Front Matter - Part 07

Valter." 136 It would appear that the slogan "Long live Soviet Macedonia", expressed by Shatorov and the Provincial Committee in their Proclamations issued in the months of June and July 1941, was misinterpreted and evaluated negatively. However, by this time the CPY Central Committee had developed a firm attitude towards the Soviet government. This can be seen from the document that Tito sent to the Communist International Executive Committee in the first half of June 1941, in which he stated: "The CPY Central Committee, at the request of the Serbian farmers, has authorized Valter and another member to lead the talks for cooperation at the current stage. This agreement concluded that: 1) there will be a joint fight against the occupier. 2) We will carry out a joint struggle with the Soviet government and form an alliance with the USSR." 137 Similarly, when the uprising began in Montenegro and when a number of its territories were liberated, a Soviet government was created. The CPY Central Committee delegated Milan Gilas, member of the Politburo, to oversee the proceedings when the Soviet government in Montenegro was being organized. This can be seen from Tito's letter to the Communist Party Central Committee of Croatia dated August 10, 1941, in which, among other things, he said: "Considering that some travelers came from Montenegro with permission from the Soviet authorities in Montenegro, we were afraid that a great folly had been committed. We took measures to prevent that." 138

136 Tito's collected works, book 7, p. 345. 137 Ibid., p. 54. 1

38 Ibid., p. 81.

It can be seen from these two documents that the same attitude towards the Soviet government in Yugoslavia also existed among other leaders of the Communist Party.

In the same letter to the Comintern, Shatorov was accused of refusing to issue the June 22, 1941, CPY Communist Party Central Committee Proclamation on the occasion of fascist Germany's attacking the USSR. However, the same proclamation also wasn't issued by the Communist Party Central Committee of Croatia, which can be seen from the letter written by the CPY Central Committee and sent to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia dated July 17, 1941, which stated: "We don't understand why our Proclamation wasn't immediately printed. It was very current. It was issued on June 23 and immediately sent to you. We demand that an accurate investigation take place so that we can find out who is to blame for the fact that the Proclamation wasn't printed." 139 The Communist Party of Croatia Central Committee answered the question as follows: "We received the CPY Central Committee Proclamation on the same day (26) when we received the message about the Party line from Dedo (Comintern). Because we saw that there were differences in the basic Party line between the message we received from Dedo's Executive Committee and from you, we decided not to print the Proclamation (not even the one written by the Communist Party of Croatia's Central Committee). Because the anti-fascist character of the struggle at the current stage and the issue of creating a single national front wasn't clearly highlighted, we asked the CPY Central Committee if we should issue the Proclamation as it was or if the CPY Central Committee was going to write a new Proclamation in the spirit of Dedo's message." 140 The inconsistencies between the CPY Central Committee Proclamation and the Comintern Directives were in the Proclamation slogans: "Long live international solidarity of all the oppressed and exploited!, Long live unity and the struggle of the working masses in Yugoslavia!, Down with the imperialist-fascist 139 Ibid., p. 69. 140 Ibid., p. 265.

criminals led by bloody Hitler, Mussolini and their satraps!" 141 It was interpreted that these slogans were only calling on the oppressed, exploited and working masses to join the struggle, and left out all the others who wanted to fight against fascism. This was contrary to the Comintern Line which called on everyone, all the forces in the world to fight against fascism to try and form a coalition with the USSR, England and America for a joint fight against fascism. Also, the slogan referring to fighting against imperialism, at the time, was incompatible with the Comintern Line because the USSR was fighting against fascism, not against imperialism.

On September 6, 1941, Tito wrote a letter addressing members of the Communist Party of Macedonia in which he informed them of the reasons why Metodia Shatorov was expelled from the CPY. This is what the letter said:

"To Members of the Communist Party of Macedonia!

At the call of the CPY Central Committee thousands of CPY members joined the ranks of the people's partisans who are now heroically fighting against the fascist occupiers who enslaved our country and are brutally exterminating our people. Partisans are fighting in Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina and Dalmatia. Not hundreds, but thousands of fighters who rushed to fight against the hated fascist conquerors have fallen in that struggle. The heroic struggle our partisans have undertaken is admired by the entire world.

