DIRECTOR - Part 02

DIRECTOR

(Publisher) Professor Dr. Dancho Zografski / s.r.

This is how I decided to introduce this subject because it was of special importance to me. Namely, during the last twenty five or so years after I settled and lived in Skopje, this document was the first (and remains the only one) that I received. This was the only institution in the Republic, among the many controversial bearers of social and political life, to call on me to assist.

I gladly accepted, of course.

Soon afterwards I offered one manuscript entitled “On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the formation of the Aegean Brigade”. In short, using facts and language commonly known about these events, I pointed to the historical truth about the formation of the two Macedonian battalions, highlighting the contrary wishes and plans of the Greek resistance leaders; this being the reason why the Lerin-Kostur battalion only managed to survive on the field barely two months and the Voden battalion a little longer. I also pointed to the fact that the battalions were attacked by ELAS with orders to liquidate them; this being their reason for their withdrawal to the Yugoslav part of Macedonia.

But that was not how the story of the battalions was reported by the media, especially by Radio Skopje and “Nova Makedonija”. In other words, the history of the circumstances under which each of the two battalions was created was distorted. Namely, on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the establishment of the Aegean Brigade, Radio Skopje, on November 14, 1984, in the program dedicated to the “Brigade of the Aegean rebels” and “Nova Makedonija” on November 19, 1984, announced that the two Macedonian battalions (on whose basis the Aegean Brigade was founded) were created on the initiative, that is, on a decision made by the Greek resistance

leaders. This led me to ask the question: “Does this mean that we are totally ignorant of things, or is it something worse…? Are we playing “politics” by lying to our people…?” This remains to be seen...

Then I offered a more elaborate manuscript under the title “As a Macedonian communist - I MUST PROTEST…” This was “twisting the facts” about which every Macedonian must protest…

I also offered them my handwritten “Autobiography”, on which I am still working...

This also happened to me: On November 16, 1984, the day before the 40th anniversary celebration of the formation of the Aegean Brigade, Comrade Todor Simovski telephoned me. He was a well-known person. He owned his own house in the centre of Skopje, an apartment somewhere in Iadran locality, a summer house in the Lake Prespa area, his own orchard of several hundred trees on Zaichev Rid just outside Skopje, and collected a monthly income at the Institute of National History. I know this from personal contacts with him and his family. He had a superior look about him with the self-confidence of a big boss. And because he was a man of an SVR in Skopje, he considered himself a pillar of our community. He looked amazing… At the Institute of National History he passionately defended our community from some of my attacks! One time, looking very angry, he approached me and, in a high tone of voice, yelled at me in front of an audience. He said: “Who do you think you are? How can you publish state secrets and attack the state…!?” To my knowledge, I wrote about NOF being formed and guided by the CPM/CPY for a year and a half... By writing about this here and now means that I admit that I have not forgotten what he did to me or forgiven him for the ugly scene he created. But… that was a long time ago... Now on with the phone call…

He said: “The celebration will be held in Bitola tomorrow, you should come!”

I said to him: “I am a man who has been disciplined. I prefer to remain in the corner where I have been tossed for the last 25 years…!”

He said: “I will never want to see you again if you don’t come! You have to come!”

I asked: “Is this someone’s order that I should come?”

He said: “No…! This is my wish. I want us to go together…!”

Then, in a raised tone of voice, I said: “And where were you for the last 25 years? Why did you go alone and not ask me to go with you to the numerous meetings and symposia where issues about our fighters and our movement were discussed…?”

“You should come!” he insisted.

As usual, even in this case, I was ignored, that is, I was left out of the preparation and performance of the celebration. Even if I wanted to participate I didn’t know anything about the proceedings. I simply attended as a guest of Simovski who, in fact, had nothing to do with the brigade. The only common thing he had with the brigade was that both he and the brigade were from Greek occupied Macedonia.

I minded my own business and stayed in the corner where they put me...

Now let us return to our subject.

I was talking about my own work and contribution to our historical knowledge. Over time I submitted many extensive articles to a variety of institutions. Before the Skopje earthquake, Georgi Abadziev, then deputy director of the Institute of National History, rejected one of my articles with the words: “We can’t publish your article at this time... However, it is important that you have written it. Its time will come…!”

