Turks made serious demands on the Sultan to scrub the current rules and reinstate the 1876 Constitution which he himself had repealed in 1878. The Sultan accepted the demands and during the night of July 23-24, 1908, officially announced that the old Constitution was reinstated, thus introducing a constitutional regime in the Ottoman state. This meant that one of the most basic demands

the Young Turks had made was accepted. This event was welcome news for the masses because it practically heralded the end of Sultan Abdul Hamid’s absolutism.

Re-introducing the Ottoman Constitution in the Ottoman state was a major event which opened up more opportunities for the people in the Ottoman Empire. This also enabled the social and political forces in Macedonia to take legal actions. As a result all political organizations in Macedonia had to adapt to the new Ottoman political situation. Even before the Ottoman Constitution was reinstated, Iane Sandanski, leader of the left in the Macedonian national liberation movement, made contact with the Young Turks and placed several of his own demands, which the Young Turks accepted. In order to gain their cooperation Sandanski demanded that the Macedonian revolutionary activities of the left be made legal. He also demanded that all foreign propaganda activities in Macedonia be resolved.

Among other demands the left insisted on was for the Young Turks to create a parliamentary government in the country and to allow district and municipal self-government where the various nationalities could develop and flourish. The left also demanded that the feudal system, which depended on taxes in kind, be removed. Most of these demands were accepted because the Young Turks were extremely interested in strengthening their new order.

After he gained agreement of his demands, Sandanski made sure that the Macedonian insurgents in the Seres Revolutionary District could operate legally. He took one of his Detachments to Melnik and proved that he was welcome without any resistance. At the same time Hristo Chernopeev and his Detachment entered Strumitsa without any resistance. Being allowed to operate without being pursued by the Ottoman army wasn’t only a relief for the Macedonian Detachments but generally brought joy and enthusiasm to the Macedonian population. After entering and being welcomed in Melnik without resistance, on July 30, 1908, Iane Sandanski decided to go to Solun. There too he was welcomed by the Young Turks. On July 31, 1908, Sandanski issued a manifesto calling on the Macedonian population to accept the Young Turk regime and to defend it from its enemies.

Macedonian Detachments everywhere in Macedonia were able to operate without resistance from the Ottomans. Insurgent leaders Sande and Milan Giurlukov with their Detachment of 11 insurgents visited Veles without any resistance. Insurgent leader Stefan visited Radovish, Gerasim and Dimitria Boiadzhiev visited Maleshevo, Dimitar the insurgent leader of Kratovo visited Kriva Palanka and so on. Even Ottoman and Albanian Detachments were making their rounds without being attacked as was the case of Riza Nuredin, Mustafa and others.

But sometime later, in order to accommodate Serbian demands, the Serbian armed propaganda detachments were also allowed to freely operate in Macedonia. This was accepted by the left of the Macedonian liberation movement and with distrust by the right, which at that time was led by Hristo Matov and Todor Alexandrov. This was after the right tried to stop the Serbians from operating freely and failed. After the failure all Detachments were freed and ordered to prepare to defend the Ottoman Empire. All Greek armed propaganda detachments were also ordered to do the same. And so, during the Young Turk Revolt the foreign propaganda war waged by the various insurgencies in Macedonia was temporarily halted.

Allowing all the insurgencies in Macedonia to freely operate in aid of the Young Turk regime created new conditions for the Macedonian Internal Liberation Movement. As we said earlier, the left in the Macedonian liberation movement sincerely embraced the Young Turks. As leaders of the left, the Seres revolutionaries were joined by other prominent Macedonian revolutionary figures such as Giorce Petrov, Dimo Hadzi Dimov, Pere Toshev and so on, who in the new social circumstances sought to gain as many benefits for the Macedonian people as possible, especially in the agrarian sector. Striving for a solution to the agrarian sector, in fact meant attaching the peasants to the new regime and categorically rejecting all illusions with which they were being deceived by the foreign propaganda.