Chapter four – Painful memories - black chronicles - Part 04

They were broken people with a broken backbone. A huge number of Ilinden followers were molded into becoming obedient CPG members. These people were all humble rebels from good Macedonian families but then they fell prey to strangers who turned them against each other...

It almost seems like hatred in us is inherited and passed on from generation to generation - even when we become wanderers. The blood that we spilled during that time was not for us, it was for the high officials and cronies who wanted to remain in power. We Macedonians were psychologically separated from one another; we couldn’t even marry a girl from a family on the opposite side.

In the years after Macedonia was divided we Macedonians, it seems, learned to manipulate the power of speech and the power of silence…”

Krapov looked at me sternly and said: “Allow me to tell you a little secret. It was Greek and English cleverness that divided the Macedonian population in Greek occupied Macedonia during the Second World War and turned it into a hostage of foreign megalomaniac interests and objectives.

a) EAM supporters organized SNOF. After SNOF was liquidated these same supporters showed great sympathy for the Yugoslav partisans. SNOF was essentially created to appeal to the radical

elements in the Macedonian leadership, who had tight contact with Vardar Macedonia, and

b) The villages that accepted weapons from the Italians, locally known as rebel villages, were very much aware of Pan-Slavism; a very real concept to the Macedonian population in that region.

And thus members of SNOF were allowed to enter the rebel villages and were convinced that they could persuade the rebels to join SNOB, the military wing of SNOF. Tito’s partisans too were allowed to enter rebels villages, and quite freely, because of Tito’s liberal attitude towards the Macedonians. ELAS Macedonian units, on the other hand, for as long as it led a strictly nationalistic policy, were always commanded by Greeks. There was always fear of a Macedonian insurrection and the Greeks were always prepared to quell it. Some Macedonians calling for the return of Solun surely must have caused outrage amongst many Greeks. The result would ultimately have been a bloody war from which nothing good could have come out.

There was also great criticism handed down by the CPG Regional Secretaries of Macedonia – Northern Greece at the CPG Central Committee Plenum. These criticisms were all about the formation of the Kostur Rebel Bands and how these enemies of the Greek people were allowed to escape their control. Greece likes to keep tight control of the Macedonians but given that the region was occupied, according to Greek accounts, ‘the Macedonians allegedly ‘used the moment to arm themselves’ and realize their filthy purposes’. The Greeks also alleged that ‘the Macedonian people in that region ‘connected’ much better with the alien occupiers and become much closer to them than they did to us communists. They see us communists as the enemy of the Slav-Macedonian nation and the Slavic world’. The news about this even reached the top of the Kremlin.

‘Now our task as a Party is to be vigilant, to give them our attention and to show them that we care, because if we don’t we could create a world problem out of nothing’.

Slavo-Macedonian communists, sons of well-known anti-Macedonian fighters and good loyal patriotic Greeks, were invited to mingle with the top Greek communist leadership at the Plenum and were told: ‘Okay, let the rebels carry on with their hopes, we have the Slavo-Macedonians who are loyal to the Party and to the ranks of ELAS. You are now exclusively responsible for the tasks that we are about to give you and you and the Slavo-Macedonians in the ranks of ELAS are to carry them out to their fullest.’

When they attended a counseling session with Markos Vafiadis and the Party Secretary they came to the following agreement:

a) The Slavo-Macedonians are given the right to form Slavo-Macedonian army units from within the ELAS structure.

b) The Slavo-Macedonians who are members of EAM are allowed to form their own organization to which they shall belong exclusively. Their organization shall be called SNOF (Slavo-Macedonian National Liberation Front).

The Greek communists created this process to initiate the liquidation of the Macedonian rebel bands and to fight against all enemies including everyone who wanted a ‘United Macedonia’. And thus began the downhill slide of Macedonian fighting against Macedonian.

The lies worked well because in no time the Kostur village rebels disappeared. One day they were gathered in a camp on Mount Vicho and held captive. They were tormented. Some had scratches on their faces, some were bandaged and many had wounds with dried blood on them and no one seemed to know why. Some were stripped down to their underwear, others were barefoot and of course everyone was hungry and frightened. They were all afraid to say anything or to do anything because they knew there was a knife waiting for them. The Andartes carried big knives and they did not hesitate to use them. Rebels were disappearing day and night. Three hundred rebels were killed in group executions and hundreds more were hunted down in the mountains like animals. ELAS executioners were ordered to shoot the rebels in the head to be sure they were dead. Some,

however, survived to tell their stories. They survived by hiding under the dead bodies of their comrades.