Two years later, Comrade Dushko Tsrvenkovski from “Kultura” rejected my manuscript entitled “THE CPG AND THE MACEDONIANS IN THE SHADOW OF THE MEGALI IDEA”. Two or three years after that the editorial staff of “Nasha Kniga” told me they were impressed by the originality of my paper which

they accepted and were ready to print. I was interviewed by Hristo Andonovski who gave me a positive review and by Naum Peiov who was critical of my work. Namely, he said that some of the information in the article was inaccurate and needed to be removed. One example he used was my write-up on the provocateur Sklavenas and his appearance in the Greek parliament on April 27, 1936. About that Peiov wrote: “Sklavenas used his parliamentary immunity. He told the Greek parliament what he could not tell anyone outside of it!” Peiov then demanded that I remove everything I wrote in my article about Sklavenas. I argued with him and told him that, in this case, it was not a matter of utilizing parliamentary immunity, the CPG was already legal. There were ten lawmakers in parliament headed by Sklavenas. What Sklavenas said in parliament was announced to the press. All the material discussed in parliament was made available to the Party and to the press. In fact, the Macedonian Question had been freely and openly discussed four months earlier, in December 1935, at the CPG VI Congress. After that the editorial staff of “Nasha Kniga” told me: “They couldn’t publish my work... because Naum Peiov had placed a veto on it!”

Frankly, I did not expect this from Naum Peiov, especially since I recommended him for his position as reviewer. It is true that my interpretation of events was fundamentally different than his which he had written in his books and his review, but I did not think that he would defend himself this way… with a veto.

On the table in front of me I had three copies of a handwritten and one copy a typed fifty-three paged article entitled: “THE LOGIC OF THINGS” (ASNOM, NOB and the CPG). Below the title I had written: “People are not judged by their declarations, good intentions or programs. Their works are valued and classified according to their consequences. This text was built on that basis. It was a critique of the various uncritical conceptions about events of that time which still prevail in our historiography.” I wrote this on the occasion of the 30th ASNOM anniversary but I did not offer it anywhere in its entirety. I prepared an abbreviated version of twenty typed pages that I offered to MANU and INI. I have already mentioned that text in a previous presentation.

Two or three years later in 1978, I visited the “Vecher” editorial office and offered them a 56 page typed article. I proposed that they use one of two titles. An academic title such as: “PROBLEMS WITH OUR NEWEST HISTORY” as a way of looking for the historical truth, and a polemic title such as: “THE FOX AND THE WOLF” as a way of looking at political deception. They could use either title if they chose to publish it. At the end of the text I added a note in which I wrote:

Many of my texts on the subject of the struggle for survival carried out by our people in the seaside part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia have been published in “Glasnik” as number 3/1968, in the “Communist” as number 737 on May 7, 1971, in “Istoria” as number 1/1977, in the “Communist” as number 738 on May 14, 1971, and in “Istoria” as number 1/1978. Some of my manuscripts were purchased by INI in Skopje, including the manuscript “In the deep of night, dawn is born” mentioned here earlier. The purpose of this text is to draw the attention of the CPG membership and the general public to the question of the CPG leadership’s attitude (140) in relation to the Macedonian national question and to the Macedonian national liberation movement in that part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia. It is important to bring this “attitude” out into the open and to show that it was pure political “deception” that proved to be very costly for our people… In other words many of the things the CPG said were empty words and did not correspond to what the CPG did. So, it is of no use inviting people who are not aware of these things to write our history. And because many of them already committed their versions of history to paper they would not be willing to give them up. They in fact may tell you the same thing they told me, that what I am writing is “rash, an unarguable interpretation of events…” Therefore I would like to offer you my text for your consideration. I will come back about a month from now to take it back if it is not accepted for publication... In case you need me, call me by phone...”

About a month later I went back to the “Vecher” editorial office. The editor-in-chief handed me back my manuscript and said:

“Do you realize the kind of explosions it would cause if I publish this kind of information…?”

I should have known better. This article suffered the same fate as my 80 page typed article entitled “The Macedonian Revolutionary Press in Aegean Macedonia”, that I mentioned earlier. Following are my introductory pages:

Twenty-five years of Macedonian statehood - these are, among other things, twenty-five years of free Macedonian journalism and press.

