KIND OF FORCES THE ATHENS GOVERNMENT NATIONAL ARMY AND DAG POSSESSED DURING TH

KIND OF FORCES THE ATHENS GOVERNMENT NATIONAL ARMY AND DAG POSSESSED DURING THE GREEK CIVIL WAR IN 1949

In May 1949, General Headquarters of the Greek government army was preparing for a military strike against DAG under the code name “Pirsos”.

Military structure of forces in the national army at that time:

150,000 - Regular soldiers, 50,000 - National defense forces, 25,000 - Gendarmerie forces, 7,500 - Police, 50,000 - Special units, 14,300 - Navy Sailors, 7,500 - Aviation.

So, the sum total of the Athenian regime’s military forces numbered just over 300,000, while DAG’s military forces barely numbered 25,000.

Here is what the following sources confirm:

1. Tasos Vournas, on page 159-160 wrote that in the fall of 1948 there were about 18,000 fighters in the DAG military force;

2. Vasilis Bardzhotas, second man in DAG, wrote that by the end of 1948, DAG’s forces had reached about 30,000 fighters;

3. “Neos Cosmos”, in 1950, on page 624 and 637, wrote that the total number of forces DAG had in 1948-1949 was about 25,000 fighters;

It should be pointed out that there was another important source.

4. General Markos himself wrote: “By 1947, 90% of the DAG fighters had been mobilized by force and 10% volunteered but after that and during the course of the rest of Greek Civil War there were no confirmations that any more volunteered to join DAG.

How could a small, rag-tag army such as DAG resist a well-equipped and well-trained opponent ten times larger? That is why the DAG partisans fled to Albania on August 28-30, 1949.

On September 30, 1949, Ianis Ioanidis officially asked Stalin to provide two bases for the CPG or DAG. One base in Bulgaria and the other in Albania. Stalin did not agree to DAG having a base in Albania.

FACTS: After DAG was liquidated - problems with the return of the Macedonians and the kidnapped children

(DAG’s eleven demands)

The following questions were asked by the DAG fighters, senior officers and DAG generals, who demanded a straightforward explanation from CPG Secretary General Nikos Zahariadis. These questions on their own show that there was a crisis in the CPG leadership from 1943 to 1954.

DAG fighters, senior officers and DAG generals demanded that: 182 1. Zahariadis explain to them and all members of the CPG, why he pardoned the CPG leadership and exempted it from any of its activities during the German occupation?

2. Why did Zahariadis politically liquidate, with intent to physically liquidate, Aris the leader and military commander of ELAS, who, if he was still alive, would have been a natural DAG leader?

3. Zahariadis explain why he gave instructions to Ioanidis and Rousos to punish fighters for criticizing the CPG for its mistakes? Ioanidis and Rousos were sent to Belgrade to represent the CPG and were close to Tito. They led the Organization in Bulkes harshly and punished the fighters who criticized the bad moves and mistakes the CPG made during the German occupation. And because of these criticisms several good and honest fighters were killed.

4. Zahariadis explain to all Communists why, in 1948, he sent assassins to Bulkes to murder Mihali Bektasidi with an axe, by Stalinist methods similar to Trotsky’s murder? Bektasidi was murdered because he “knew a lot of things” and Zahariadis did not want him to expose them, so he murdered him to shut his mouth permanently.

5. Zahariadis explain why he did not remove Gousias from the CPG Central Committee and from the Politburo a long time ago? Gousias was intellectually incompetent and all of DAG suffered and groaned because of him.

6. Zahariadis explain, why Gousias, then commander of the 670th army unit, order the killing of some of the best DAG officers as he did with Gianoulis and Georgiadis?

7. Zahariadis personally explain why he did not come out in 1946 with a team of military specialists and staff DAG General Headquarters with capable men able to lead that difficult war? And now he blames everything on General Markos?

8. Zahariadis explain what his responsibility was in the many mistakes made with starting the armed struggle too late?

9. Zahariadis assume responsibility for failing to provide DAG with military supplies, which was also a component of the armed struggle?

10. Zahariadis explain why he instructed all independent ELAS officers to go to prison rather than join DAG, as he did with Commander Sarafis?

11. Zahariadis explain why in 1949 he adopted the resolution “Independent Macedonia with rights to separate from Greece”?

The last question tells us that all our Greek comrades, from ordinary soldiers to the top communist, in their deep consciousness, have struggled against us making sure NOF, AFZH and NOMS accomplish nothing for us Macedonians.

As one can see, there were no questions about us Macedonians. Not a single concern, not even about being permanently exiled and never allowed to return to our homeland. Our so-called “partners in the struggle” did not care if we lived or died. All they cared about was to have a Macedonia without Macedonians, and, all through the Greek Civil War, they made sure that that goal was realized!

Assessments by contemporary Greek historiographers and what they say about us Macedonians? Do they say that we were a military and political factor in the Greek Civil War like our historiographers say?

Contemporary Greek historiography, that is, left-wing former CPG historians, lately are calling the Greek Civil War a mistake. Most of them talk about “errors made by DAG during the struggle”. Others talk about the mistakes the CPG made during the war, etc.