There should be no doubt in anyone’s mind that these Greek lies caused much anger and that anger was directed against us – Macedonians hating Macedonians. Outside of setting the bait to liquidate the rebels, these lies were also responsible for killing all hopes and dreams of achieving a United Macedonia.

A radiograph marked EP 162 Paiak was sent by Hristos Moshos to a group of ELAS divisions in Greek occupied Macedonia, which reported the ELAS desertions and the Voden Battalion crossing the Greek-Yugoslav border into the Vardar part of Macedonia. Among other things the radiograph said:

‘EP 162 Paiak, very urgent

To: ELAS group of divisions from Macedonia.

On October 14, 1944 the Slav-Macedonian partisans unit, Voden Battalion of Kaimakchalan, fled to Serbia (Vardar Macedonia) without our knowledge. We sent a delegation to Serbian Macedonia to negotiate its return. We believe it was seduced by Macedonian Partisan staff.

October 17, 1944. Petros (Hristos Moshos)’

In mid-September 1944, the Macedonian political and military leadership (from Vardar Macedonia) took serious measures to liberate and unify Macedonia in accordance with the First Sitting of ASNOM.

On September 23, 1944, NOV and POM General Headquarters sent directives to the commanders of the Lerin, Kostur and Voden battalions with the following orders:

‘Conduct a wide recruitment of fighters from among the Macedonian population. They will receive armaments, ammunition and other military materials from NOV and POM General

Headquarters. Prepare for operations against the Germans in the Aegean part of Macedonia and Greece in which NOV and POM units will also participate.’

After several days of recruitment, the Lerin - Kostur battalion swelled up to 1,500 soldiers and officers, and the Voden battalion grew to 575 soldiers and officers. But at the same time, fearing that all these Macedonian battalions would attack Solun, the CPG and ELAS tried to disband them. The Greek communists alleged that they had information that the battalions were preparing to attack Solun.

Because of this CPG and CPY relations were again strained. On October 4, 1944 Svetozar Vukmanovik - Tempo informed the top military leadership and POJ that the Macedonian units within ELAS refused to disband and that they wanted to shift to the Vardar part of Macedonia. During the nights of October 4 and 5, and October 14, the battalions transferred over to Vardar Macedonia.

And how did ELAS react to this? Let me tell you that the ‘Vicho’ squad commissar sat there bloated and silent. It seemed like poison was running through his veins and he felt hatred like he had never felt before. This person was a loner, cruel and bull-headed. He never had any sympathy for anyone and looked like he had a dark side to him. He kept his mouth shut but constantly moved his lips. He looked at me with a sharp look and said: ‘Captain Markos will retaliate and if he catches them he will liquidate them all. They deserve to be tried for treason’. He then tightened his lips and in a stern tone of voice said: ‘The Slavophones should know that we Greeks decide what happens to them, and not they!’

I said to the commissar: ‘In other words, Markos does not recognize and does not want to know that this struggle is about rights. There is not even a trace of rights for the occupied here, is there? No trace of self-determination, no trace of minority rights and no trace of equality.’

The commissar kept opening and closing his mouth, unable to hold back his anger and as soon as I finished talking he opened his eyes wide, like saucers, and blurted out the words:

‘What do you think? They left properly? They broke their pledge, their commitment to the CPG and to ELAS. They even broke their oath to ELAS! (I swear that I will fight to the last drop of my blood for the complete liberation, stability and independence of Greece. I will fight to preserve the integrity of the Greek people and the establishment of order and basic human rights. For this purpose I will strive to fulfill the orders of PEEA (Political Committee of National Liberation of Greece) by performing due diligence and demonstrating discipline. I will follow orders and instructions from my superiors and I will avoid every process that may turn me into a traitor against the Greek people.)’

I then turned towards him, looked him in the eye and said: ‘What are you telling me Commissar, that the CPG is not happy with the way the Macedonian people are behaving? How are they expected to behave when communists such as yourself care nothing about them. I recognized that a long time ago. The question from the Macedonians to you is entirely another matter. You know what I would say to those who left? I would say to them ‘your homeland, property and family should be your highest priority, your most precious thing in life. Your family and homeland should be your first concern from birth to death! You need your homeland like you need water in the desert or otherwise your homeland will turn to desert. That’s what I would say to them. So, why did Chakalaro and the others leave? I have no idea!’