It is essential to say something about Macedonian journalism and the free press here during an important occasion such as the anniversary jubilee of the Macedonian State. It is also vital to say something about Macedonian journalism and the press in Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia, that is, to mention the work of a small but famous group of Macedonians who, for the first time since this part of Macedonia was occupied and divided, found itself under the Greek state. A small group of people who organized themselves and engaged in journalistic work locally (not abroad), a kind of work performed exclusively for the interest of the Macedonian people, for the interest of the Macedonian national liberation movement in this part of Macedonia, and for the interest of the people’s revolution in Greece.

It is not possible for one person in a single instance to say everything about the work of these Macedonian journalists who worked under the most difficult conditions. This work is of great importance not only because of the fact that it was done for the first time since 1913, but also for the fact that it was done under extreme conditions when the national existence of the Macedonian people was and is still denied in Greece.

Obviously, more needs to be done… This issue must be given more extensive and exhaustive consideration… and it needs to be done by historians. My presentation, however successful it may seem, is merely material for future work. But I will say as much as I can, in a general sense, because it is very important… because neither the journalists from the free part of Macedonia, nor our historians here, (141) to date, have accepted this subject as an object of their interest...

The People’s Liberation Front (NOF) in this part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia arose en masse in the spring and summer of 1945 at which time the people’s revolution in Greece was booming. Despite widespread and open support from foreign intervention the reactionary government in Athens could not hold power. Governments fell one after another giving way to new sets of occupiers.

The People’s Liberation Front in this part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia very quickly developed into a dynamic, national revolutionary organization. It organized as a political force of the Macedonian national liberation movement. It then emerged and developed into an integral part of the popular revolution in Greece, that is, as a natural ally of the Greek revolution.

Before they were given that task, none of the NOF Central Council agitation and propaganda members had dealt with journalism. Also, none of the NOF governing bodies had ever been politicians before they were appointed to those positions. This means that the Greeks did not want qualified Macedonians to occupy such positions. This was the case with every position of authority everywhere in Greek occupied Macedonia after the Balkan wars. The Macedonian people as a separate non-Greek nation did not exist for the Greek authorities.

The newly appointed and inexperienced journalists working for the NOF Central Committee agitation and propaganda department were expected to overcome the huge difficulties and obstacles in their work on their own. On top of that none of the Macedonians in this department had formally studied Macedonian. Therefore none of them were expected to read or write in Macedonian. This is because the Macedonian language was banned by the Greek authorities and made illegal to speak in the streets, the market, and even at home in private.

Despite their shortcomings these journalists began to work writing articles for the NOF newspaper “Nepokoren”, which appeared in May 1947, and for the AFZH newspaper “Nova Makedonka” which appeared later. Unfortunately these newspapers were targeting readers who did not know how to read Macedonian. This was

mostly due to the fact that the Macedonian language was banned in Greece since 1913 but also because the Macedonian alphabet was introduced very recently.

This obstacle, however, was unexpectedly and quickly overcome.

Almost every Macedonian person expressed a great desire to be able to read in the Macedonian language, which greatly inspired the journalists not only to learn to write in Macedonian but to teach people how to read.

After that, several thousands of the Macedonian fighters who left with the Macedonian battalions and other groups of people, who for several reasons found themselves staying for some time in the People’s Republic of Macedonia, when they returned brought their knowledge of the Macedonian alphabet back and passed it on to others, disseminating it to everyone who wanted to learn it…

Included among the special measures taken by the group of journalists from the NOF agitation and propaganda department was the initiative to expediently and systematically spread the Macedonian alphabet and Macedonian literacy among the Macedonian people. This was done by:

a) Starting a Macedonian two-day course to teach teachers. Here the future teachers were obliged to learn to read and write using the Macedonian alphabet. They were taught a dozen or more important grammatical rules, important moments from the Macedonian people’s national history, and the NOF march and other popular Macedonian songs. In addition to that they listened to the news from the fronts.

b) Creating a Macedonian primer by using the official Macedonian alphabet with pictures and text that reflected the Macedonian people’s national liberation struggle from this part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia and the newly established unity with the Greek people.

The course and the primer were born by the revolution and served the revolution. Unfortunately the revolution failed and with it the

course ceased to exist. But the teachers who succeeded in completing the course, with the primer in hand, continued to spread Macedonian literacy to thousands of Macedonian children, especially to those 28,000 who were evacuated without their parents and were accepted by friendly European socialist countries.