Hitler, the bloodthirsty and insidious conqueror, who recently enslaved so many nations in Europe has now brutally attacked the Soviet Union. From that moment on it has been our sacred duty, together with the heroic peoples of the Soviet Union, to contribute our part in the fight against the bloodthirsty fascists, to support the Soviet people who are fighting so heroically not only for their freedom, but also for the freedom of all cultured humanity.

141 Ibid., p. 60.

By creating and deploying partisan detachments and sabotage groups to fight against the enemy in Yugoslavia, the Communist Party has made great achievements compelling the enemy to bring new divisions into Yugoslavia. That, however, was also made difficult for him because his transportation lines have been disrupted. Many of the mines from which he obtained raw materials for his campaign were destroyed. The ground under his feet has been set on fire and he is beginning to lose confidence in this country, which was supposed to serve him as a source of supply materials for his bloody hordes in the fight against the Soviet Union.

While such fierce battles against the occupiers are being waged all over the country, Macedonia is at rest and the enemy roams freely there and feels secure because no one bothers him. Why is that?

What are the reasons for that? The reasons are in the saboteur attitude in some leading people from the Regional Committee of Macedonia, who are consciously sabotaging CPY Central Committee objectives. Old Sharlo (Metodi Shatorov), the main man in Macedonia, destroyed the CPY Proclamation which called on the membership to join the struggle and take action. Lately Old Sharlo made a gross political mistake by taking the course to create a Soviet Macedonia, instead of organizing all the peace-loving forces to fight against the fascist conquerors; he issued a directive to hand over your weapons to the enemy, leaving the people unarmed, thus betraying our interests and those of the people. Why don't you have weapons now? Because you surrendered them! Instead of keeping them, like all the peoples in Yugoslavia, to fight against the hated conquerors, you gave them up. Old Sharlo refused to respond like all the nations of Yugoslavia. He refused to respond to the call of the Central Committee of our Party and come to Belgrade to investigate issues in the Macedonian organization. Instead he went to Sofia without our knowledge and there he made a divine contribution to the Bulgarian Party, about which we still have no idea. He harangued against the CPY leadership and slandered it in the most insidious way. The Provincial Committee of Macedonia didn't create partisan detachments, didn't take any sabotage actions, didn't carry out what the Comintern demanded, but consciously sabotaged those actions and wanted to escape from our control by fleeing to Sofia. Those people are waiting for the Red Army to arrive. They are calmly watching the beautiful Soviet people die and bleed. They fantasize about the Red Army coming and bringing power to them on a plate. The leadership attitude of some comrades in Macedonia towards the Serbian comrades isn't correct; there is national chauvinism in it which is inadmissible in the ranks of the Communist Party.

Because of all this we expelled Sharlo from the Party and replaced the entire leadership, about which we informed the Communist International and our fraternal Bulgarian Party.

Fellow Macedonians, we are once again sending you a representative with authority to implement the tasks described in our letter, to organize partisan detachments and perform other functions.

We ask you to cooperate with him in his duties and support him to do his job. Rise up and fight against the fascist conquerors and their Bulgarian agents. Get to work now and make up for the things you missed, not through your own fault but through the fault of a few saboteurs. Our representative has the authority to organize your operational leadership, from which you should take directives, until you hear from us pending a Communist International decision regarding your matter.

Your old leadership no longer has any rights. We instructed our representative to organize a Commission to re-examine the case and find out which of our excluded comrades is guilty of wrongdoing.

Fellow Macedonians, to battle! Don't let things get in the way and sabotage your actions. Organize partisan detachments, destroy bridges, railways, telegraph lines, destroy all military facilities, destroy Bulgarian agents and destroy traitors and saboteurs! It is your duty to encourage the heroic Soviet people's struggle, to encourage the Yugoslav people's struggle that rose up against the oppressors. Join the ranks of the people's Yugoslav partisans who are now writing a glorious page in the history of our Communist Party and all the peoples of Yugoslavia.

Death to fascism - freedom to the people!

Central Committee of The Communist Party of Yugoslavia." 142 On September 6, 1941, Tito wrote a letter to the Communist Party of Bulgaria's Central Committee in which he criticized it for bypassing the CPY Central Committee and allowing the Macedonian Party organization to join the Bulgarian party and for supporting Metodi Shatorov. This is what was said in the letter:

"To the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bulgaria Dear friends, The case with the Macedonian organization prompted us to address you with this letter, because we believe that you are also to a certain extent responsible for what happened to the Macedonian organization. The leadership of the Communist Party in Macedonia justified its actions with the fact that, by God, the questioning of the Macedonian organization was arranged by you - that it receives directives from you and that the Comintern agreed with that. We consider such an act to be completely incorrect because we should have discussed the issue and jointly made that decision.

When Yugoslavia was enslaved by the occupiers, we urgently called representatives from all district and provincial committees and members from the Party Central Committee so that we could investigate the new situation together. Everyone responded except the Macedonians. We, again, twice more, called Sharlo (Metodi Shatorov) to come to Belgrade so that we, together with him, could examine the issues that had arisen in the Macedonian organization, and provide directives to take corrective action and to organize partisan detachments. But it was in vain, Sharlo didn't want to come, he left for Sofia the moment the German and Bulgarian troops occupied Macedonia. At the same time, our comrades who we sent to Macedonia to investigate the situation brought back reports that claimed that the Macedonian Party leadership had taken a saboteur and an anti-party attitude in leading the people. It could clearly be seen that Sharlo was the main culprit in this matter.

142 Ibid., p. 345.

What is Sharlo guilty of? - 1) As a member of that forum, the CPY Central Committee invited Sharlo three times to come to a session but he didn't reply to the invitations, which grossly violated Party discipline and sabotaged his party duties. 2) He sabotaged the reproduction and dissemination of the Proclamation which the CPY Central Committee sent to him on the occasion of the fascist attack on the Soviet Union, in which the people were called to fight against the occupiers. He destroyed that proclamation with a strange motivation claiming the proclamation was Anglophile, because it said that the peoples of Yugoslavia were enslaved by the occupiers.

Therefore, according to his point of view, contrary to the point of view of the USSR and the whole world, the peoples of Yugoslavia are not enslaved, and Macedonia is liberated. This smells not only of national chauvinism but also of Germanophilism. 3) He took a saboteur's stance on the question of action against the occupiers, and in contrast he made a decision that the weapons should be handed over to the authorities, thereby committing open treason in favour of the occupier. 4) At the current stage of the liberation war he took a completely wrong and harmful position, contrary to the CPY line, and instead of fighting together with all progressive forces against fascism, he decided to create a Soviet Macedonia. 5) The delegate we sent to investigate him concluded that Sharlo not only didn't admit his mistakes but also slandered the CPY leadership and its Party Secretary, accusing them all of being Anglophile, etc. Based on all this, the CPY Central Committee removed Sharlo from the Party ranks because we found him to be a saboteur and an anti-party element, about which we also informed the Comintern.

After our delegate returned we decided to change the entire Macedonian Organization's leadership because its majority was in solidarity with Sharlo.

Our decision wasn't made on the basis of some slander or incorrect assessments of the entire leaderships' action or Sharlo's in particular, but on the basis of real facts which confirm the following:

1. Massive campaigns and sabotage actions are being carried out all over Yugoslavia - Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina and Dalmatia - and fierce struggles are being waged by our partisans, organized and led by our Communist Party against the occupiers and their domestic agents. But there are no such actions carried out and no partisan units created in Macedonia despite our objectives. Our demands, directives and the material aid we have sent are been ignored. No excuses can justify that sabotage. At the cost of huge sacrifices, almost bare-handed, we take weapons from the enemy and continue to take them every day in the battles we fight, just to help the Soviet Union struggle and to liberate our people. We already have thousands of dead fighters who bravely gave their lives at the call of the Party in the fight against the hated fascist bastards, and the Macedonian cowards who justify their inactivity by guarding their cadres.

2. Our delegate established on the ground that the majority of the party organizations complain of inactivity, and that in their opinion there are sufficient conditions for creating party units and performing various actions.

3. We sacrificed a lot to acquire a printing press for our friends in Macedonia but they threw it outside to rust in the rain, instead of using it for the purposes for which it was intended.

4. A national chauvinistic attitude was taken towards the fellow Serbians in Macedonia. They were slandered like they belonged to the same league as the various Great Serbian reactionaries and they are of the opinion that they will do nothing for Macedonia. With such an attitude they affect other members of the Party. Is that proletarian internationalism?

5. Sharlo slandered the CPY leadership in front of Party members and thus destroyed the leadership's reputation and unity in the Party ranks.

These are the facts that forced us to take such drastic measures.

We believe that it wasn't right on your part not to contact us and to solve the Macedonian organizational issues without us, and for you to still support Sharlo. Your issues could have been resolved amicably, without upheavals in that organization. Don't you think that the fascist conquests should have been an occasion for fraternal communist party expansions and not for the burial of a real and successful people's organization with good connections and continuity in the struggle?

This is why we believe that you are responsible for what happened because you could have come to us, as we have already come to you many times, to discuss issues and come up with a common plan for the struggle, to avoid the unhealthy state and inactivity in the Party Organization to occur due to the criminal actions of a few people.

We are in constant contact with Georche (Georgi Dimitrov) and it was he who constantly emphasized the need to rise up with the strongest actions possible. Because this is a Communist International directive we feel it is our duty to warn you of this. It is your duty to help the heroic Soviet people, as well as the Bulgarian people.

We once again turn our attention to the membership in Macedonia to explain this whole unfortunate situation and are sending a representative to appoint a new operational leadership, create partisan detachments and organize actions in Macedonia.

To this day we haven't yet received a decision from the Communist International regarding the Macedonian organization's issue, so that is why today we have asked for a clarification.

We believe that you should send one or two people from the Central Committee together with our representatives to attend a meeting, where we would have discussions and come up with a plan for joint actions in the struggles in Macedonia and Bulgaria. If necessary, we could also send some armed units to assist you. Give us your opinion on this matter. 143 Death to fascism - freedom to the people!

For the CPY Central Committee Secretary Tito"

143 Ibid., p. 346.

The following can be concluded from the examined documents and from the clarifications provided in the notes in Tito's collected works, book 7, regarding the relationship between the CPY Central Committee and the CPM Provincial Committee in 1941:

1. The notes mention Lazar Kolishevski submitting a report on June

23, 1941, after he returned from Macedonia. However, so far no such report has been found (it is unknown what it contained). It may have been submitted orally and what he said may not have been recorded.

2. As was stated in the notes, a CPY Central Committee Politburo Session was held at the end of June 1941, during which a decision was made to remove Metodia Shatorov from the Party. This decision was based on a report given by Lazar Kolishevski. Unfortunately Kolishevski's report, mentioned here, hasn't been found... There is no document (minutes) from which would confirm who was present at this session and what, basically, were the reasons for the decision to remove Shatorov. This important decision was only explained in notes in Tito's collected works. There is, however, a published document of a session that the Politburo held on July 27, 1941, but there is no information that the issue about the Provincial Committee and Shatorov was raised.

3. Lazar Kolishevski's report, which was allegedly given after his return from Macedonia in the second half of July 1941, after which Tito called a Politburo session, hasn't been found. Tito's clarification notes mention who was present but didn't say when this meeting was held and no published document has been found, which would confirm what issues were discussed and what was decided. In the clarification remarks the only clarifications given were those about the decision made and its implementation, that is, it refers to a CPY Central Committee decision but at this time the Central Committee didn't have a session. It was the Politburo that had a session, as stated in the remarks. And there is no document published for a Politburo session from which one could see the content of the issues discussed.

4. From Tito's letter sent to the Provincial Committee for Macedonia on July 24, 1941, it can be seen what the disputes were and of what Shatorov was accused. Namely: he was accused of sabotaging the June 22 CPY Central Committee proclamation issuance, severing ties with the CPY Central Committee and not informing it, not respond to invitations, having a bad attitude towards the Serbian Party leadership, and neglecting his Party's activities and ignoring Party rules. In the letter these issues were formulated into five points. This can be seen from the letter itself, which was published above in this book. Tito, in his letter, didn't say when and who made the decision, however, it was stated that the CPY Central Committee considered Shatorov's entire action to be anti-party and counter-revolutionary and for that reason he was removed from his duty as a member of the Provincial Committee for Macedonia and expelled from the Party. However, the Central Committee didn't have a session at this time and the question arises as to who made the decision, and nothing was said about a Politburo session and its decision.

In the above mentioned notes, it was stated that the decision to expel and replace Shatorov was made at "the end of June 1941". At this time however, the disputed proclamation was neither published nor submitted to the Provincial Committee for distribution. In the Politburo session notes it was concluded that Lazar Kolishevski had gone to Macedonia to implement the decision and take the proclamation issued on June 22, 1941. At this point in the decision making process, there couldn't have been a dispute about the proclamation. But as can be seen from Tito's letter to the Provincial Committee, the dispute was about severing ties with the CPY Central Committee, and not the ties created between the Provincial Committee and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bulgaria. It follows from this that when the decisions were made at the end of June, only the questions in points 2 to 5 of the letter were considered.

It was typical of them to exaggerate the reasons for Shatorov's removal and expulsion as described in the telegram Tito sent to the Communist International Executive Committee on September 4,

1941. From what was said in a letter sent to the Provincial Committee dated July 24 the following can be deduced: the cancellation of ties and connections with the Communist Party of Bulgaria took place immediately after Macedonia's occupation. This includes the directive given to hand over all weapons to the authorities, the attitude towards creating a Soviet Macedonia and waiting for the Red Army to arrive, creating a harangue among the Party members against the CPY leadership and its secretary and calling him an Anglophile (because in the Proclamation he said that Yugoslavia was enslaved), not having created partisan detachments and no action taken in Macedonia until today because of the criminal attitude of the Macedonian leadership.

In addition to the reasons stated in Tito's telegram to the Communist International, Tito's letter sent to CPM members on September 6th gave the following additional reasons: failure to carry out what the Comintern demanded, conscious sabotage, fleeing to Sofia (to escape CPY control), replacing the entire Provincial Committee leadership. In the previous letters and in the telegram to the Communist International there was nothing about changing the entire Provincial Committee composition. This decision wasn't made even at the Politburo session held on August 31, 1941.

In the letter Tito sent to the Communist Party of Bulgaria, in addition to the reasons stated in the telegram sent to the Communist International and in the letter sent to the CPM members, he also accused Shatorov of taking the position that "the peoples of Yugoslavia were not enslaved but Macedonia was liberated. This smelled not only of national chauvinism but also of Germanophilism." For the first time there was mention of a printing press thrown out and destroyed (instead of being used)...

The decisions made by the Politburo were based on Lazar Kolishevski's reports, which have yet to be found in published form.

On top of that there no published minutes of the Politburo sessions that explained the reasons for the positions taken and decisions made, which brings up the question: "did these sessions even take place?" The only minutes that do exist are those of the August 31, 1941, Politburo session during which it was decided to send letters to the Communist International, to the CPM and to the Communist Party of Bulgaria which highlighted the CPM Provincial Committee's situation. But not everything was highlighted, that is, for example, there was no mention that the Provincial Committee had been replaced. If this was a decision made as stated in the letter to the CPM members, then who made this decision?

10. Report by Dragan Paviovich, CPY Central Committee representative On August 28, 1941, Dragan Pavlovich-Shilja submitted a report from Nish to the CPY Central Committee under the title "From Macedonia". This report, however, wasn't written on this date, or in Nish. This can be seen from the August 31, 1941 Politburo minutes in which it was written: "I) Macedonia: Shilje's (Dragan Pavlovich's) report has been accepted and a written report is also available." This report expanded on the accusations made against both Shatorov and the CPM Provincial Committee. Here is what was said in the report:

"/1941/ August, 28 Nish, 28.VIII. From Macedonia On the second day after arriving in Skopje, I met with the entire Provincial Committee (four members) (1). I earlier spoke with two members separately. One (a female friend) (2) immediately accepted "Father's" (3) decision with approval. The second (4) did the same after some hesitation. However, at the meeting where I read the letter, he and two others refused to accept the decision. They were motivated by the fact that they were now answering to the Bulgarian

"Father" (5).

Clarification: The numbers indicate the following:

(1). Metodija Shatorov, Pero Ivanovski, Kotse Stojanovski and Mara Natseva,

(2). Mara Natseva.

(3). CPY Central Committee.

(4). Pero Ivanovski.

(5). Communist Party of Bulgaria Central Committee.

They also didn't recognize their inactivity or accept the "old Bulgarian's" (6) mistakes. They believed that "Father's" decision was made based on the slander and lies of one man.

I told them that I was suspending them in the name of the "Father".

Of course, they didn't accept that either. They took a very hostile and sarcastic attitude towards "Father", especially the old Bulgarian who, everywhere and in front of everyone, said that "Father" was an Anglophile who supported a dictatorship of individuals, like a man with a golden ring (7), etc. Regarding the expulsion, he said that this was a dirty thing to do and that the Intelligence Service was involved in it (8). They called me and the comrades who waged the fiercest fight against the Provincial Committee factionalists and saboteurs...

In the days I was there I spoke with some friends who fully agree with "Father's" decision but wanted the question to which Party the Macedonian organization belongs to be resolved as soon as possible.

Many now think that they belong to Bulgaria (9). Many good friends will only follow discipline and go with the Provincial Committee.

The way we are going, that is, fighting against the Provincial Committee, some consider our actions artificial and factional. This turned out to be absolutely true. That's why I immediately sent our friend L (10), who came with me to Macedonia, to Sofia. I also sent a friend (11) to the province to get in touch with and talk to the local organizations.

Clarification: The numbers indicate the following:

(6). Metodia Shatorov.

(7). Refers to Josip Broz-Tito.

(8). British News Service.

(9). Refers to the Bulgarian Workers' Party (Communist Party of Bulgaria).

(10). Lazar Kolishevski.

(11) Strasho Pindzhur.

I also wrote a pamphlet (12) for all the organizations and members of the Party to read. This is what I said in the pamphlet: "Today's situation, i.e., the attack on the Soviet Union and the tasks set before all communist organizations in connection with it, have prompted struggles to take place in all occupied countries including all the Yugoslav provinces, except in Macedonia. No activities are taking place in Macedonia. The fault lies with the Provincial Committee.

"Father's" decisions are being excluded by those persons responsible for the Provincial Committee (13). The position taken by the Provincial Committee after that decision prompted the question, which Party will the Macedonian organization join. But this question is not central or important and will be solved in a brotherly manner by the two "Fathers". What is important is the Provincial Committee's inactivity, its mistakes and the saboteur and counter-revolutionary attitude it has taken. I end with a call to immediately start preparations to execute the tasks assigned to you." Some organizations fully accepted the decision, while some hesitated or completely rejected it.

On August 17, 1941, the Provincial Committee convened a provincial conference which was also attended by a delegate representing the Bulgarian "Father" (14). I was prevented from seeing him before the conference. Only after was I able to talk to him and only for 45 minutes because he immediately went back. I laid out the whole case to him, emphasizing the especially criminal inaction at this point. He told me that Comrade Dimitrov (15) had approved the joining of the Macedonian organization to the Bulgarian party.

Clarification: The numbers indicate the following:

(12). The editorial office doesn't have the pamphlet.

(13). It refers to Metodija Shatorov, then CPY Central Committee secretary for Macedonia.

(14). Petar Bogdanov.

(15). Gjorgi.

Then, to my great surprise, the Bulgarian delegate saw no inactions and mistakes made by the "old Bulgarian" (except for the decision to hand over the weapons, and he didn't seem to consider that a big mistake either). He said that the Bulgarian "Father" and "Grandfather" (16) know the "old Bulgarian" very well and have confidence in him.

The Bulgarian delegate thinks the leadership should remain unchanged. He believes that our "Father's" decision was too harsh and that it was made without verifying the charges against the "old Bulgarian". Because of this, I am forced to agree that the fighting must stop at the field level and the entire case must be passed on to the "fathers" and the "grandfather" to find a solution. Three days later my friend whom I sent to Sofia (17) came back. He met with the Bulgarian "Father" (18) who told him roughly the same thing the Bulgarian delegate had told me.

I had to leave Macedonia under these circumstances. I believe this issue should be clarified as soon as possible directly between the "fathers" from Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, in other words, an all Slavic Congress should take place to address certain issues related to the situation in the Balkans. This Congress should be arranged to take place in Macedonia (19).

Comrade Lazar should be included as well as two or three more comrades and maybe our female comrade from the Central Committee. Comrade Lazar and his friend are looking for an answer as soon as possible of whether they should go to Serbia or stay in Macedonia.

Please note that, three days after my arrival I sent my report through Vranje (20) but due to the sudden multiple arrests taking place in Vranj e and the termination of the connection with Leskovats, the report didn't arrive at its destination. I found this out when I was in Leskovats.

Clarification: The numbers indicate the following:

(16). Communist International.

(17). Lazar Kolishevski.

(18). Tsola Dragojcheva, member of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) Central Committee.

(19). No such meeting was held between the representatives of the CPY Central Committee and the BCP Central Committee in 1941.

20. The editorial office doesn't have the report.

Initially I thought you received it. But later I found it very difficult to send a courier.

Regarding the tasks the Provincial Committee was expected to carry out, I was able to briefly check and determined the following:

1. All sectors were inactive.

2. There was almost no control or an inspection carried out by the Provincial Committee as well as no help was provided to the local organizations.

3. Ruined machinery was found (when the occupying troops arrived the printing press was thrown outside where it rusted and was ruined. It is still outside).

4. The decision to surrender and not collect weapons caused enormous damage to the Party.

5. Many organizations were dissatisfied with the Provincial Committee's performance.

6. The Provincial Committee wasn't aware of its organizational state and strength (for example, the case of the demonstrations in Skopje)

(21).

In addition there were a series of minor errors made which included omissions, irregularities, conspiracy violations, lack of discipline, sloppiness, etc. 144 D. 22" Explanation: The numbers indicate the following:

(2 1) Refers to the attempt to organize demonstrations on August 2,

1941 in Skopje.

Dragan Pavlovich According to the remarks made by Tito in September 1941 in book 7, the Comintern made its decision on this issue towards the end of August 1941. This is what was said:

144 Sources, volume I, book 1, pp. 34-37.

"The Comintern didn't respond to Tito's question on whether it had approved the Macedonian party organization's attachment to the Bulgarian Workers' Party (communists). However, when D.

Pavlovich from the CPY Central Committee first arrived in Skopje, the CPY Provincial Committee for Macedonia received information from the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Workers' Party that the Comintern sent word to the Bulgarian leadership in August.

Today's letter reads: "Macedonia should be with Yugoslavia for practical and expedient reasons. The main struggle is now being waged against the German and Italian occupiers and their agents.

Now it is mainly developing on Yugoslav territory under the leadership of Yugoslavia. Serbian Macedonia should become the base of this movement in order to disorganize the German and Italian rear in the Balkans." The Comintern leadership further recommended close cooperation between the CPY and the Bulgarian Labor Party on Macedonian soil and that both parties "take a stand for self-determination of the Macedonian people".

As to what to do about Macedonia, a question asked by the Bulgarian Workers' Party Central Committee, given the situation that occurred in the Macedonian Party Organization in July and August and the decisive action the CPY Central Committee took, the Comintem gave an answer. The answer in text form, however, was recorded to having been received by Tito in October 1941. ' 45 The Comintern had already made its decision before it received the telegram from Tito sent on September 4, 1941. According to the CPB Central Committee the decision was made at the end of August. This means that the Comintern had made its decision independently of Tito's intervention. Why then did the Comintern change its position regarding this decision? One possible reason could be because of the agreement signed in Moscow on July 12, 1941 between the USSR and England for a joint war against Germany. It must have been decided not to recognize the borders set by Germany in Europe and the Balkans, and according to the Comintem's one state one party rule, the parties decided to act within their previous borders and therefore the CPM in "Serbian Macedonia" had to remain with the CPY.

145 Tito's collected Works, book 7, p. 297.

Metodija Shatorov received the Comintern's decision through the CPB which he then delivered to the CPY Central Committee with the following letter:

"Letter From: Metodija Shatorov, Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia Provincial Committee for Macedonia To: the Communist Party of Yugoslavia Central Committee I am sending you this letter in its original form. It seems a mistake was made. The first letter in the letters B.C. should be P.C. We have always promptly notified our Organizations of the Comintern's decision and the Provincial Committee's consent. We await your instructions and welcome your representative. We are ready to act which can be done in a short time. Personally, I am asking to be allowed to join a partisan movement. As for the mistakes, I admit the one about "Soviet Macedonia", which we corrected with Bulgarian help. As for the other mistakes, like the one about the weapons or the one about organizational issues, I do not admit to.

Until we made ties with the BCP, I always followed your directives exactly. The abnormalities began to occur after that. 146 With communist greetings, For the Provincial Committee, Sharlo" 146 Sources, vol. I, book 1, p. 38.