Here is what contemporary Greek historians talked about:

- Political position of Greece in the period (1945-1949),

- Military forces and resources at the disposal of the adversary - the Greek government,

- Political mood of the Greek people after the Athens conflict and the defeat of the Left in December 1944,

- Political mistakes made by not participating in the elections on March 31, 1946,

- The CPG leadership did not properly assess and disregarded Greece’s international standing and the “American imperialist” factor,

- For structuring DAG the CPG leadership relied solely on the villagers. The entire burden for supporting DAG was born by the villagers,

- The CPG leadership, the working class forces, the avant-garde forces - were all left in the hands of the opponent’s heinous terror. Many CPG members wanted to flee to the mountains and join DAG, but the communist organizations in the cities would not allow them despite the fact that they knew these people would be captured and killed or sent to the island prisons. About 80,000 fighters were imprisoned and tortured, and many were subjected to severe torment so that they would renounce their CPG membership,

- The CPG leadership created DAG without resolving its military reserves,

- The CPG formed the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece in the mountains, but failed to have anyone recognize it, not even the socialist countries, let alone any Western countries,

- The mistakes made by the CPG when it was led by Zahariadis are unpardonable. Included among those mistakes is the appointment of incompetent people in senior military and political positions such as Markos, a tobacco worker, Gousias a village shoemaker, Vlandas a mediocre writer, Ioanidis a municipal clerk, Rousos…Even those serving in the CPG Politburo did not belong there…

* * *

But, despite the small and big mistakes the DAG military leadership made, the villagers and all those who fought in the war fought well and even won a significant number of battles. As a result they helped write the pages in the history of the Greek people’s struggles.

This is how Greek contemporary historiography comes to an end.

PROBLEMS FACING THE MACEDONIAN WAR AND POLITICAL REFUGEES AFTER DAG LOST THE WAR – THEY WERE NOT ALLOWED TO RETURN TO THEIR HOMES BECAUSE THEY WERE NOT “BORN GREEKS”

NOT ONLY WAS THERE NO RETURN TICKET FOR THEM BUT THE COMMUNISTS DID NOT SUPPORT THEIR RETURN.

SINCE THEN TENS OF THOUSANDS OF MACEDONIANS HAVE BEEN STRANDED AROUND THE WORLD, EXILED FROM THEIR HOMES AND AWAY FROM THEIR MACEDONIAN TRADITIONS...

In September 1950, Ioanis Sofianopoulos, then leader of the left-liberal party in Greece and former Greek foreign minister, in a debate in the Greek parliament, held in September 1950, (See: “Demokratikos Tifos”, 16/9/1950) admitted that “...There is a Macedonian a minority in Greece, but that under international law that minority does not exist and cannot claim any protection because it has not been loyal to the state in which it lives…” (He was referring to the massive Macedonian participation in the Greek Civil War fighting against the Greek government.)

* * *

In January 1979, when Ilias Iliou, a veteran and prominent politician, raised the question in the Greek Parliament as to why the “Slavo-Macedonian” refugees were discriminated against in their repatriation, Stefanopoulos angrily replied: “I don’t agree that there are Slavo-Macedonians, I don’t believe there is a question about the composition of the population...” Immediately after that “Avgi”, a leftist newspaper reacted, and among other things wrote: “The

perceptions of national discord and the exclusion of the whole population from one particular segment is something that represents both a barbaric insult and contempt for the constitutional proclamation of equality for all Greek citizens.” And that applies to the Slavo-Macedonian political immigrants about whom Stefanopoulos openly said: “We do not want those people and we will not allow them to return to Greece...” “By these words,” the newspaper continued, “we recognize that there is unacceptable and shameful persecution against part of the population, reminiscent of the darkest period in our history. Namely, when the Slavo-Macedonians were drafted into the army, when they were taxed, and in general when they fulfilled their obligations, which are derived from being Greek citizens, they were good, but when they seek repatriation, they are undesirable...” (August 30, 1992)

In March 1977, the Greek newspaper “Kathimerini” reporting on the European Parliament’s initiative to record minorities and their cultural rights in Europe, also mentioning the reports written by Fon Stoutenberg and Coopers, said that: “…five minorities exist in Greece, among which are the Macedonians, who in addition to speaking the official Greek language also speak four other languages: Turkish, Albanian, Vlach and Macedonian. Of all the Greek MPs, only Filinis, an independent MP, had the courage to confirm that it was true that all the mentioned minorities really live in Greece...”

* * *

CPG Secretary-General Harilaos Florakis told a journalist of the “Mesimvrini” newspaper in Solun that: “On this occasion, I would like to say that for us, for our Party, there is no ‘Macedonian minority’ in Greece nor is there a ‘Macedonian Question’, it does not exist!” (See: Georgi I. Mintzi 1991/141 and “Vecer”, November 5, 1988, p. 9.)

These were the last words of our former comrades who returned to Greece because they were “Greeks by birth”.

The Greek Civil War was indeed tragic for some but for us Macedonians it was genocide. Here is why:

- Following are cumulative losses in manpower, a situation the people faced during the war:

50,000 dead 40,000 political prisoners 60,000 political exiles (civilian refugees and DAG soldiers)

On top of that:

The situation of political exiles remains to be investigated. About 45,000 of these political refugees returned by the early 1990’s, but there are still political, psychological and social misunderstandings existing to this day from the Greek Civil War.

And this is precisely how our tragedy is hidden. If, as our Macedonian mainstream history claims, we Macedonians participated in DAG during the Greek Civil War and DAG’s composition was 50-60% Macedonian, then we must be part of those 60,000 who were exiled and of the 45,000 of those who have returned. This leaves 15,000 unaccounted…Was that all of us…? Something must be wrong with the numbers here - we know we were/are not allowed to return - we Macedonians have been left out to roam around the world.

The figure of 20,000 to 28,000 should also be added to take into account the refugee children that have also been exiled.

Why are we Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia doomed to eternal oppression?

The oppression for us Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia has indeed been eternal and with no end. Not only have we said goodbye to our native homeland in Greek occupied Macedonia but we are slowly saying goodbye to the Republic of Macedonia which we foolishly believed was a guaranteed homeland for all Macedonians.