The commissar then turned to me and said: ‘They left because they were Fascist collaborators. They collaborated with the Italians and Bulgarians…’

I looked at him strangely and thought to myself: ‘What the hell is he talking about? He is not interested in anything except to liquidate us and will use any excuse, even lies, to achieve his objective. Any time we take a step in a different direction they want to chop our heads off… Everything is turning upside down. And what exactly will the rest of us, those who have remained in the ranks of ELAS and the CPG, do?’

After the commissar made a comment like that, I did not have any desire to tell him the truth as to why my friends went to Tito’s army. But between you and me, they left because they were angry; angry at the way we Macedonians were treated by the CPG and ELAS and the injustices and humiliation we suffered in their hands.

All I could muster to say was: ‘You are blinded by Greek chauvinism and think of primitive ways… you are full of wild ideas. The people who you call collaborators never cooperated with the Italians or Bulgarians. In fact they did the opposite, they protested against the Treaty of Plaka, signed on February 29, 1944, which was an extension to the talks between the CPG and EAM on the one hand and the civil parties and the Greek government in exile on the other, for full political unity in Greece. Among other things it was the CPG which made concessions when it disbanded SNOF and SOV in April 1944. This CPG action was the primary cause for this group of fighters and activists, led by Naum Peiov – Chakalaro, to leave ELAS on May 6, 1944. The reason for this lay primarily in the measures taken by the Greek government to bring national unity without any prospects of resolving the Macedonian question.’

Another man, commander Athanatos, an Asia Minor colonist, who was listening to our conversation turned to me and asked: ‘Is that why you think they left our ranks?’

I looked the Commander in the eye and said: ‘Precisely because of that. As things are progressing for you, we Macedonians see ourselves returning to the Metaxas era, to the situation before the war. Our unreserved trust in the CPG has been disappointing to say the least. The future for us Macedonians living in Greece does not look bright, but my unwavering attitude is for us to stay here where our roots are. Unfortunately in the situation that we now find ourselves, in spite of our loyalty, we feel like orphans living among step-parents.’

One morning while listening to Radio London we heard a report given by Captain Evans, Patrick Hutchison. The broadcast was devoted to the Macedonian Liberation Movement in Lerin and Kostur Regions, which, among other things highlighted the situation that had taken place. In part the broadcast said:

‘In October 1944, Gotse (Ilia Dimovski), as Kapetanions and practically commander of the 2nd ELAS Battalion of the ELAS 28th Regiment, was ordered to leave Mount Vermion (Durla) but his reply was a flat “no”. “We are Macedonians,” he said, “and our place is in Macedonia”, but I believe Vermion is less Slavic than the Vitsi area where Gotse’s battalion was stationed at the time and where he first expanded it. Vitsi is also Gotse’s birthplace. Gotse then left for Prespa and later for Monastiri (Bitola), taking his battalion with him.

Gotse’s battalion was joined by Chakalaro (Naum Peiov), commander of the “Lazo Trpovski” unit. Chakalaro fought against the Andartes with weapons captured from the Germans. His aim was to create an independent Macedonia, not a greater Bulgaria. He probably had and still has great influence in the countryside near his village Gabresh. His unit was attacked and dispersed by ELAS units in midsummer.’

It was also emphasized that Peiov was a communist even before the war and that he was disappointed by the attitude of the CPG and ELAS towards the Macedonian question. He and a group of people, his comrades in arms, left for Prespa in May. There they visited NOV and NOM General Headquarters at the village Sulin and asked if Macedonians in the ranks of ELAS could join the ranks of Tito’s army. They were well received by Deian who was then reprimanded by Tito for accepting fighters belonging to ELAS. Peiov was released from Tito’s partisans and sent back to ELAS, some say Tito personally gave him amnesty and placed him in Gotse’s battalion. Then, when Gotse revolted in October, Peiov joined him and gave him his support until they reached Bitola.

October 17, 1944.

It didn’t take us too long after that to realize that we had made a mistake. Without saying a word and just by looking at one another we, the people of Kostur, knew that we had made a big mistake by leaving our homeland, the country of our birth, an act for which God would never forgive us.

That night all that the people of Kostur did was talk about the Greeks and what they had done to us all those years, how bad things had happened to us, how the Andartes abused, slaughtered, looted and frightened our people. The worst thing about the Andartes was their raw anger towards us. No one could explain why they were so angry at us. They were Christians, that we knew, and seemed to be poor from the clothes they wore but each one of them carried a pouch full of coins hanging from their necks. From what we were told, most of the Andartes came from the Greek dry islands. They were led by Pavlos Melas and the bishop Karavangelis. They came here while we were still under Ottoman rule,” concluded Krapov.

Krapov stopped talking but only for a moment to get his thoughts organized and then said: “This reminds me of what another person, a person known as the teacher, had said to me. He said: ‘The root of evil is sealed within us. Powerlessness is hidden within us. Our people, no matter where they are, they constantly bless and curse. Now, 55 years later, each one of us surely must know who is worthy of standing before God?’ That’s what he said to me!

The problem with us was that we went along with the foreigners and those insecure amongst us who promised us impossible things. They spun our heads around with their ideologies of how we were going to live in a global village while they Sovietized the Balkans. I don’t know if we all believed them but most of us went along for the ride, eating up their propaganda and thinking of living in an ideal time where the entire world was our homeland. We ignored the reality and conditions under which we were living and, for the life of it, we could not see what was happening to us, even in front of our noses. We tried to avoid the simple and indisputable facts even though they were present and weighing on us in the backs of our minds. Our priority was what the propaganda told us: ‘defend the communist ideology at any cost’ even if we had to forever lose our identity and ancestral homes. Our fate was ours and we needed to take it into our own hands because it is cruel when people don’t want to guide their own fate and, as our people have often said: ‘If you don’t guide your fate then fate will surely guide you!’

There were also those among us who, for a long time, preferred to lie than to tell the truth. For as long as people were not aware that

they were lied to, the lies continued to mount. And us such, stupidity, for example, became wisdom and betrayal became heroism. Some even enjoyed seeing their own people suffer, it was the highest form of ethical durability. The worst thing about this is that if you practiced lying and spreading illusions and then decided to stop, the very act of wanting to quit was considered treason. We had many Macedonians playing the role of God, causing much suffering while using worn out revolutionary phrases praising the past while leaving the future to chance. There were many who had sold their souls. These were people on whom we relied to guide us and these were the very same people who got us involved in the Greek Civil War. Regardless of where they were from, we became dogs because of them…” concluded Krapov.

* * *

Krapov remained silent for a long time while looking down at the ground. Then suddenly, without missing a beat, he said: “The Greeks were populating Macedonia with Asian colonists and settlers while we were emptying Macedonia of its Macedonians…!

After what happened in Kostur and Lerin Regions on October 10th, 1944, Tempo’s emissary Rochko from Vatasha arrived in Sarakinovo. The villagers welcomed him as if he was some kind of high official from that part of Macedonia, from behind Mount Kozhuv.

After Rochko arrived he met with Pavle Rakovski - Goche and Giorgi Urdov – Dzhodzho, heads of the battalion, and spoke to them carefully and diplomatically, being unsure how they were going to react.

Rochko said to them: ‘We are concerned about the fate of the Macedonian battalion and about our liberation movement in general. We know that your relationship with your fellow Greeks is not going well. They have openly taken the anti-Macedonian course and there is nothing in the Party line regarding equality. SNOF was disbanded and so were other Macedonian organizations. They have forbidden accepting new Macedonian volunteers into the Battalions

or the creation a Macedonian revolutionary military force. Any day now this battalion too will be disbanded.

Therefore I am here and empowered to bring you the following directives:

a) The battalion is to be placed under the command of the Macedonian NOV General Headquarters, which then will be called the 21st NOV Macedonian Liberation Brigade,

b) The battalion is to depart immediately and transfer to the territory of Vardar Macedonia, where it will be reorganized and rearmed,

c) The battalion, after it returns back to its own territory, is to organize a general uprising among the Macedonians...’

Dzhodzho looked Rochko straight in the eye and wondered nothing. He has no idea what to think in situations like this. He was indifferent to all those around him and did not want to even listen to what was said. Rackovski, on the other hand, shook his head from side to side. To Rochko who was watching carefully, Rakovski’s reaction could have meant only one thing – lack of trust!

Dzhodzho was an ambitious man but up until yesterday he took directives and blindly followed orders without thinking, which ironically elevated him to member of the Provincial Bureau for Macedonia and Thrace and Organizational Secretary of the CPG District Committee for Voden Region. He would not even take a single step without a directive. So, how was he going to secretly take an entire battalion over the border into Macedonia - the territory of another Party?

Perhaps that’s why Dzhodzho asked: ‘Why are you asking us to do this in secret? Revolutions are not carried out secretly?!’

Rochko not knowing how to answer the question suddenly went silent, which prompted Rakovski to speak. Rakovski said: ‘Let us look at the situation realistically Dzhodzho. If we are going to start a revolution, then let us start a revolution! How are we expected to conduct a revolution when we are told we can’t accept volunteers?!

Think about it! After we return we will be well armed and then we can carry out a general uprising! It will not take us more than a few days before we build up our forces to one or two brigades and possibly to an entire division. If we start a revolution our people will join us en masse and we will be able to block the restrictions of our provokers. We will be accepted and affirmed by the people... They dissolved SNOF and now they are preparing to dissolve our battalion and if they do, where we will be? Our people will be nowhere. Our people know that the Greek Communists don’t want to hear even a word about our rights. The same communists in the past said we did not exist. They can say the same now. Do you remember ten years ago during the CPG 5th Congress when there were enquiries about the Macedonian Question? Do you remember what they said? The Communist Party said there was no Macedonian national issue in Macedonia because apparently Macedonians did not exist as a distinct people.’

Dzhodzho looked at Rochko and said: ‘Comrade Rochko, now I would like to ask you another question. Please explain to me Yugoslavia’s policy regarding this, it has never been clear to me. I don’t understand how Metodi Shatorov – Sharlo’s supporters have now become Tito’s supporters? When earlier, together with Sharlo they were the real Macedonian option?

Vardar Macedonia is a small country and, even though it is recognized as a federal unit within Yugoslavia, it does not have its own sovereignty. Macedonia can not decide its own destiny. If Macedonia cannot have its own freedom and independence how then can it care for its brethren in the other parts of ethnic Macedonia? In fact you no longer support the idea of a United Macedonia. So, please tell me what happened to the people who were determined to fight for a United Macedonia?’

Rochko was silent on the matter and lit a cigarette.

Dzhodzho continued: ‘You really don’t know, do you? It looks to me like you can’t even face up to the truth and admit that those Macedonians who wanted a United Macedonia have been liquidated! Am I right?

Now you have the nerve to talk to us about our determination: to which Party we Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia should belong, to the CPG or to the CPY? Or should we belong to no one!?

Our dilemma is not harmonious, it is resolute and each Macedonian in Greek occupied Macedonia will have to face it and answer to it. But before there is an answer a decision has to be made because life is nothing more than a series of decisions…’ concluded Dzhodzho.

Rochko at this point looked at Dzhodzho and said: ‘Don’t make an issue out of your suspicions. All those questions you have asked, at this crucial moment, are not important. All approaches have been considered and it is believed that Macedonia can be freed from its slavery. But Macedonia can’t do it alone because it is small and powerless, it will need help. Yugoslavia has made that assessment and guarantees that Macedonia alone can not fight for its freedom’.

Dzhodzho’s reply to that was: ‘I can’t really stomach what you are saying Rochko. Yes, I understand you are trying to convince us, but we Macedonians under Greece should realize that we are citizens of Greece and this is where our roots are, we would not want to be treated as foreigners. If we leave we will give the Greeks a reason to drive us out of our native homes.

You know exactly what Stalin said about revolutionaries: “NELEZJA ZABLUZHDATSJA!”’

Rakovski cut in and said: ‘Are we going to be revolutionaries and show them that we are here and behind Kozhuv and Kajmakchalan Mountains and that we are the same people or are we going to be despondent, fearful of our provocateurs and commit treason against our own people?!’

To that Dzhodzho replied: ‘You did not understand me... Why are you telling me all this? I am not going to keep quiet; I want to ask about everything… even if it is inappropriate. Do you understand what I am saying? It is important that I tell you this; the time for deciding without our consent is over! No one should be deciding for us, without our presence and without our consent! If we are going to

get hurt, let it be because of our own mistakes and not because of someone else’s decision.

If we run we will be guilty not only before our Macedonian eternal existence, culture and history but we will be guilty before God himself.

The mistakes that we are making today can be divided into three categories: military, political and moral, and the price for these mistakes will be paid for by thousands of Macedonians, and on top of that we will never be allowed to return to our homes!

There is also a truth that we must learn and never forget; nothing is decided in the Balkans without Great Power approval. Their word is the final word! The ones that gain the most are the ones who have Great Power support. The Greeks know that very well and that is why they have allied themselves with the English. We Macedonians, on the other hand, have allied ourselves with no one because we have learned nothing from history. We have no allies to look after our interests and we are not even a political or military factor. Every decision made about us, be it in Bucharest or Paris, every congress and peace conference held on our behalf was done without us. Now we are doing this again… we have allowed the Communist Parties to look after our interests and we are deciding whether to fight or run away…?

We are in a dilemma alright! A terrible dilemma. The truth is that our options are limited because people like us are rarely given the opportunity to decide for ourselves. I am not going to hesitate and say that we have bitten the ideological bait and our future has been strategically pre-planned. We have become victims of someone else’s interests in these political games played over us. This looks more like a political trap to me with every passing moment… So now we are being asked to kick the CPG where it hurts and look for our future in the CPY! Is that it?

That means that we fought and failed to gain our national rights, right here at home while fighting for the CPG and now we are being asked to do the same outside through the CPY? I am afraid my

friends that we will be walking into a trap set for us by strangers where we lose not just our freedom but everything...

I must say gentlemen that I am confident that by leaving our ancestral homes we are at risk of bringing about our own national demise. What kind of future will there be for us Macedonians from Greece? That I do not know…

However, only the politically naïve may think that this whole thing was not staged in the highest places – at our expense - to bring us harm.

We are leaving our birthplace. This means that we are taking a major step into the unknown… at least that’s how Macedonia’s history is going to describe the next step we are about to take...’

* * *

Headed by Rakovski and accompanied by Dzhodzho, the battalion left without any difficulties and sometime before noon arrived near the first village in Tikvesh Region on the other side of Mount Kozhuv.

The next day, all excited, Dzhodzho’s assistant in military affairs, a Greek named Lefteris Foundoulakis, arrived in Tikvesh. The day before Foundoulakis had wandered into the old camp and when he found it deserted he went looking for Dzhodzho, which brought him to Tikvesh.

Dzhodzho and the others told him that, although they had nothing against him, he could not remain with the Macedonians. The Greek nodded affirmatively and grudgingly climbed on his horse and took the road back.

When he arrived at ELAS General Headquarters Foundoulakis was not well received. He was looked down upon and treated like a commander who had just lost his unit or, in this case, did not prevent the withdrawal of a military unit.

After a few days of rest, the Macedonian battalion was transferred to the garrison in Bitola where it was joined by other Macedonian fighters who had deserted ELAS.

Of course here in Bitola they did not feel like guests, they felt as if they were at home in their own free country, they were a federal unit in Federal Democratic Yugoslavia. The Party and the State Leadership of the People’s Republic of Macedonia felt as if it was their leadership. They had enormous respect for Tito’s people and for the leadership in Bitola. They felt absolutely safe there.

Back in the village Vatasha, with Rochko’s help, Dzhodzho made contact with senior Yugoslav military and Party officials but was not happy about it. When he returned to the battalion he was very bitter and opened up to Rakovski and the others. He said: ‘Now I am going to tell you what I wanted to tell you before. What do I see? I see a division… yet another division of Aegean Macedonia. Why are Tempo and the others now meddling in our problems? As a Macedonian I feel belittled and I am ashamed because of that… When I stand in front of one of Tito’s army officers I feel like I am constricted, not by the officer but by Yugoslav policies. One time Tempo spoke of an independent United Macedonia, now he talks about a United Macedonia but under Yugoslavia. What next?

You know what? Not everything that Rochko told us was true! But now...’ said Dzhodzho, while shaking his head and waving his arm around, ‘what happens happens…!’

Dzhodzho, sad and emotional, went silent for a moment and then looked at Rakovski and said: ‘How do you think our story will end? I am not a prophet and can’t tell you exactly how it will end, but I can tell you it will end badly… It will end badly the way it started. Up to now we danced to the tune of the Greeks, now we will have to dance to the tune of the Yugoslavs. Not only did we do this to ourselves but we now have given the Greeks a real reason to pursue our demise. We also enabled the Greeks to go after us outside of Greece and, in some future time, destroy Vardar Macedonia because they now also see it as a threat.’

Unable to contain himself Rakovski said: ‘I can’t do anything now…’

While in Bitola both Rakovski and Dzhodzho were appointed members of the Political Commission for Aegean Macedonia. I too was appointed member of the bilateral Secretariat and, as I recall, Dzhodzho one time said to Rakovski: ‘Even though the leadership in Tito’s circles recognizes our sacrifices, I am not sure how Macedonian history is going to judge us for leaving our homes so easily. We quietly left our place of birth and boarded a ship to nowhere…’

Like Dzhodzho, there were many of us who had questions but no answers. Questions like: ‘Why did Tempo invite the Kostur, Lerin and Voden battalions to cross over into Yugoslavia?! What was his aim by doing that? Why displace these Macedonian people?’

Let me ask you this, according to logic who is a true advocate for human rights: the one who invokes International Law and justifies standing by while genocide is being committed against his people, or the one who endures life in his native hearth and is ready to stand up and fight for his rights?

Unfortunately Dzhodzho was afraid of saying anything that might put him in a bad situation because in those days if you disagreed with people too much you were either petty or a provocateur. And Dzhodzho did not want to be any of those things.

Now let us look at the military archives and see what the ‘Alien Gods’ had in order for us. Here is a summary of events:

October 4, 1944

According to radiograph number 35, sent by Svetozar Vukmanovich - Tempo to NOV and POJ General Headquarters, regarding the ‘incorrect attitudes and behaviours of the Greek resistance leadership’ towards the Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia:

‘The Greeks have again endeavoured to abuse the Macedonians in Greece. They are prohibiting the mobilization and arming of new soldiers into the Macedonian units. They are removing Macedonians from leadership positions and replacing them with Greeks. They are arresting officers, killing innocent people and banning Macedonian songs, including those about Tito.

Therefore we are advising Macedonians to move to our country so that they can avoid arrest and abuse. You will receive a number of Macedonian leaders and senior people with whom you will form a delegation, which will provide evidence material for the General Headquarters of Macedonia.

Signed, Tempo.’

* * *

October 5, 1944

Another radiograph, radiograph number 3, sent by Aleksandar Rankovich addressed to Svetozar Vukmanovich – Tempo, had orders to ‘not send’ Yugoslav NOV and POJ units to Aegean Macedonia. In part the radiograph said:

‘…for everyone not to send units to Greece. Gather specific information so that we can protest to representatives of Greece (ELAS General Headquarters and PEEA. Andreas Dzhimas was the Greek representative in Yugoslavia’s NOV.)’

* * *

October 6, 1944

Another radiograph, radiograph number 43, sent by Vukmanovich -Tempo to NOV and POJ General Headquarters, reported on the ELAS repression of Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia. In part the radiograph said:

‘Because of the resumption of mass terror by Greek partisans against the Macedonian units in Greece, we had considered the idea

of sending our units to Greece to fight against the Germans and to protect our population.

Signed, Tempo.’

* * *

Here is what Tempo said in his speech on November 7, 1944: ‘The Macedonian people, like any other nation in this world, have the right to self-determination and self-division.

No one has the right to interfere in that and to divide them without their consent. We gained that right after fighting in the war for three years, we earned our right. We, brother Macedonians, do not ask for more than what we deserve. We want to solve our own problems, decide our own fate and reap what we sowed, what we planted and watered with our own blood.

Death to Fascism - Freedom to the people!’

The above speech was delivered by General Tempo, Tito’s representative in Macedonia, during a rally held in Bitola on November 7, 1944, in honour of the Great Russian Revolution.

When I finished talking, the man called ‘the teacher’ was still looking at me so I asked him: ‘What do you think? Was Svetozar Vukmanovich - Tempo telling the truth and was he truly concerned about us Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia?’

Surprised, the teacher looked at me and said: ‘No! Tempo was from the old guard from Royal Yugoslavia and nothing more. He was a sly fellow who attempted to cover up historical scars. He had a specific role; first to lure our battalions across the border into Yugoslavia and then combine them into a brigade and make them fight against the Albanian Balisti. It was all premeditated! Had we stayed and had we continued to fight for the rights of the Macedonian people in Greece, we would have left a strong impression on the world and on the International Community that Macedonians do exist in Greece… Therefore we had to go… Unfortunately most of us at the time had forgotten what had been

done to us by these same people… and we again began to trust them. We again began to trust our troublesome neighbours who divided our country and attempted to annihilate us. And again we fell into their trap…

At that time the Macedonian nation was divided into four sovereign states, which had different political systems and all those states wanted more of Macedonia for themselves. They never did anything for us, whatever they did they did for their benefit; we were their brothers when they needed us and their worst enemies when they didn’t. This was the policy of neighbours no matter what kind of party or government was in power. Our fraternal friends the communists (CPB, CPY and CPG) were no different. When they needed us we were their brothers and when they did not need us we became their worst enemies. They were never inclined to support us as a Macedonian people let alone let us create an extended Macedonian state out of Macedonia’s territory. They each aggressively fought against us. We should recognize and always remember that it is our lands they want and not us. The goal of each of our occupiers has in essence remained unchanged since the day they occupied and divided our country in 1912, 1913. Their goal was and still is to dominate Macedonia and annex as much of its territory as possible. Our occupiers have never recovered from that ailment. This is why, even today, they will not hesitate to put us in precarious positions and wish us to disappear… self-destruct… We must always remember that… We must always remember what they have done to us and what they are capable of doing to us.

Everything I told you is rooted in our history and goes back to our distant past. Our problems and quarrels have been exploited and turned against us… against our very existence.

In all our being and in all our existence throughout history before Macedonia’s division, we never had a need to divide, relocate and quarrel amongst us like we do now. If we hadn’t been lied to so much and lured into this predicament, we, for the Greeks, would have been a reality whether they liked it or not and this devastation we are experiencing today would not have happened... But then again we made the same historic mistake of doing what the strangers wanted us to do...

Tempo confirmed this himself on October 16, 1945 during a campaign speech in Kumanovo when he was a candidate in Kumanovo District in opposition to all those who wanted a United Macedonia outside of Yugoslavia. In other words, a United Macedonia under the auspices of the great powers. Tempo labeled those people traitors. He said these people were the same people responsible for Bulgaria’s occupation of Macedonia in 1941 to 1944.

Today many historians have concluded that the Macedonian battalions, which included many strong Macedonian leaders and well-known communists, did not leave Greece because they rejected the Greek political Left, they left Greece because they wanted to force the CPG, EAM and ELAS to accept their national rights.

This is what the Lerin and Kostur battalion leaders said in a letter addressed to the EAM Central Committee and to ELAS General Headquarters: ‘We did not leave to become servants of fascism... we did not leave because we wanted to become enemies of the people... like you have labeled us... we left because we are Macedonian fighters, because we want to fight against fascism... in a fraternal antifascist struggle... and the many sacrifices we made, we want recognized... We want the demographic principles of our anti-fascist struggle, the national rights of our people and their freedoms recognized ... We want to be there, on our lands and fight alongside you, to assist you in your fight... united and fraternal. We are certain that ELAS and EAM... in the spirit of friendship ... will make the right decision.’

However it is necessary to emphasize that, with the formation of the political committee whose working meetings were chaired by Pekar and Minchev, as representatives of the CPM Central Committee and the First Aegean Macedonian Shock Brigade of the Aegean Macedonian National Liberation Movement, the fighters from Greek occupied Macedonia were organized into a brigade and placed in the NOV and PO composition of Macedonia in the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA), which in turn was placed under the leadership of the CPY.

In other words, Macedonian units from ELAS were accepted by the CPM / CPY. In fact NOD, the national liberation movement in this part of Macedonia, was passed on to the CPM / CPY leadership.

So there was no Macedonian factor there and everything was in line with CPY policy, which had a huge impact on the Macedonian communists in Vardar Macedonia... In other words, in this historical evolutionary process, the Macedonian movement was born with Yugoslav orientation: ‘No to a United and Independent Macedonia and yes to a unified Macedonia to include the Aegean and Pirin parts, but as part of Yugoslavia.’

In other words Vardar Macedonia was declared the ‘Piedmont’ in Macedonia’s unification under the Yugoslav composition. This idea then became a slogan for NOF (organized and established in 1945 by the CPM / CPY): ‘We are organizing the Macedonian people into a struggle to bridge the artificial chasm between Macedonians from all parts of Macedonia, especially with the people from the People’s Republic of Macedonia who are the “Piedmont” for the complete liberation and unification of all the Macedonian people,’ concluded the teacher.

Impressed by his depth of knowledge I curiously looked at the teacher and asked him: ‘So, you estimate this was all an intentionally perpetrated act? And to think that all those people believed the Yugoslav Communist Party propaganda and remained alienated all their lives?!’

The teacher turned to me and said: ‘Yes! But there were also those who were pushed by the situation to become even more Yugoslav than Tempo.

After the Macedonian battalions left Greece and went to Yugoslavia, EAM authorities, led by the CPG, started a strong propaganda campaign against those who fled and the reaction was tremendous to say the least. The Greek communists began to hunt down the families and close relatives of those who left and those caught were sent to special camps formerly used to lock up Greek nationalists and associates of the occupier.’