The greatest difficulty, that is, the greatest obstacle in the work of the NOF agitation and propaganda department was, without exception, the CPG leadership’s unconditional absence of understanding. The CPG leadership showed great hostility towards the spread of Macedonian literacy… mostly concealed… and sometimes open…

I am fully aware that these are harsh words. But to call them what they really are is honest and necessary. Otherwise, as a former member of that group of journalists, that is, as an organizer of the work, leader of the group, and as a former journalist, I consider it my right and my duty to inform you of the conditions and the climate under which these Macedonian journalists worked and the Macedonian press was developed and operated in that part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia. I can tell you that the conditions and climate were created by the people’s revolution, that is, by the Greek Civil War and the CPG itself with its policies towards the Macedonian national question. But I would like to begin by telling you something about the period before and after the people’s revolution and the Greek Civil War, and I find the 25th anniversary of Macedonia becoming a state and with its freedom of speech, without a doubt, is the most suitable moment for such a thing…

I almost forgot to mention an important article entitled: “PROTEST LETTER TO THE SKM CENTRAL COMMITTEE”. While having a cup of coffee with him, I asked my friend and colleague what he thought about me writing this article. While looking at my cup he said: “You will explode!” I looked back at him. My friend’s tortured face and limbs were scarred with war wounds. And it was no joke I did explode… I began to describe myself as one of the first Macedonians to join the Macedonian national liberation movement in that part of (Greek occupied) Macedonia. After that I began to describe everything that Paskal Mitrevski did to me from 1945 onwards. How he worked against me personally and how I never did

see him as my leader. I was protesting because my revolutionary activities were not appreciated… He was disrespectful to me and always stood in my way. I was openly looking for rehabilitation. I strongly believe that our community owes me recognition for my sacrifices. And I am not talking about placing a wreath on my tombstone after I am dead. I would like to be acknowledged, even a little, but now, immediately, while I am still alive and breathing! Placing a wreath on my tombstone after I am dead is propaganda for the living…

But this “explosion” of mine had the effect of a cry in the wilderness… a knock on the door of the deaf… I should have known better than to expect anything from the very people who condemned me… and who write me off. It was naive on my part to expect or demand such a thing from them. My hope is that there will be a new shift in people’s perception and they will have their reasons to accept me. This is one of the reasons why I would like have my autobiography filed at the SVR. Clearly I no longer care for myself personally. I need my rehabilitation to protect my wife and children from various dangers...

In the meantime I will continue with my activities and contributions…Here in front of me I have a manuscript entitled “A view from the neighbour’s backyard”. It is a collection of short, satirical and humorous stories. Most of them were translated from Greek to Macedonian. Skopje 1978. Following the front page is a NOTE:

The book, “A view from the neighbour’s yard”, is less about “a view” and more about “well-intentioned measures and thoughtfulness” in the spirit of the time in which we live… and, as politicians would often say, “In the spirit of Helsinki”.

We are witnessing a general effort being made to democratize relations between nations and states. The borders are being opened enabling free movement of people in all directions. This allows broad communication and harmony between people. This much mobility has never before been allowed, in the history of mankind. We have much mobility between statesmen in mutual visits… and much agreement like never before seen. Establishing democratic and

friendly relations between states is beneficial to cooperation and mutual trust. Humanity is becoming more human and cultured. A historical process has begun with aims at delivering a significant future for mankind. A process leading to a future without cataclysms, crematoriums, barbarism…!

We need more books like this to be translated which provide a good means for communication and getting acquainted with other cultures…

There are approximately fifty stories about animals in this book in the form of short stories and storytelling cartoons, which were taken from the pages of the most popular weekly Greek magazines such as “Trust to geliou”, “Romandzo”, “Tisavros”, etc. These stories add to the Greek cultural refinement and advance the artistic fruits of Greek society. Each story introduces a satirical text and cartoons as an echo, and as an immediate reflection, of life in the “neighbour’s yard” in neighbouring Greece.

They say you get to know the Greek people best through their satire and humour full of laughs, ridicule, condemnation and regrets. Indeed, by reading this book full of Greek satire and humour, the readers will feel like they know the Greek people and will seem like they have come closer to them...

There is no political satire relating to the politics of official Greece. It is risky to take this domestic Greek flower out of the “neighbour’s yard”. Those who can’t forgive could proclaim the book as “sticking your nose where it doesn’t belong” and interfering in other people’s affairs...

And now, dear reader, go ahead and turn the page…!

A really popular text and cartoon of the ordinary Greek follows: