CHAPTER TWO - Part 02

I then called a special meeting with the unit commanders and commissars. Our Party, I said to them, is in support of an armed struggle against the occupiers. And in the name of the Party, we are forbidden from taking part in this struggle. Our volunteers who came to join our units were sent back to their villages. They (the Party) have disbanded SNOF in Lerin and Kostur Region and they were ready to disarm and dissolve our battalion. They have suppressed the Macedonian national liberation movement. This is a policy of discrimination and suppression, an anti-Macedonian and anti-Party policy. This is apparently being done by provocateurs. We withdrew here in this part of Macedonia in protest and to resist. So, for the time being, with help from Tito’s Macedonian Army, we will continue the struggle against the occupiers here. This is the only way we can safeguard our Macedonian battalion without bloodshed. Let the central party leadership consider our case. We believe the provocateurs will be exposed! And so on, in that spirit...

I then sent them to gather their fighters and bring them to the churchyard.

The fighters listened attentively while I told them what I had told the officers and finished my talk as follows:

We will expose the provocateurs in the ranks of the Party. Long live the Party. Long live the name Macedonia…!

The fighters were happy with the news and valiantly approved…

12. Three spies

As I looked through the crowd of fighters I noticed some sort of violent and artificial austerity visible in three of the battalion commanders. 1) Georgios Kondilis, unit commander; 2) Nikos Kantardzhis, unit commissar; and 3) Sotirios... (I forgot his surname), member of the headquarters.

These three were sent to us by Petros (Hristos Moshos) from ELAS X Division to help with the reinforcement of the battalion. Clearly, they were Petros’s eyes and ears, that is, they worked for the Bureau at X division headquarters. I decided to let them see for themselves that we had nothing to hide. We demanded equality from them and we made our demands publicly. So it was only fair that we granted them the same. I appointed them to important but harmless command posts where they could not reject any of our young revolutionaries who strove to find themselves in the ranks of the battalion. But they could still pose danger in the new situation. EAM, CPG and ELAS provocateurs, through them could try to speculate, with a vague and problematic perspective, what the battalion was doing outside of Greece. And they did… But with others… with much smaller caliber… their agents...

Their agents worked against us spreading negative thoughts to our fighters: “Where have you gone…! Goche (Rakovski) sold you out to strangers. You will die for someone else’s interests, as traitors. Goche is a traitor…!” And so on…

They tried to influence the fighters in the battalion with these and similar slogans but they were not effective because their agents were not influential fighters and, in time, I removed them from their posts. I called them in and “secretly” sent them back to Karadzhova with a “special task”. I told them to inform the people of our battalion’s “historical maneuver” so that they could “raise the morale” in the Macedonian villages. I then asked them to come back here about ten days later. I gave them fifty leaflets each to distribute. So, I got rid of them painlessly...

And as I was sure, they did not return. I did not hear from them or about them for decades. Only recently I found out what happened to them. They immediately went back to report to those who sent them to the battalion and... they were arrested. When those in Greek command found out that they had come from across the border and that Goche himself had sent them back, they arrested them. And as to why the battalion defected? They said nothing. They were charged for being part of the defection and suffered as if they were Goche’s people who “sold out to the Serbians”. And from how it looks, it appears that Sotir or Sotirios, as leader of this “group of spies”, paid with his own head. He was gone and never heard of again… Georgios Kondilis on the other hand is still alive and, I believe, lives in Poland. A few years ago Nikos Kantardzhis moved to Skopje and now calls himself Kole Kantardziev. He came to possess an apartment and a high paying job incredibly fast and easy. He lived comfortably until recently when he died. Meanwhile, back in the village, Rochko informed me that everything was prepared for the battalion to be accepted and placed on rest in Batasha. We arrived there in the afternoon and organized the fighters to stay in the various houses.

Dzhodzho caught up with us and joined us there.

The next day, Lefteris Foundoulakis, Dzhodzho’s “military assistant”, arrived in the camp and saw that it was empty. He found out what had happened after the “sick” fighters caught up with him. After that he insisted and begged us to bring him with us and give him his old position...

We explained to him that we had nothing against him. But, at the same time, he could not be in command of Macedonian fighters. Even though he was one of those rare communists among us, we could not accept him. He had no psychological link to the vast majority of our fighters, which was understandable, because he belonged to the oppressive nation. He was... like an English officer who was appointed by the colonial authorities, commander of the Hindu soldiers. Like before, even now, after the clash with the people who appointed him here, his presence had specific meaning. We asked him if this was clear to him…

Lefteris Foundoulakis nodded his head. It was clear to him. Then, with a heavy heart, he climbed on his horse and left. After that things did not go well for him. He was a commander who had “lost” the confidence of his soldiers...

13. Dzhodzho Urdov’s sins

Barba Nikos (Takis Papadopoulos), Secretary of the Voden Party District Committee arrived here in the afternoon of the same day. He brought with him Kiriakos, Karadzhova District Committee secretary, known for being a violent killer. He was responsible for murdering many people. His motto was: “Shoot first then ask questions…” There was another person with them.

They asked for Dzhodzho.

Dzhodzho came out and welcomed them. They requested a private audience with him and went inside a house to discuss the return of the battalion.

I was terribly anxious. I was amazed and shaken by Dzhodzho’s attitude. He completely ignored me...

He told me this was what the Greek comrades wanted and there was no need for me to know what was said between them…

Dzhodzho reverted back to his old self being accustomed to obedience and doing things without thinking...

This happened on October 14, 1944 and reminded me of something very sad and bitter that took place just a couple of weeks after the Macedonian battalion was formed in Voden Region, when the CPG, with quick action on the part of ELAS XXX Regiment in the Voden Region Macedonian villages, on the night between June 26 and 27, 1944, arrested many Macedonian villagers accused of possessing hidden weapons. Included among the villages attacked were Zhervi, Chegan, Rusilovo, Drushka, Gugovo, Nisia, Teovo, Vladovo and Mesimer. Most of these villages were organized by the resistance movement, especially Chegan, Zhervi, Rusilovo, Drusko, Teovo, Vladovo, which were organized 100 per cent by the Resistance

movement, and there was no doubt that there was anything suspicious going on, especially hidden weapons. Nevertheless, these people, most of whom were partisans, communists, members of the CPG, were taken hostage and many liquidated. Included among those liquidated were; Dimitar Leska from the village Chegan, an old communist who spent many years in the infamous Akronavlia prison, and Gele Popov, an old communist from the village Vladovo.

A small number of those captured and taken hostage were released.

According to Todor Simovski-Laki, former leader of the youth, in the above-mentioned villages in Voden Region: “The only thing that these people were guilty of is that they were Macedonians. They were primarily communists but felt more Macedonian than the CPG could tolerate.” I also learned the following from Simovski: During their last interrogation (torture) the Party made these people a promise that it would liquidate them to the last one… meaning it would liquidate the entire Macedonian battalion. One obvious thing that Dzhodzho could not see or perhaps did not want to see in all this was that the CPG wanted to discredit the battalion’s leaders in front of the Macedonian population, in addition to the “medical commission” turning back volunteers, it wanted to “completely” stop all volunteers from joining the battalion. There was even more… The CPG was sowing suspicion and distrust in the resistance movement in general, and thus minimizing the development of the Macedonian national liberation movement in comparison to the development in the democratic forces in Greece. Think about it… Because of what Dzhodzho said and did our Macedonian battalion was accused of torturing and liquidating respectable and patriotic Macedonians who were also old and loyal communists. Included among those we supposedly liquidated were Dimitar Leska and Gele Popov. We as leaders were made to look like a bunch of career-seeking political fools of the worst kind. I would never forgive Dzhodzho for what he did and if his “Greek friends” did not kill him I would have done it myself. (We will talk about him later, as we will show how his “Greek friends” took care of him and sent him to “swallow darkness”.)

While he was alive, Dzhodzho did not tell me a single word about his discussions with his “Greek friends”. Whatever he was told to do he did while he was in the hills of Mount Kaimakchalan and it was done within some of the people in his narrow circle. Obviously, he had to have received such a directive from the outside because no one knew anything about it while the entire battalion was being blackened and defamed. And it was no surprise that the volunteer fighters from these villages who joined the battalion could be counted on the fingers of one hand…!

But, towards the end, Dzhodzho left his obedience behind and began to think for himself. He must have realized that he could not pin the entire guilt on me for evacuating the battalion. After all he did lie and deceived Foundoulakis and then evacuated his own fiancé out of Supotsko. This proved that he was part of the conspiracy. He also did not believe the “guarantees” his “Greek friends” made him and refused to turn the battalion back. Otherwise, there is no doubt he would have done it... It is unpleasant to think what would have happened, even today four decades later, if the battalion had been turned back. In any case, it would have been very bad for everyone!

14. In Bitola

After several days of rest, the battalion began moving again and arrived in Prilep. I was summoned to go to the Macedonian NOV and POJ Headquarters where General Apostolski issued me twenty military trucks. The motorized column arrived in Bitola. Unbeknown to us at that time the Lerin and Kostur Region battalion had also arrived in the Republic of Macedonia. Fearing the danger of being disarmed and dissolved, all the Macedonian partisan groups and units in Lerin and Kostur Regions did the same thing as the Voden battalion and retreated to the Republic of Macedonia. I was informed that they too were pursued and attacked by ELAS Greek units. When we arrived from Voden Region they were already here.

Bitola was boiling with partisans.

Of course, we were not guests here. We were in our own free Macedonian state, a federal unit of Federal Democratic Yugoslavia. The People’s Republic of Macedonia state and Party leadership was

our leadership, we accepted it as ours… The reputation of the governing people here, as were Tito’s governing people, was enormous. We felt absolutely positive...

While we were still in Vatasha, Dzhodzho, with help from Rochko, came into contact with the Republic’s senior military and party officials. When he came back, with a bitter tone of voice, he said to me:

“You know what? It is not exactly what Rochko told us! But now...” waving his hand in circles, “there is no going back, so let it be what it will be…!”

But later, in Bitola, I saw him holding his head up high. We were both inducted together into the Political Commission for Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia. I, as a simple member, and Dzhodzho as a member of the Secretariat...

At that time, a unit of Macedonian volunteers from Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia arrived from Sofia. Then, during the first half of November 1944, the First Aegean Shock Brigade was formally created. Five battalions paraded in front of the Political Committee. I still have the photograph from Dzhodzho and I am saluting the battle flag at the tribute.

Ilo Dimovski-Gotse was Commander of the Brigade. Ilo was a working man and an old communist originally from the village Statitsa, but later lived in Lerin. Ilo was a good man with a big heart, smart, well aware of things and brave by nature.

Mihailo Keramidzhiev was Commissar of the Brigade and member of the Political Committee Secretariat. He was a low ranking officer from Kostur Region who kept his belt tight. His hair was always wrinkled. He had a strong voice and got excited when he spoke. When he spoke he clenched his fist and moved his right hand in wide sweeps. He was elected “national” adviser representing Kostur Region, as well as representing SNOF in the Greek national constitutional body - the National Council, but... without the right to speak. He was not allowed to speak.

Naum Peiov was Deputy Commander of the Brigade. He was a nice young man with clear blue eyes. His thoughts were clear and accurate. He spoke simply and without pomposity. He was decisive, sober, patient and persistent. He had a good ability to evaluate people and situations. He attended higher education but was unable to complete his schooling. He was also a member of the Political Committee Secretariat.

Vangel Aianovski-Oche was Deputy Commissar of the Brigade. Vangel was a factory worker from Voden and had a basic education. He had cunning, blue-green eyes and was constantly trying to see through the people he dealt with and read all kinds of meanings into their words and actions. He had a natural distrust… or perhaps that’s what life experience had taught him…? Or perhaps both... He was an experienced strike organizer. He organized many political and economic worker strikes in Voden.

Paskal Mitrevski was a lawyer with a practice in Kostur. He was always calm and dignified. He was capable of speaking in all the nuances: from suggestive, to gently whispering lies, to talking down, to pretend angry shouting... He was capable of talking about one thing while thinking about another thing. He had a huge talent for acting and a strong will. He was confident and brave. When he stood at the head of the Political Committee he made sure he stood above all. Everyone and everything, people and principles, had much significance as they could be used for his personal gains. That was his life motto. He was a chameleon and a lion and had much success with it…

Georgi Urdov-Dzhodzho, having his own motto: “To succeed, always hold onto the one who is ahead of you…!” soon became Mitrevski’s right-hand man.

Initially the Political Committee Secretariat consisted of seven members. The first four I already mentioned and the other three were Georgi Turundzhov, Naum Shupurkovski-Leon, both from Lerin Region, and a man named Ashlakov from the Macedonians who came to Sofia. But soon afterwards four of them disappeared and the Secretariat was left with Mitrevski, Keramidzhiev and Dzhodzho.

Several months later the Political Committee was disbanded. After some campaigning in the Western part of the Republic of Macedonia, including Kichevo, Gostivar and Debar, assisting in clearing the terrain of Balists (Albanian bands loyal to the Nazis), the Shock Brigade was also disbanded and the fighters demobilized. Resolving the issue of democratic rights, that is, the right to self-determination for the Macedonian people from Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia, was postponed to when times became more favourable...